
Book a. — 2i^ 



/ 



HISTORY OF ILLINOIS, 



FROM 



1778 TO 1833; 



AND 



LIFE AND TIMES 

% ^ OF 

NINIAN EDWARDS. 






BY HIS SON, 

N INI AN W. Et) WARDS. 



SPKINGFIELU: 

PUBLISHED BY THE ILLINOIS STATE JOURNAL COMPANY. 
1870. 






K 



Entered according to act of Conijress, in the year one thonsand eight hinulrcd and seventy, liy 

NiNiAN W. Edwards, 
In tlie oflice of Ihe [librarian of Congress, at Washington. 



^M 



P'REFA.CE 



When I commenced this work, \t was to comply with the request of the 
Chicago Historical Society to prepare, lor publication, a memoir of the 
late Governor Ninian Edwards. To this request was ackled a desire of 
my In'othcrs to have a copy of his speeches, messages, and his extensive 
correspondence with many of the most eminent men of the country. 
Whilst I had no doubt that it would add much to the interest of the work, 
as simply a memoir of Governor Edwards, to make him the corresponding 
center, around which all the important historical facts may be grouped, 
yet, as such a course would have been very difficult and embarrassing to 
mc, I have concluded to make it more comprehensive by including, also, a 
history of the County, Territory and State of Illinois, from the ycfff 1778 
to the time of his death, in 1833. Satisfied that such a work would })c of • 
great interest, and of the highest importance for the historical facts it 
would contain, and that the character of the materials I had collected, 
with the numerous papers in my possession, were accurate and of great 
value, I submitted my manuscript to -the Chicago Historical Society, for 
their examination and approval, and expressed the desire that some one 
more competent should take my materials and rewrite the work. It was 
referred to a committee consisting of the Hon. M. Skinner and Hon. I. N. 
Arnold, with the Secretary, and in their report (which explains the 
character and object of the work) the following resolutions were, at a 
regular meeting of the Society, unanimously adopted : 

"Whereas Ninian W. Edwards, Esq., has submitted to this Society, 
for their examination and approval, a manuscript memoir, entitled 'A 
iMemoir of the Life and Times of the Hon. Ninian Edwards, first Governor 
of the Illinois Territory,' and the same has been examined with attention 
and care by a committee duly appointed for that purpose ; 



PREFAOf;. 



^^ Resolved, That this Society express their cordial and high estimation of 
the laborious, faithful and judicious manner in which Mr. Edwards has 
executed the Avork now submitted, and that, in their opinion — in the 
importance of the particular subjects treated by him, the full and authentic 
character of the materials collected by him for their illustration, with the 
numerous and extended details recovered by him and now first brought to 
the public attention — the work, viewed as a Ilistori/ of lU'nwls, may be 
regarded as in several respects the most important contribution yet made 
to the history of this State. 

"■Resolved., That the collected correspondence of the late Gov. Edwards, 
accompanying the above named memoir — including numerous letters I'rom 
William Wirt, John C. Calhoun, J. McLean, and other statesmen of emi- 
nent standing in the United States, hitherto unj»ublished — possess a high 
national interest, as connected with important events and movements in the 
history of our Federal Government, and are well worthy of publication, 
Avhilo adding in a material degree to the public estimation of Mr. Edwards' 
work. 

^' Iii'solved, That the Society's thanks are due and be returotd to Mr. 
Edwards, for the patriotic zeal and filial devotion with which he has 
engaged in this just tribute of honorable commemoration to the late Gov. 
Edwards, who, from his long-continued public service of the State of Illi- 
nois — both in the councils of the State and the Nation — merits an honored 
place in the esteem and gratitude of the people of this State." 

In communicating the above to me, the Secretary says he ''has the 
pleasure to state, that at the meeting at which the above was adopted, the 
warmest interest was expressed by gentlemen in the progress and desired 
success of the work — for whose satisfactory completion and successful issue 
the most cordial wishes were indulged;" and adds, "I may be allowed to 
state my individual impression of the very great value of the epitome of 
our early legislation, which will have a high degree of interest to strangers 
and be a desirable acquisition to our own citizens. Even as regards the 
sketch of the early history of the Territory, from the time of its organiza- 
tion by Virginia as a county, it appears to me a natural introduction to the 
main work, viewed, as you regard it, in the light of a historical sketch of 
the Territory and State, rather than a personal memoir." 

Another motive I have in its publication is, to correct the misrepresen- 
tation of Gov. Edwards' real sentiments on the subjects of slavery, the 
public lands, and other important measures. 

NINIAN W. EDWARPS. 

SrRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, 1870, 



PPiELIMINAliY CHAPTER. 

Organization of Illinois as a County of Viryinia — Letter of Instructions 
from Governor Patrick Ilenrij to .John Todd — Cession to the General 
Government — Actio)i of Congress — Ordinance rj/'1787: its general pro- 
visions. 

The territory of llliuuis was organized into a county, by the Legislature 
of Virginia, on the 12th of December, 1778, and John Todd was appointed 
Lieutenant-Commandant thereof, by Patrick Henry, then Governor of the 
State of Virginia. The following is a literal copy of the letter of appoint- 
ment and instructions to John Todd from Governor Henry : 

WlLLIAMSBCRGH, Dcc. 12, 17*78. 
To Mu. John Todd, Esq. 

By virtue of the act of General Assembly which establishes the county of Illinois, 
you are appointed County Lieutenant-Commandant there, and for the general tenor 
of your conduct I refer you to the law. 

The grand objects wliich are disclosed to your countrymen will prove beneficial, or 
otherwise, according to the nature and abilities of those who are called to direct the 
affairs of that remote country. The present crisis, rendei'cd so favourable by the good 
disposition of the French and Indians, may be improved to great purposes ; but if, 
unhappily, it should be lost, a return of the same attachment to us may never happen. 
Considering, therefore, that costly prejudices are so hard to wear out, you will take 
care to cultivate and conciliate the affections of the French and Indians. 

Althougl) great reliance is placed on your prudence in managing the people you are 
to reside among, yet, considering you as unacquainted in some degree with their 
genius, usages and manners, as well as the geography of the country, I recommend it 
to you to advise with the most intelligent and upright persons who may fall in your 
way, and to give particular attention to Col. Clark and his corps, to whom the State 
has great obligations. You are to cooperate with him on any military undertaking, 
when necessary, and to give the military every aid which the circumstances of the 
people will admit of. The inhabitants of Illinois must not expect settled peace and 
safety while their and our enemies have footing at Detroit and can intercept or stop 
the trade of the Mississippi. If the English have not the strength or courage to come 
to war against us themselves, their practice has been and will be to have the sava^^es 
commit murder and depredations. Illinois must expect to pay these a large price for 
her freedom, unless the English can be expelled from Detroit. The means for effect- 
ing this will not perhaps be in your or Col. Clark's power, but the French inhabiting 
the neighbourhood of that place, it is presumed, may be brought to see it done with 
indifference, or perhaps join in the cuterprisc with pleasure. This is but conjecture. 



HISTORY OF ILLINOIS. 



Wlien you are on the spot, you and Col. Clark may discover tlie fallacy or reality of 
the former appearances. Defense, only, is to be tlie object of the latter, or a good 
prospect of it I hope the French and Indians at your disposal will show a zeal for 
tlie affairs equal to the benefit to bo derived from ostablisliing liberty and permanent 
peace. 

One great good expected from holding the Illinois is to overaw the Indians from 
warring on the settlers on this side of the Ohio. A close attention to tlie disposition, 
character and movement of the hostile tribes is therefore necessary. The French and 
militia of Illinois, by being placed on the back of them, may inflict timely chastise- 
ment on those enemies whose towns are an easy prey in absence of their warriors. 
You perceive, Ijy these hints, that something in the military line will be expected 
from you. So far as the occasion calls for the assistance of the people composing the 
militia, it will be necessary to coiiperatc witli tlie troops sent from here, and I know 
of no better general directions to give than tliis: tliat you consider yourself as tlie 
head of the civil department, and as such having coiumand of the military until ordered 
out by the civil authority, and to. act in conjunction with them. 

You are, on all occasions, to inculcate on the people the value of liberty, and the 
difference between tlie state of free citizens of this Commonwealth and that slavery 
to which the Illinois was destined. A free and equal representation may be expected 
by tlicm in a little time, together with all tiie improvement in jurisprudence and police 
which the other parts of the State enjoy. 

It is necessary, for the happiness, increase and prosperity of that country, that the 
grievances that obstruct those blessings be known, in order to their removal. Let it 
therefore be your care to obtain information on that sulyect, that proper plans may be 
formed for the general utility. Let it be your constant attention to see that the in- 
habitants have justice administered to them for any injury received from the troops. 
The omission of this may be fatal. Col. Clark has instructions on this head, and will, 
I doubt not, exert himself to quell all licentious practice of the soldiers, which, if 
unrestrained, will produce the most baneful effect. You will also discountenance and 
punisii every attempt to violate the property of the Indians, particularly on their 
land. Our enemies have alarmed them much on that score, but I hope from your 
prudence and justice that there will be no grounds of complaint on that subject. 
You will embrace every opportunity to manifest the high regard and friendly senti- 
ments of this Commonwealth towards all the subjects of his Catholic Majesty, for whose 
safety, pi'osperity and advantage you will give every possible advantage. You will 
make a tender of the friendship and services of your people to the Spanish Command- 
ant near Kaskaskia, and cultivate the strictest connection with him and his people. 
The detail of your duty in the civil department I need not give; its best direction 
will be found in your innate love of justice, and zeal to be useful to your fellow-men. 
Act according to the best of your judgment in cases where these instructions are 
silent and the laws have not otherwise directed. Discretion is given to you from 
the necessity of the case, for your great distance from Government will not permit 
you to wait for orders in many cases of great importance. In your negotiations with 
the Indians confine the stipulation, as much as possible, to the single object of obtain, 
ing peace from them. Touch not the subject of lands or boundaries till particular 
orders are received. When necessity requires it presents may be made, but be as 
frugal in that matter as possible, and let them know that goods at present is scarce 
with us, but we expect soon to trade freely with all the world, and they shall not want 
when wo can get them. 



LIFE AND TIMES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 



Tlio matters given you in charge beiiig singular in their nature and weight}- in tlicir 
ooMsequenees to the people inniiediately coneerned, and to the whole State, they require 
tlie fullest exertion of your ability and unwearied diligence. 

From matters of general concern you must turn, occasionally, to others of less con- 
sequence. Mr. Roseblove's wife and family must not suffer for want of that property 
of whicli they were bereft by our troops. It is 'to be restored to them, if possible ; if 
this can not be done, the pul^lic must support them. 

I thiuic it proper for you to send me an express once in the month, widi a general 
account of aff\xir3 with you and any particulars you wish to communicate. 

It is in contemplation to appoint an agent to manage trade on public accounts, to 
supply Illinois and the Indians with goods. If such an appointment takes place, you 
will give it any possible aid. The people with you should not intermit their endeavors 
to procure supplies on the expectation of this, and you may act accordingly. 

(Signed) P. HENRY. 

Illinois continued to form a part of the State of Virginia until the year 
178-4, when the country, being a part of the Northwestern Territory, was 
ceded by the State of Virginia to the United States. Immediately on the 
execution of the deed of cession the General Government proceeded to 
establish a form of government for the settlers in the territories thus ceded. 
The whole subject was referred to a committee, of which Mr. Jefferson 
was chairman. The report of the committee, after being somewhat modi- 
fied, was finally adopted by the passage of resolutions and ordinances lor 
the government of the territories that had been or might be ceded to the 
United States, for the establishment of both temporary and permanent 
governments by the settlers, and for the admission of the new states thus 
formed into the Union. It was provided, among other things, that the 
settlers, either on their own petition or by act of Congress, should receive 
authority to create a temporary form of government, and that when there 
should be twenty thousand free inhabitants within the limits of any terri- 
tory, they should have authority to call a convention to establish a perma- 
nent constitution and government for themselves, without any other limi- 
tation except the following : 

1st. That they should forever remain a part of the confederacy of the 
United States of America. 

2d. That they should be subject to the articles of confederation and (ho 
acts and ordinances of Congress like the original States. 

3d. That they should not interfere with the disposal of the soil by Con- 
gress. 

4th. That they should be subject to pay their proportion of the Federal 
debt, present and prospective. 

5th. That they should impose no tax upon lanihi (he property of the 
United States. 

6th, That their respective governments should bo republican. 



HISTORY OF ILLINOIS. 



7tli. That the lands of non-residents shoukl not be taxed higher than 
tliose of residents. 

8th. That any State, liaving adopted a constitution and having as many 
free inhabitants as the least numerous of the thirteen original States, might 
be admitted into the Union on an equal footing with the original States. 

The report of the committee contained the following clause : "That after 
tlie year 1800, of the Christian era, there shall be neither slavery nor in- 
voluntary servitude in any of the said States, otherwise than in the punish- 
ment of crimes, whereof the party shall have been duly convicted to have 
been personally guilty." But, on a motion by Mr. Spaight of North Caro- 
lina, which was seconded by Mr. Read of South Carolina, it was decided 
that the above clause should not stand as a part of the report of the com- 
mittee, and it was struck out because it failed to receive the support of a 
majority of all the States. The following States voted for retaining the 
clause : New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Khode Island, Connecticut, New 
York, New Jersey and Pennsylvania. Maryland, Virginia and South Caro- 
lina voted to strike it out ; North Carolina was divided; one State lost its 
vote by having only one delegate present ; Delaware and Georgia were not 
represented. Mr. Jefferson voted in f;xvor of the clause, and his two col- 
leagues voted against it. 

This proviso was renewed by Kufus King, in 1785, as a condition upon 
which the State of Massachusetts would cede her territory. It was referred 
to a committee by a vote of eight States, but it does not appear that the 
committee reported it back, and Massachusetts ceded her territory without 
such condition. 

The government of this country, as thus established, continued until the 
passage of the ordinance of 1787, for the government of the Northwestern 
Territory, of which Illinois formed a part. After the division of the North- 
west Territory, Illinois became one of the counties of the Territory of Indi- 
ana, from which it was separated by an act of Congress in the year 1809. 
At the time of its separation from the Territory of Indiana, it was divided 
into two counties — the counties of St. Clair and Randolph. 

That the resolutions of 178-1 were considered in force and gave authority 
to the people to organize a government under them, is evident from the fact 
that they were recognized by the ordinance of 1787 in the following words • 
"Be it ordained by the authority aibresaid, that the resolutions of the 23d 
of April, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-four, relative to the sub- 
ject of this ordinance, be and the same is hereby repealed and declared null 
and void." 

Under the ordinance of 1787 the Covernor and Judges, or a majority of 
them, had power to adopt and publish in the district such laws of the origi- 
nal States as were necessary, and best suited to the circumstances of the 



LIFE AND TIMES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 



Territory, subject to be disapproved by Congress ; but when the General 
Assembly was organized, the Legislature had authority to alter them as 
they should think fit. The Governor had the power to appoint and com- 
mission all the militia officers below the rank of General officers, and, pre- 
vious to the oruanizatiou of the General Assembly, the Governor had the 
appointment of such magistrates and other civil officers, in each county and 
township, lis he might think necessary for the preservation of the peace and 
good order in the same. After the organization of the General Assembly 
the powers and duties of the magistrates and other civil officers were to be 
regulated and defined by the Assembly; but all magistrates and other civil 
officers whose appointments were not provided for by Congress, were to be 
appointed by the Governor even after the organization of the General 
Assembly. The Governor had also the power to lay out parts of the Terri- 
tory, in which the Indian title was extinguished, into townships and 
counties. 

Another article of the ordinance provided that so soon as there should 
be five thousand free male inhabitants of full age, upon giving proof thereof 
to the Governor they should have authority to elect representatives to the 
General Assembly. 

• To be eligible as representative, the ordinance required that a person 
should have been a citizen of the United States for three years and a resi- 
dent of the district, or a resident of the district for three years; and, in either 
case, that he should hold in his right, in fee simple, two hundred acres of 
land within his district. 

To qualify a person to vote, it was necessary for him to hold fifty acres 
of land in the district and to have been a citizen of one of the States and 
a resident in the district, or the like freehold and two years residence in 
the district. 

The General Assembly consisted of a Council, House of Representatives 
and the Governor, but no law could be passed without the approval of the 
Governor. The right to elect a delegate in Congress devolved on the 
Council and House of Representatives, in joint session. 

The above are some of the leading provisions of the ordinance of 1787. 

On the 2d of May, 1812, Congress passed a law authorizing the admis- 
sion of the Territory into the second grade of territorial government. This 
act extended the right of suffrage so as to authorize any free white male 
person of twenty-one years of age, and who shall have paid a territorial or 
county tax previous to any general election, and be at the time of the elec- 
tion a resident of the district, and who shall have resided one year in the 
Territory previous to the election, to vote for representatives and members 
of the Council and a delegate in Congress. 



—2 



10 HISTORY OF ILLINOIS. 



So muct of the ordinance of 1787 as had required that there should be 
five thousand free white male inhabitants in the Territory, had also been 
repealed. 

I find the drai't of the memorial to Congress, praying for the admission 
of the Territory into the second grade, and the extension of the right of 
suffrage, among the papers of Gov. Edwards, and in his hand-writing. 

By an examination of the ordinance of 1787 it appears, from the follow- 
ing provision, that under the second grade of government the Ijcgislature 
had unlimited power of legislation, unless restrained in the exorcise thereof 
by the articles in the ordinance: "The Governor and eTudgcs, or a majority 
of them, shall adopt and publish in the district such laws of the original 
States, criminal and civil, as may be necessary, and best suited to the cir- 
cumstances of the district, and report them to Congress from time to time; 
which laws shall be in force in the district until the organization of the 
General Assembly therein, unless disapproved by Congress; huf after- 
wards the Lerjldature slinll have anthoriti/ to alter them as they shall think 
Jit." From this provision it appears that only the laws which might be 
adopted by the Governor and Judges were subject to the disapprobation of 
Congress ; that such laws were required to be reported to Congress not, as 
has generally been supposed, for their approbation, but they were to be in 
force until they were "disapproved" by Congress. 2d. That after the 
organization of the General Assembly, the Legislature should "have au- 
thority to alter the laws as they shall think fit," without being required to 
report them to Congress. 

On the 8th of May, 1792, Congress passed another law "respecting the 
government of the territories of the United States, northwest and south of 
the River Ohio." 

The first section of this law provided that the laws of the territory north- 
west of the Ohio, that had been or hereafter may be enacted by the Gov- 
ernor and Judges, shall be printed, under the direction of the Secretary of 
State, and that two hundred copies thereof, together with ten sets of the 
laws of the United States, shall be distributed among the inhabitants for 
their information ; and that a like number of the laws of the United States 
shall be delivered to the Governor and Judges of the territory southwest of 
the Ohio River. 

Section two authorized the Governor and Judges of the territory north- 
west of the River Ohio to repeal the "laws by them made whenever the 
same may be found improper." 

vSection three provides that the official duties of the secretaries of the 
said territories shall be under the control of the laws of the territories. 

Section four authorized any one of the supreme or superior judges, in 
the absence of the other judges, to hold court. 



LIFE AND TIMES OP NINlAN EDWARDS. ll 

Section live diroctod the Secretary of State to provide seals for tlie pub- 
lic officers in the said territories. 

On the 17th of August, 1789, a law was also passed by Congress, in order 
to adapt the provisions of the ordinance of 1787 to the constitution of the 
United States. By this act the secretary of the territories, in case of the 
death, removal, resignation or necessary absence of the Governor, was re- 
quired to execute all the powers and perform all the duties of the Governor 
during the vacancy occasioned by the removal, resignation or necessary 
absence of the Governor. 

The sixth article of the ordinance provided that there shall be neither 
slavery nor involuntary servitude in the said territory, otherwise than for 
the punishment of crimes, whereof the party shall have been duly convicted. 

Haying deemed it necessary to give a history of the different forms of 
government under which the people of the Territory lived, I now proceed 
to give a sketch of the life of Ninian Edwards, who filled such a prominent 
place in the political history of both Territorial and State governments. 



CHAPTER I. 

Genealogy of Gov. Edioards — Ilia Birtli and Early Education — Ilk Re- 
moval to Kentuclcy — Dissipated Ilahits — Election to the Le<)islature — 
Becomes a Laioyer and enters upon a Lucrative Practice — Is advanced 
to. the Bench — Becomes Chief Justice of Kentucky — His Political Vieirs 
— His Marriage — Speech as Presidential Elector in 1804 — Speech as a 
Candidate for Congress, 180G — Charge to the Grand Jury — His Rela- 
tions with 3Ir. Clay. 

Benjamin Edwards, the father of Ninian Edwards, was the son of Hay. 
den Edwards, of Stafford county, Virginia, who married Penelope Sandford, 
by whom he had four sons and several daughters. They removed to Ken- 
tucky before the close of the last century, where they lived honorable, 
virtuous and Christian lives, and each died at about the age of ninety years. 
They were raised in connection with the English branch of the Episcopal 
Church of Virginia, but afterwards became members of the Baptist Church. 

The following obituary notice of the Hon Benjamin Edwards, their son, 
and fiither of Ninian Edwards, was written and published by the late Hon. 
William Wirt : 

• Died on the IStli November, 1826, at his residence in Elkton, TodJ county, Ken- 
tucky, Benjamin Edwards, in the 74th year of his age, and the 56th of his Christian 
life. His venerable consort, Mrs. Mautha Edwards, after a union of more than fifty 
years, preceded him to the grave about three montlis before. They both resigned 
this world with that perfect composure and full assurance of future happiness, which 
religion can inspire, and left behind them a numerous and respectable family of child- 
ren and their descendants, to imitate their virtues and to deplore their loss. 

Mr. Edwards was a native of Stafford county, in Virginia; and before he came of 
age, he intermarried with Margaret, the daughter of Ninian B.eall, of Montgomery 
county, Maryland, and resided, for nearly twenty-five years, on his farm of Mount 
Pleasant, about nine miles above tlie court house of that county. His pursuits were 
those of agriculture and merchandize, which he conducted with industry and irre- 
proachable mtegrity. 

He had not the advantage of a classical education, but nature had given him a mind 
of extraordinary force and comprehension, and a moral character of uncommon eleva- 
tion and energy. He was one of nature's great men ; and she had stamped this char- 
acter most strikingly on his countenance and person. He was large and well formed ; 
his countenance strongly marked with intelligence and benevolence ; his step and 
movements unconmion'ly dignified and commanding ; and in his whole action three 



LIFE AND TIMES OP NINIAN EDWARDS. 13 

was an easy, unaffected gracefulness, which proclaimed the gentleman and the man 
of feeling, in a manner not to be mistaken. Though his manners were highly pre- 
possessing, conciliatory and kind, yet such was the dignity that surrounded him, and 
tlie respect with which he impressed all who approached him, that no man dreanipt 
of using an irreverent liberty, or indulging in a thoughtless levity in his presence. 
His colloquial powers were unrivalled in any company in which the writer of this ar- 
ticle ever saw him. He had a manly and meloiiious voice, a natural fluency and elo- 
quence tliat never hesitated, the most striking originality and vigor of thought, the 
aptest and happiest illustrations drawn from the objects of nature around him, and an 
accuracy and integrity of judgment, which have never been surpassed, on the objects 
that called for his decision. He had supplied the deficiencies of youthful education 
by careful reading, and had acquired a correct style, which was yet marked Avith the 
native strength and originality of his thoughts, and he conversed with great power, 
even on the subjects of literature, taste and science ; and many have been the flip- 
pant scholars and collegians, wiio, after the interchange of a few remarks, have felt 
themselves rebuked by his superior mind, and learned to listen witli instinctive rev- 
erence and delight. 

He made himself an excellent historian, both in ancient and modern history; and 
to his children and their young companions, (of whom the writer was one,) with whom 
he always took pleasure in conversing, he was one of the most instructive companions 
whom the kindness of Providence could have sent them. Though always pious, there 
was nothing austere, obtrusive or revolting in his religion ; and in his domestic cir- 
cle he would often indulge himself with great playfulness, and with the most success- 
ful humor ; yet no occasion was ever lost in instilling into them pure and honorable 
and lofty sentiments and principles, and kindling in them the flame of patriotic and 
virtuous emulation, holding up to them, with great eloquence, the example of ancient 
patriots, orators, and statesmen, with which he was so much enamored, as if he were 
still in his youth. 

He rose to considerable distinction before he left Maryland, which was about thirty 
years ago. He represented the county of Montgomery for several years in the State 
Legislature ; was a member of the State Convention which ratified the Federal Con- 
stitution ; and, afterwards, a member of Congress for the district in which he lived. 
Though nature had made him an orator of higli order, lie was restrained, by his un- 
conquerable diffidence, from hazarding himself often in public debate. He spoke 
but rarely, and then on local subjects, when forced forward by a high sense of duty ; 
yet on one of tlicse occasions, in tiie Assembly of Maryland, with so much force did 
he strike the House, that the late Samuel Cliase, and several others of the in().st com- 
petent judges of eloquence in that body, crossed the floor of the House, to congratu- 
late him, and to assure him that it rested with himself to become one of the most dis- 
tinguished speakers of the age. But he was restrained, by diflidcnce, from profiting 
by this suggestion, and a man who may be justly pronounced to have been one of na- 
ture's happiest efforts, has now passed away, to be forgotten by tlic Avorld. Never 
will he be forgotten by tlie grateful heart from wliich this humble tribute flows ; nor 
that excellent woman, who was the fit and happy counterpart of so extraordinary a 
man. They were both an honor to their .species, ornaments to the church to which 
they belonged, and are now amongst the spirits of the bles.^ed, who. surround the 
Tlnone on High, 

WILLIAM WIRT. 



14 HISTORY OP ILLINOIS. 



He removed from Maryland to Kentucky in the year 1800. Ninian 
l']dwards, of Illinois, was their eldest son. lie was born in Montgomery 
county, Maryland, in March, 1775. His domestic training was well fitted to 
give his mind strength, firmness and honorable principles, and a good foun- 
dation was laid for the elevated character to which he afterwards atttained. 

His education in early youth was in company and partly under the tui- 
tion of the Hon. William Wirt, whom his father patronized. Mr. Wirt 
was the eldest by two years and four months, but they were not merely com- 
panions in their studies, nor was the relation exactly that of tutor and pu- 
pil. They became devotedly attached to each other, and the foundation 
was laid for the friendship and brotherly affection that lasted during life. 

At the period this intimacy commenced Mr. Wirt was at the age of fifteen, 
and he survived Mr. Edwards six months, wanting two days. 

Mr. Wirt had been instructed in the Latin and Greek classics by Rev. 
James Hunt, an Episcopal clergyman, who taught a select school in Mont- 
gomery county for a period, and when that school closed he was received 
into the farnily of Mr. Edwards, nominally as private tutor for his son, 
where he remained twenty months. This arrangement was an act of kind- 
ness and beneficence on the part of Mr. Edwards to aid Mr. Wirt in his 
education, without the restraint that charity imposes. 

The studies of young Edwards were further prosecuted under the tui- 
tion of Rev. Mr. Hunt, at Montgomery court house, from whence he was 
sent to Dickinson College, at Carlisle, Pa., then under the presidency of 
the Rev. Charles Nesbit, D.D. 

After leaving college he commenced, with several others, the study of 
law. It was required of the law class that they should read, for one-half 
of the time, history ; but young Edwards having, under the instruction of 
his father, become a good historian, devoted the portion of time required 
for that study to the reading of medicine, and so thorough was his know- 
ledge of that science, that he became, where he was known, almost as emi- 
nent in that department of science as he was in the law. Before finishing 
the study of law, he removed to Nelson county, in the State of Kentucky, 
where he had gone, under the direction of his father, to open a farm for 
him, and to purchase homes and locate lands for his brothers and sisters. 

Nature here had lavished her gifts with wanton wildness. The character 
of society was then unformed. Frivolty and dissipation prevailed over the 
glowing feelings and Volatile temper of youth ; and the examples of age 
and experience were not such as were calculated to ward off the temptation. 
His father furnished him with ample means for his immediate support, 
and he had a.11 the prospective advantages of a new and growing country. 

Thus sent forth upon the theatre of a new world, surrounded by compan- 
ions whose pleasures and pursuits were in sensual indulgencies, it is not 



LIFE AND TIMES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 15 

surprising that this inexperienced youth, with natural talents above the or- 
dinary level, and the foundation laid ibr a virtuous and solid education, 
should have given away to excesses and indiscretions, till the hopes ol' his 
friends and his own aspirations of rising to distinction in any honorable 
profession, had withered. 

I should do injustice to the ingenuous principles of his nature, were I to 
pass over silently these two or three years of his early life. I have heard 
him allude to it with those feelings with which an individual narrates his 
sudden and unexpected deliverance froiu the most imminent peril. 

Amidst the dissipation that surrounded him, and in the toils of which 
he seemed effectually caught, it is gratifying to rermark, (hat he retained a 
nice sense of honor, and that the truths of revealed religion, in which he 
had been educated, had not lost their hold upon his mind. 

During this period he was professedly engaged in legal studies. Such 
habits, then, did not prevent his election to the Legislature of Kentucky, as 
the Representative of Nelson county, before he had quite attained the age 
of twenty-one years ; and so well did he discharge the duties in that station, 
that he was reelected in the subsequent year, by an almost unanimous vote. 
In 1798 he was licensed to practice law, and the following year was admit- 
ted to the courts of Tennessee. 

About this time he left Nelson county for Russelville, in Logan county, 
broke away from his dissolute companions, commenced a reformation, and 
devoted himself to severe and laborious study. He had previously squan- 
dered his patrimonial inheritance, impaired his health, and dissipated the 
hopes of his friends and parents. But from this period he was able to re- 
solve successfully. He soon rose so rapidly in his profession, that he was 
not only considered one of the most eminent lawyers of that or any other 
country, but, in the short space of only four years' practice, he amassed a 
large fortune. He evinced, at a very early period, no ordinary power, with 
habits of regular and unremitting industry. 

He practiced extensively in the courts of Kentucky and West Tennessee, 
and soon displayed talents and legal knowledge of a high order. And let 
it be noticed that he was not drifting along the current of his profession 
without competitors. At that period some of the brightest talents of Ken- 
tucky and Tennessee were at the bar, fired with the ardor of youthful as- 
pirants — and it was no easy task for a young lawyer, with such competi- 
tors as Clay, Grundy, Rowan, Bibb, Boyle, J. H. Davis and others, around 
him — yet among such competitors he was not excelled j and after the short 
space of four years' practice, he filled, in succession, the offices of Presiding 
Judge of the General Court, Circuit Judge, fourth Judge of the Court of 
Appeals, and Chief Justice of Kentucky, before he was o2 years of age. 



16 HISTORY OF ILLINOIS. 



As early as 1799, in a reply to a letter from his father, who wished to 
know something of his political creed, he says : "Suffice it to say, on this 
head, I am a warm friend to the Union, and have a sufficient confidence in 
the constituted authorities, that when they determine it necessary and expe- 
dient to adopt any particular measure, so far as my efforts in society can go 
I will endeavor to support them, and shall always be willing to rally to the 
standard of my country. I do approve most of the measures of the admin- 
istration — still I cannot consent to be a blind adherent to them all. Yet, 
I shall always be an enemy to any other than a constitutional appeal, in 
any case. I have been one of the most active friends of government since 
the rupture with France. I was active because I thought the situation of 
my country rendered it my duty to be so, and I have the satisfaction of 
believing that my efforts were not lost. The political fervor has entirely 
subsided among us. I have entirely withdrawn myself from politics, and 
am directing my whole attention to the law, in which I have succeeded be- 
yond my most sanguine- expectations, and I find myself handsomely requi- 
ted thereby. I have the reputation, at least, of being at the head of the 
bar, in the district in which I practice, and I know that the profits of my 
practice are greater than those of any other. I am relieving myself fast 
from a variety of embarrassments, in which dissipation had involved me, 
and am so far satisfied with my own conduct, that I am under no apprehen- 
sion that you will ever again hear, that I am 'a young man of fine talents, 
but extremely dissipated.' On account of my health, I shall decline the 
practice of law, provided I can obtain an appointment in the judiciary, of 
which I have no doubt, upon the first vacancy. The salary is too low, be- 
ins; only £180, and nothing but indisposition could induce me to accept 
it." In this letter, after stating the amendments which had been made to 
the Constitution of Kentucky, he says: "I am not astonished that the 
convention has made the constitution worse instead of better ; for what 
more could be expected of a set of men, the most of whom were ignorant 
of the principles of human nature, ignorant of the principles of civil soci- 
ety, and still more so of the science of government ? It is impossible that 
such men can entertain just conceptions of the principles of government ; 
neither can they devise the most eligible mode of concentrating power, for 
the benefit of society. As well might we expect the uneducated to develop 
and elucidate the most abstract principles in the science of philosophy, 
physic or jurisprudence, as that they could compile a constitution, origina- 
ting, distributing and restraining, in the most judicious manner, the power 
necessary to the purposes of civil government and the complete organi- 
zation of a populous community. It was attempted, in the convention, 
to subvert the present judiciary system, by abolishing district courts and 
courts of quarter sessions, and establishing, in lieu of them, circuit 



LIFE AND TIMES OP NINIAN EDWARDS. 17 

courts ; and in the first attempt, there was a decided majority in favor of 
it. This, evidently, would have been flagrantly improper, for no regula- 
tion in civil society ought to be more particularly adapted to the political 
state of that society, than the judiciary system — and at no period ought 
the political state of a society to be more maturely considered than when 
the rules of society are forming such a system. That the present system 
is best adapted to the situation of our country, there is, in my opinion, no 
doubt. But suppose it is admitted, on all hands, that the circuit system 
was the best — the convention, in my opinion, had nothing to do with that 
or any other. The only power they ought to have exercised was, to de- 
clare that the judiciary should be forever separate, distinct, and independ- 
ent of the legislative and executive departments ; in what manner the 
judges should be elected, how long and upon what conditions they should 
hold their office, how removed and how vacancies should be filled ; but the 
division of that power ought to be intrusted to the Legislature, which is 
the proper body to define its ramifications. That is certainly the best ju- 
dicial system from which justice can be most completely dispensed at the 
least expense ; but how a system is to be made to attain that end the 
combined experience of mankind has not determined. While society is in 
a state of progression, and has not attained its utmost perfection, it would 
be unwise to adopt too permanent a system, by incorporating it in our con- 
stitution, and thereby precluding ourselves from the advantages of future 
experience ; for suppose the system the convention might adopt should 
prove very defective, to what a situation would we then be reduced ? To 
the necessity of choosing one of two evils : either that of submitting to the 
inconveniences growing out of such a judiciary system, or the calling of a 
convention. This circumstance ought to have been sufficient to have con- 
vinced all thinking men that the convention had nothing to do with it, 
but that, (as I have before observed,) the organization of this branch of 
power ought to be intrusted to the Legislature, that it might be improved 
whenever experience and observation should point out the necessity, and 
might undergo diff'erent modifications, without producing any sensible in- 
convenience; whereas, if the convention had undertaken to modify this 
branch of power, no amendment could have been made, except through 
the medium of another convention. This would introduce too frequent 
changes in the constitution, for however the idea of the immutability of 
compacts, by which communities agree to support any system of govern- 
ment, may be exploded, and ju.stly too, it is my opinion that too frequent 
changes in the constitution of a state is among the greatest of evils, for it 
"unhinges government, relaxes the springs, begets incertitude in its opera- 
tions, and creates a political chaos in society." 

—3 



18 HISTORY OP ILLINOIS. 



A very short time after the date of this letter, his anticipations were re- 
alized by receiving the appointment of Judge. 

Having already alluded to his rapid promotion in the judicial depart- 
ment of government, it cannot be doubted that this promotion was the re- 
sult of the able and satisfactory manner in which he had discharged the 
duties in that department of the government. 

In 1802 he received a commission of major, frouiGov. Garrard, to com- 
mand a battallion of Kentucky militia, and the next year, 1803, he was 
appointed judge of the circuit in which he resided. The same year he 
made a visit to his native land and to his flxther's domicil. Here he formed 
that most interesting connection, which frequently determines a man's 
character and prospects in future life. The choice of his affections, the 
endeared companion of his future days, the mother of his children, and at 
the time of his death his disconsolate widow, was Miss Elvira Lane, from 
a respectable family in the vicinity of his father's residence, and who re- 
turned with him the same season to Kentucky. 

His official duties were discharged with ability, and met the general ap- 
probation of the people. So strong a hold upon the confidence of the peo- 
ple had he taken, that in 180G he was promoted to the station of fourth 
Judge of the Court of Appeals, and in two years after, to the responsible 
and dignified station of Chief Justice of the State. The Eev. J. M. Peck, 
speaking of him, says: "I have conversed with many persons who knew 
him in all these judicial stations, and have not found one to complain of 
remissness in duty. All concur in giving him an uncommon character for 
the correctness of his judicial decisions, consistency of his course, and un- 
wearied industry. Evidently he possessed, in a high degree, the confidence 
of the people. Hundreds of people who knew him as a judge, have visi- 
ted him for legal advice, since his residence in Illinois, which was gratu- 
itously bestowed. They had great confidence in the extent of his legal 
knowledge, honesty of purpose, and correctness of judgment.'' 

In 1804, whilst he was a judge, he was chosen as one of the electors for 
President and Vice-President of the United States. TJie following is an 
extract from one of his speeches during that canvass : 

Fellow- Citizens : 

Believing that, It is expected that I shall say something to you on the subject of the 
approaching election, for electors, I beg leave to solicit your attention. You will soon 
be called upon to exercise your right of suffrage by designating the persons upon whom 
you wish to confide this all-important right of representing you upon one of the most im- 
portant occasions that can arise under our government. The propriety and necessity 
of exercising the right of voting, must be obvious to every reflecting mind. By neg- 
ligence and inattention to its exercise, the people lose the proper sense of its advan- 
tages and inestimable importance ; and although the occasional neglect of it, abstractly 
considered, might produce no dangerous consequences, it begets a habit of inatten- 
tion, which perfectly destroys that vigilance and strict inquiry so essential in every 



LIFE AND TIMES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 19 



republican government, and may, in process of time, produce that degree of supine- 
ness from which it will be impossible to arouse you but by the dreadful storm that 
destroys you. These suggestions arc by no means fanciful or visionary. The faithful 
page of history affords too many melancholy evidences of the truth of them. You 
now feel yourselves secure from danger ; so probably did all the republics that have 
hitherto existed. At some period of their government they felt as secure as you now 
do ; yet those governments, if history is to be credited, sooner or later eventuated in 
despotism, and from the want of proper attention to the representative principle and 
a frequent recurrence to its first or fundamental principles. It is true there is no 
analogy between our government and the ancient republics. They lacked the repre- 
sentative, as applied to all its branches ; but it will be the same thing if we, possess- 
ing the principle of representation in so eminent a degree in our constitutions, do not 
preserve it in its full vigor, which can only be done by the most zealous regard and 
undeviating attention to our right of voting. Our glorious revolution, which, ujider 
a beneficent providence, ended in the establishment of the rights of men, and made 
us a free and happy people, has recognized the people as the source of all power. To 
the people is assigned the right of raising and putting down our rulers, not with the 
violence of an infuriated mob, but with the mild and equitable decision of an enlight- 
ened judgment. Ours is, I believe, the first fair and full trial of the representative 
system, and it has so far, at least, triumphed over prejudice and opposition. On this 
foundation our government rests, and while it is preserved in its full and constitu- 
tional vigor, in vain may the tempests of a corrupt world beat against it. It is a rock 
against which the most violent billows, rushing with the utmost imijetuosity, may dash 
In vain, and must fall impotent at its base. Its strength and durability will only be 
the more conspicious by the troubled and unstable state of all that surronnd it. These 
are considerations which I submit to you, my fellow citizens, to show you the propri- 
ety of every man's voting when the constitution and laws of our country require it. 
They are so far made on general principles, but our peculiar local situation may fur- 
nish reasons that ought to be no less operative with you. 

After dwelling at length, on tlie measures more immediately relating to 
the interests of the people of the West, he proceeded as follows : 

Should I meet with your approbation, and that of my fellow citizens of the district, 
I pledge myself to you that I shall vote for Mr. Jefferson as President, and Mr. Clin- 
ton as Vice-President. The experience of almost four years has evidently demon 
strated how much Mr. Jefferson is worthy of the confidence the people have reposed 
in him. Not a single friend has deserted his cause, while many of his former enemies 
have honorably acknowledged their mistake, and have been the most zealous support- 
ers of his administration. In vain have his enemies scrutinized all his public mea- 
sures, with a hope of finding some dangerous omission. In vain have they attempted 
to throw odium on his private life, finding his public character unexceptionable. All 
their efforts to wound his fair fame with the most malignant shafts of calumny, have 
ended in showing how much he is beloved by his grateful countrymen. His intelli- 
gence, virtue and patriotism have irradiated and purified the public councils, dispell- 
ed the mist of delusion, and restored liberty to her full vigor and pristine benio-nity. 
In vain then may his enemies employ every method in their power to destroy the con- 
fidence of the people in his administration. *a 

He succeeded in this election, and had the honor of casting the vote of 
his district for Mr. Jefferson. 



20 HISTORY OF ILLINOIS. 



In 1806 lie was a candidate for Congress, against the celebrated Matthew 
Lyon, but, on being promoted to the Court of Appeals, he declined before 
the election. 

That the reader may understand and properly appreciate the character 
of the man who was selected by Mr. Madison to be the Governor of Illinois, 
I give extracts from a speech in this contest with Matthew Lyon : 

Let us, by all means and at all times, endeavor to preserve, in the utmost purity, 
the advantages which we enjoy over other republics, and to transmit liberty unim- 
paired, as the best legacy to a grateful posterity, in the same manner, if not more 
perfect, than we have received it from our glorious ancestors. That we may enjoy the 
advantages and security I have mentioned as being peculiar to our form of govern- 
ment, will be fruitless, unless we use the means of preserving them. This advantage 
evidently consists in the perfection of the principle of free representation. It is from 
the people, then, that representation immediately flows by the mode of election. 
While, then, the people are in the habit of cultivating public virtue, of preserving the 
purity of elections, we need not fear corruption in the government. The power and 
virtue of the people can only be exercised in elections, as far as relates to government. 
Elections, therefore, must be considered as the test of public virtue ; it is the vital 
principle of free government ; it is the corner-stone of the mighty fabric we have 
reared. If, then, the public sentiment should not be correctly exercised — if the re- 
spective merits and demerits of the candidates who solicit your favor are not duly 
considered, without regard to anything but the public good — if elections become cor- 
rupted — the source is polluted ; the diiferent branches of government must partake of 
that pollution; the whole will become contaminated and liberty will be jeopardized. 

That you should only be guided by the merits of the candidates who solicit your 
favor must be obvious to every thinking and dispassionate mind. It will be the duty 
of your representative to protect you in the enjoyment of private property and per- 
sonal security, liberty and public tranquillity. Who does not consider these as mo- 
mentous questions ? Is there a man among you who, if he were going to law for the 
paltry sum of one hundred dollars, would not select an attorney to manage his business 
whom he considered the most capable of serving him, provided he could confide in 
his integrity ? And if this is the case where only a little property is involved, how 
much more should it be the case where your absolute and relative rights as citizens, 
and your liberty — Heaven's best gifts — are concerned ? It is not the question whether 
you like this or that man better; but it is upon whom it is your interest to confide 
your trust. The people in every district, in making their selection of a person to 
serve them, should be as cautious as if he was the only man upon whom their interest 
and welfare depended; for it surely can not be considered safe to be inattentive in 
this respect, upon a supposition that if your representative is not calculated to ad- 
vance and secure your interest and protect your rights against all invasion, from what 
quarter soever they may proceed, that still there may be some one from some other 
quarter who can and will do it. If this disposition should be manifested by you, the 
same principles that have operated on you may operate on a majority of the different 
districts througliout the United States, and tiiis inattention might become universal. 
Should this be the case, this problematical character may not then be found, but some 
one might probably be foiind of ingenuity, strategem and address sufficient to success- 
fully assail your best and dearest rights. At all events it is best to be on the safest 
side. 



LIFE AND TIMES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 21 

Again, he said: 

That the success of our government depends upon the purity of election, is self- 
evident. Our greatest patriots, our best and wisest men, have proved incontestably 
that such is their belief. * * * If, therefore, you do not discountenance those who 
are disposed to practice this corruption (treating at elections) — if you do not withhold 
from such men your confidence, and teach them that it is their interest to act otherwise 
in order to gain your approbation — instead of inspiring the minds of your fellow-citi- 
zens with a laudable and patriotic ambition to serve their country and excel in virtue, 
you cherish their vices by rewarding them ; you establish a school of vice and depravity 
in our country tending to contaminate not only the present but succeeding generations ; 
you foster in your bosoms the deadly adder which sooner or later will sting you to 
death. The deadly poison will insinuate itself in the heart of society, and from thence 
diffuse itself throughout all parts of it. Let it be conceded that you are willing to see 
the practice of "treating" for an election once introduced among us, and what will be 
the consequence? The precedent, once established, will become less and less objec- 
tionable by becoming more familiar to you ; it will finally become fashionable, and ulti- 
mately necessary to success. I ask you, then, where is your boasted equality '? Where 
ia the fair and open field in which talents and merit may successfully exert themselves 
and receive their just reward? It will vanish forever, or only remain like a dream 
upon the mind. All distinctions will then be confined to the rich, for they alone will 
be able to meet the expenses of an election. A man in moderate circumstances, be 
his talents ever so great, will not be able to contend with his more wealthy competitor, 
and we shall find ourself completely under the dominion of an aristocracy, while we 
are only amused with the name of a free government. He who has paid the least atten- 
tion to the current of events, or histories of other countries, may be satisfied that un- 
less this most formidable enemy to freedom, corruption, is successfully repelled by the 
virtue and wisdom of the people, in his first attempt to invade us, he Avill rise in his 
strength, like a mighty torrent, and tear down everything before him. * * * For 
the sake of guarding against the evils that have befallen them — for the sake of public 
virtue — the people should discourage this practice in any shape in which it can make 
its appearance. * * * The candidate who practices this corruption would not do so 
unless he thinks that it would benefit his election. How, then, is it to promote his 
election, unless he supposes that more people will vote for him in consequence of his 
whisky than would otherwise do so. Does he not, then, attempt to buy their votes ? 
Certainly ; for he buys the whisky, and this he gives for the purpose of getting votes, 
and all he receives hi consequence of it are as much bought as if, instead of the whisky, 
he has paid the value of it in money. Whetlier he succeeds or not, it must be evident 
to all thinking men that this is his object. * * Would he give it unless he thought 
it would gain him votes ? and is there anything that ought to fill the minds of enli"-ht- 
ened and independent freemen with more indignation than the supposition that their 
minds w^ere to be influenced in this way ? Can a man insult them more than to show 
that he conceives them so mean and mercenary ; and can you suppose that a man is 
not influenced by other motives than the public good, when he endeavors to succeed 
in his election by purchasing it — in other words, by bribery and corruption ? 

This is the only view which I am capable of taking of the subject, and I hope my 
observations will be received as a sufficient apology for my not falHng into this too 
common practice. I cannot but feel too great respect for my fellow-citizens to show 
that I conceived them capable of being either directly or indirectly corrupted ; and if 
I did conceive them so, I cannot reconcile it to my conscience either to practice it upon 



22 HISTORY OP ILLINOIS. 



any one or violate the spirit of that constitution which I am sworn to support. I love 
national liberty ; I esteem the practice of which I am speaking as the most formidable 
engine of attacking it; and if we ever do lose our liberties, I will venture to predict 
that it will only be effected by destroying the purity of election. No man is fonder of 
the approbation of his fellow-citizeus than I am. My disposition and habits have 
always led me to cultivate their friendship. I esteem it a most distinguished honor 
and a most valuable and desirable acquisition. I am anxious to attain the honor of 
serving my country ; I have endeavored to qualify myself for it. But I am not dis- 
posed to attain this honor by any other than the most honorable means. I can never 
sacrifice my integrity, my ideas of propriety or my independence to procure it. I do 
most sincerely wish your approbation, but I only wish it upon proper principles. The 
best criterion for judging the character of a man is by his acts. 

Governor Edvs'ards, from the time he was uiueteen years of age until 
he was twenty-one or twenty-two, led a dissolute life ; he indulged in dis- 
sipation and gamhling to an extent which alarmed his friends. He there- 
fore knew well the effects and consequences to individuals and Bociety from 
the practice of such habits, which were so prevalent in a new country. 
Having, therefore, determined to reform himself, he was equally zealous, 
on all proper occasions, in exerting himself to promote good morals and 
public virtue. With a view of showing the opinion of our early legislator? 
on the subject of gambling, profane swearing and Sabbath-breaking, as well 
as to show his efforts to check those habits and practices having a tendency 
destructive to the mind and morals of the people as well as the government, 
and also to show his high regard for religion and its importance in a na- 
tional point of view, I give his opinions, as expressed in his charge to the 
grand jury in Kentucky, in 1803, as follows: 

I consider vagrants and gamblers as objects particularly meriting your notice and 
reprehension. Such persons, in general, having no estates of their own, and who 
are too indolent to use means to get a support, you may rely upon it are ready to 
employ all manner of unjust, nefarious and unlawful means of acquiring money, and 
the necessity of subsisting in some way disposes them for committing all kinds of 
misdemeanors, from which must spring a school of vice in the bosom of your country 
which will not fail to spread its infection and corrupt the manners of your fellow- 
citizens. These are consequences of a general nature, in which the public are inte- 
rested but it would be a very easy matter for you to extend your views to the 
immediate pictures of distress — to those who feel the effects of the conduct of such 
men as I have mentioned — I mean to their wives and children, reduced to penury, 
and struo-o'ling, naked and comfortless, with their adverse fortunes, in a world not 
much disposed to ameliorate their cruel destiny, and in many instances depending 
upon the uncertain and precarious fortune of gratuitous subsistence from their 
neighbors. Experience and observation must have convinced you that such cases 
are not only very probable, but actually do exist. The desperate lives of vagrants 
and gamblers have a natural tendency, besides shedding around in the circles of their 
association the baneful contagion of evil example, no less destructive to the mind 
and morals than the most virulent and raging pestilence to the body; but they pro- 
duce and bring down upon the families the most complicated misfortunes, the con 
templatioQ of which shock the mind of sensibility and make humanity shudder to 



LIFE AND TIMES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 23 

think of. Whose heart is so adamantine that can behold, without sympathy, a poor 
desolate woman, with a house full of helpless children, forsaken by her husband, the 
natural protector of herself and children. She is left to her hard fate without means 
of subsistence, in an open cabin not sufficient to shelter her and her helpless children 
from the inclemency of the weather, and in the midst of disease and bodily affliction 
tormented with the cruel reflection of her undeserved misfortunes ; her heart swollen, 
ready to burst its vital springs asunder at the miseries of her family, and nature al- 
most sinking under the weight of anxiety to relieve their wants, which nature con- 
strains them to vindicate, but which she is unable to relieve. This, I am inclined to 
believe, is not a hypothetical case ; my information is that such a case does exist. 
It is your duty to inquire into such cases, and I hope these suggestions will super- 
induce extraordinary efforts on your part to bring the offenders to trial. The pre- 
vention of higher crimes is effected by a strict attention to the exercise of the most 
import.ant duties with which you, as a grand inquest, are invested, by suffering no 
individual who comes within the description of gamblers and vagrants to escape your 
notice. They will then not multiply from impunity. A few examples may dissipate 
those pests of society who infest our peace and the public repose. 

Drunkenness is also another offense properly coming within your jurisdiction, and 
I fear the frequency of it, instead of impressing your minds with the importance of 
applying to those who commit it the legal correction, has almost obliterated the 
proper sense of the impropriety and danger of this most degrading and beastly vice, 
for my own observation convinces me that a number of such cases exist. The few 
presentments for the number of offenses of this kind that are committed cannot fail 
to impress my mind with the idea that jurors have not hitherto duly appreciated the 
power they ought to exercise on such occasions. The laws of the State expressly 
prohibit it, which ought to be a sufficient consideration with the jury to induce them 
to bestow on it the most particular attention; but I am astonished that this offense 
should pass with such impunity, and should by law be so inadequately punished, 
particularly on. public occasions, when I consider the nature of it, and reflect upon 
the train of evil consequences it produces. The mind of man, distempered and in- 
toxicated with liquor, renders him Ht for the commission of the most savage deeds — 
it brutalizes him; it causes the profligate to extend the sphere of his licentious in- 
dulgence ; it frequently brings into action the most turbulent passions the human 
mind is capable of entertaining; it demoralizes a man, and for the time being de- 
stroys every virtue he ever possessed ; it frequently dissolves, the tender ties that 
unite society. If it has such a tendency among mankind whose minds are humanized 
by the highest degree of civilization, what can we expect from its practice in a frontier 
settlement, where there has scarcely been time to tame the wild and refractory by 
exhibiting to them the efficiency of the law. Who does not recollect that he has 
witnessed an immense group of evils resulting immediately from this vice. Let any 
man who cannot rely upon his own observation, as a test of its dangerous conse- 
quences, examine the faithful page of history, and I promise him that he will find in 
consequence of it many horrid deeds committed. But, laying out of view the high 
and important crimes it sometimes produces, I ask what are its almost universal ten- 
dencies ? It certainly incites the mind to every species of mischief ; to profane 
swearing; it produces assaults and batteries, attVays, routs and riots, etc., and begets 
an entire contempt for the laws and legal authorities. It is evident, by attendiu'>- 
to this branch of your jurisdiction, by making examples of guilty persons, you v. ill 
lessen the number of offenses which require to be presented by you by removing and 
extirpating, as it were, the cause that produces them, I will venture to assert, that 



24 HISTORY OF ILLINOIS. 



one-half of the offenses against the penal laws, usually presented by grand jurors, 
would not have been committed were it not for intoxication. You will, by this 
means, greatly benefit the people who are guilty of this vice, as you will save them 
from those excesses to which it may hurry them, and the expenses, fines and forfeit- 
ures necessarily attending thereon, and thereby prevent them from injuring their 
constitutions, exhausting their pecuniary resources, and thereby distressing their 
innocent families. What constitutes drunkenness is a matter of fact, of which you 
are the proper judge ; but for my part I have no idea that, to give you cognizance of 
such cases, it should appear that a man was so drunk that he could neither talk, walk 
or stand, for I really think that although such cases ought never to be overlooked 
by a grand jury, that that is the most harmless intoxication which prevents a man 
from insulting or injuring another or disturbing the public repose ; but I am clearly 
of the opinion that although a man may walk and talk as well as another, yet, if his 
mind is distempered, his natural and common reason and discretion impaired by 
liquor, if it tends to render him more dangerous and less peaceable than in his sober 
moments, I should be inclined to think he ought to be presented. He, in fact, in 
such a situation, is dangerous because he has the disposition and the power of dis- 
turbing the peace, and his example is equally pernicious to society, if not more so, 
than he who can not move. 

Profane swearing and cursing, Sabbath-breaking and blasphemy are also offenses 
to which I beg leave to call your attention. Though trivial, as they are thought 
by some, and so very leniently punished by our laws, they are very severely de- 
nounced by that law by which we must at last be judged. Since both the munici- 
pal laws of the land and the law of God prohibit these offenses, I trust that they 
will meet with the proper attention from a grand jury who have obligated them- 
selves to discharge their duties by a solemn appeal to Heaven. Our laws do not as- 
sume the right of .controlling men's consciences ; but they very wisely restrain man- 
kind from open abuses of sacred things, from profanity, blasphemy, etc., which are 
not necessary to the enjoyment of any religion that ever has or ever will exist, but 
which must be not only incompatible and uncongenial with any religion or any sys- 
tem of ethics or morality. Thus far our laws go ; not to shackle the opinions of 
mankind, but to restrain thera from the commission of acts which every reflecting 
mind must consider highly improper ; and I hope that the detestable poison of infi- 
delity has not so far insinuated itself into the minds of this grand jury, as to lead it 
away by the cant reasoning of those who are inimical to religion of every kind, 
from bestowing the proper attention to these objects of their jurisdiction. These ob- 
servations, I hope, are a sufiicient answer to the objections which have frequently 
been' made to these laws, upon the ground of unconstitutionality. But it could be 
easily demonstrated, that it is to the interest of the Commonwealth to cherish a 
love for religion, and those cannot be very deserving citizens who make it their 
business to depreciate its influence : for in the first place it is the foundation upon 
which the fabric of our jurisprudence rests. What becomes of an obligation of an 
oath, if you destroy the idea of a state of future rewards and punishments ? Where 
is the check to sordid avarice, domineering over the great host of evil passions ? 
Gentlemen may tlieorize in their closets as long as time lasts upon the light of rea- 
son and its influence to govern mankind, but they will never succeed in any practi- 
■cal system. They should reflect before they attempt to undermine the fabric of fu- 
ture hopes. They ought to weigh well the consequences of success to society in 
general. They should pause to consider Avhether, if nine-tenths of the world are not 
restrained from the commission of high offenses neither by the fear of the penalties 



LIFE AND TIMES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 25 

of municipal laws, nor fuUire punishments, under their present opinions, how much 
more likely would they be governed by the light of reason, especially when it is con- 
sidered, as it must be conceded, that they do not possess, independent of the fear of 
present and future punishment, light of reason suflScient to satisfy them that they 
act wrong, both as it relates to themselves and society. As, then, it is evident tint 
all those checks, with this fantastic light of reason, are insufficient to control the 
passions of lawless and evil-minded men, it is paradoxical and absurd to contend 
that it is to the interest of society to destroy any one of those necessary checks, and 
it will be recollected that the laws are designed to govern men of the aforesaid de- 
scription — from all which considerations I infer that as the particular tendency of 
blasphemy, profanity, etc., is to destroy the influence of religion and morality on the 
minds of our fellow citizens, that they ought for that reason to be punished. What 
is the proper religion I shall not pretend to say, nor is it my province to deter- 
mine ; but that some religion is necessary is evident from the history of past events. 
Any religion is better than none at all, if there is the least credit to be given to sa- 
cred or profane history. The last, I presume, is an authority that infidels are not 
disposed to question ; and society is interested in the support of religion. We find 
from history that the Assyrian Empire, that of the Medes and Persians, Grecian and 
Roman, all flourished whi'st they adhered to their religion and scrupulously prac- 
ticed reverence and piety toward their gods ; but as impiety and wickedness gained 
ground, they began gradually to dec'ine and ultimately sunk into total destruction. 
Who can read the history of the proud, superb, and unequaled cities of Babylon and 
Jerusalem, without seeing the evidences of God's wrath and chastisements for their 
wickedness in their signal destruction'; and if Jerusalem itself experienced those 
visitations of the Almighty wrath in consequence of its wickedness, how shall we 
hope to escape whilst we tolerate profanity and impiety, and thereby permit their 
influence to extend to the rising generation, accumulating as it rolls on to the great- 
est magnitude, and that, too, at a time when we have just experienced greater dispen- 
sations of goodness and happiness than any other nation has enjoyed? In the dark 
ages of antiquity, impiety was looked upon as the greatest offense ; they would not 
tolerate the least want of reverence for their supposed dieties, but severely punished 
supposed offenses against them. Shall we, possessing the light of revelation, permit 
an open irreverence and open opposition to the only true God ? I hope not. It may 
be asked, why may not nuiu be left, in such cases, to their conscience and to their 
future destinies? Because they would carry along with them the same fate for oth- 
ers whom they corrupt. We cannot consent that they shall blight and destroy our 
fairest hopes by contaminating, by their evil example, our children Knowing that 
mankind is generally more disposed to embrace error than truth, to adopt vice than 
virtue, and knowing the fascinating influence of example, the law will not permit 
these persons to transfuse their poison into the breasts of others. These observations 
do not exclusively apply to profane swearing, Sabbath-breaking and blaspliemy, they 
equally apply to other objects of your jurisdiction. 

Tliat IMr. Edwards was a very di-stinguished lawyer and able jurist no 
one can doubt, after reading his opinions whilst he was one of the judges 
of the highest court of the State of Kentucky ; and to estimate, properly, 
his reputation as a lawyer and jurist, it must be borne iu mind that he 
was selected to fill his judicial stations from the bar, composed at that time 
of some of the most eminent lawyers in the United States. Judge Bibb 

—4 



26 HISTORy OP ILLINOIS. 



SO higtly appreciated his talents as a lawyer and judge, as to say that he 
knew of no one who could write a more able opinion, and in so short time, 
as Judge Edwards. The great secret of his success was owing to his pow- 
erful intellect and to his energy and untiring industry. 

At a very early period he was selected by Mr, Clay to attend to impor- 
tant legal business for his father-in-law, Col. Hart, and in one of the letters 
from Mr. Clay to him, dated in July, 1800, Mr. C, after finishing w'hat 
he had to say in relation to Mr. Hart's business, says : 

I am h.appy to hear that we are anxious for tlie election of the same President. 
It is now almost certainly ascertained that Mr. Jefferson will be elected. The elec- 
tion of representatives in New York has been in his favor, and he will, it is af- 
firmed, certainly get every vote in tliat State. You have, no doubt, heard that Pick- 
ering is dismissed and McHenry resigned ; the violent friends of the administration 
seem to be quitting public service. Harper is no longer a candidate, and Sedgwick, 
the speaker, has also declined offering. 

Permit me to inform you that as Mr. Thurston declines offering for the clerkship of 
the Senate, I shall, amongst many others, be a candidate for that office. Having lived 
in the clerk's office of the High Court of Chancery of Virginia, and acted sometimes 
as the amanuensis of the Chancellor, I have been induced to believe that I can dis- 
charge the duties of that office. Should you have it in your power to render me any 
service, and think me deserving it, I will be much obliged to you for the favor. 

I am, dear sir you most obedient, 

HENRY CLAY. 



CHAPTER II. 

Organization of the Territory of Illinois, — Apj)ointment of Mr. Edwards as 
Governor — His arrival at Kaskaslcia— ^Address of the Citizens of Ran- 
dolph county, and Gov. Edioards Reply — Superintendent of the U. S. 
Salims — His Ap>pointment of Territorial Officers — Mr. Crittenden's 
appointment as Attorney- General of the Territory. 

In February, 1809, provision was made by Congress for the organization 
of the Territory of Illinois, to take effect by the first of March. The duties 
and responsibilities of a territorial Grovernor, at that time, were peculiarly 
arduous and weighty. Judge Boyle, one of the associate judges of the 
Court of Appeals, of which Niniau Edwards was then Chief Justice, re- 
ceived this appointment, but declined accepting it. To this important 
station the Chief Justice was appointed by President Madison. This 
commission bears date the 24th of April, 1809. The Territory was duly 
organized by the Secretary, Nathaniel Pope, on the 28th of the same month. 

Gov. Edwards arrived in June, and on the 11th of that month took the 
oath of office and entered upon the administration of the government. 

The following are among the letters of recommendation to his appoint- 
ment to the office of Governor : 

Kentucky (Frankfurt), lOth April, 1809. 
To the Prciidcnt : 

Dear Sir — Mr. Boyle havinj^ accepted the office of Judge of the Court of Appeals 
of this State, I presume it will become necessary immediately to appoint a Governor 
of the Illinois Territory in his stead. N. Edwards, Esq., Chief Justice of our Court of 
Appeals, is desirous of filling this vacancy, and it is with pleasure that I bestow my 
suffrage on his recommendation. The honorable appointments which this gentleman 
has held (first as a judge of our Superior Court, and then promoted to his present sta- 
tion,) evince how highly he is estimated amongst us. In theajhe has acquitted himself 
with great ability and gener.il satisfaction, nor can a doubt exist of his entire fitness 
for the office in question. 

I am, sir, your most obedient, 

HENRY CLAY. 

In a letter of the same date, to the Hon. Robt. Smith, Mr. Clay speaks 
of him thus : " His political principles accord with those of the Republican 
party. His good understanding, weight of character and conciliatory man- 
ners give him very fair pretensions to the office alluded to. Should further 
information be desired in relation to him, I have no doubt that the whole 



28 



HISTORY OF ILLINOIS. 



representation from the State, when consulted, would concur in ascribing 
to him every qualification for the office in question." 

The following tabular statement contains a list of the officers appointed 
by the Federal Government for the Territory of Illinois, from 1809 to 1818, 
inclusive : 



Officers. 



John Boyle 

Ninian Edwards . . . 
Nathaniel Pope. . . . 
Alexander Stuart.. 

Obadiali Jones 

Jesse B. Tlionias. . . 
Stanley Griswold . . 

John Caldwell 

Thomas Sloo 

Ninian Edwards . . . 
Nathaniel Pope. . . . 
William Sprigg. . . . 
William Mears . . .'. 

Philip Fouke 

Shadrick Bond , . . . 
Ninian Edwards . . . 
Thomas Towles .... 
William Rector. . . . 
Benjamin Stevenson 

John McKee 

Joseph Philips 

Augustus Chouteau 
Richard Graham... 



Office. 



Governof (declined). 

Governor 

Secretary 

Judge 



Receiver of Public Moneys 

Commissioner Public Land Claims. 

Governor 

Secretary 

Judge 

Attorney 

Marshal 

Receiver of Public Moneys 

Governor 

Judge ... - 

Surveyor Public Lands 

Receiver Public Moneys 

Register Land Office 

Secretary 

Indian Conmiissioner 

Judge 



Date of Commission. 


March 

u 


V, 
V, 


1809. 


u 


7, 
7, 
1, 

7, 


" 


" 


16, 


1810. 


April 


2, 
2, 


1812. 


Novem'i 


12, 


1812. 


June 


1, 


1813. 


July 


9, 


1813. 


August 


1, 
1, 

3, 


1813. 


October 


1814. 


January 


16, 
16, 


1816. 


April 


29, 
29, 
30, 


1816. 


Decem'i 


16, 


1816. 


Febr'y 


19, 


1818. 


April 


20, 


1818. 



On his arrival in Kaskaskia, to enter upon the discharge of his duties, 
Gov. Edwards received the following address from the citizens of Randolph 
county: 

Kask.vskia, -/((//f, 1809, 
To His Ex.rcllcncy Nlxian Edwards, 

Governor and Commander-'in- Chief of the Illinois Territory: 

We, the undersigned, citizens of the county of Randolph, in the said Territory, 
beg leave to address you, on your arrival at the seat of government to assume the 
important duties of the high station to which your country has called you, from the 
honorable one which you held in the State of Kentucky. While, on this happy occa- 
sion, we greatly acknowledge the justice of the United States in granting the prayers 
of our reiterated petitions for the division of the Territory, permit us, sir, to con- 
gratulate you on that event, and to assure you that we entertain the highest sense 
of your merits and character, and appreciate the prosperity and happiness which we 
flatter ourselves will result to the citizens at large from your administration. Pre- 
suming that you maybe in some degree unacquainted with the feelings and sentiments 
of the citizens at this important crisis, we cannot forbear to express our hopes that 
you will take into consideration that the majority, whose incessant exertions effectu- 
ated a division of the territory, have a claim on your excellency for the calumnies, 
indignities and other enormities which those who opposed that measure never ceased 
to heap upon the friends and advocates of the present system of our government. 



LIFE AND TIMES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. ' 29 

In annouacing these truths, while we deplore that the gentleman who was elected 
to Congress, and ultimately sticceeded in obtaining justice for us, was hung in effigy 
at Vincennes, by the opposers of the division, and that one of the warmest friends 
and ablest advocates of the measure was assassinated at Kaskaskia, in consequence 
of their machinations, we derive great consolation from a firm belief that your ex- 
cellency will gratify the virtuous majority, to whose patriotic exertions the citizens 
are indebted for a government of their choice, and your excellency your high station, 
with that honorable indemnity which is in your gift, and which would be considered 
by them as a remuneration for all those indignities and a pledge of their future sup- 
port to your administration. 

Having been informed that your excellency is vested with authority to inquire into 
the conduct? of the land office of the district of Kaskaskia, we conceive it necessary, 
as a precautionary measure for the security of our titles, that all the books and papers 
in the office should be sealed up until the determination of the inquiry and a new 
board shall be organized. 

In tendering you assurances of our highest respect and sincere attachment, we beg 
leave to express a hope that you will shortly bring your respectable family to our 
charming country, to make a permanent residence in tlie Territory, where we hope 
your administration may be long and popular. 

Gentlemen : (,-*'' J ^ 

Your approbation of my appointment, and the friendly reception with which I am 
honored by 30U, while they cannot fail to elicit from me the expression of my grati. 
tude and respect, they will, at the same time, inspire me with the strongest desire 
to merit a continuance of your friendship and support. In the administration of this 
government my first object is to do right, by a faithful discharge of the important 
duties with which I am intrusted ; my next object will be to render the most general 
satisfaction — and I presume, with the enlightened citizens of Illinois, the latter will 
be most effectually secured by a strict observance of the former. On -subjects of a 
political nature, it is not to be expected that mankind will ever perfectly agree, in 
all cases, and it is highly probable that on some occasions I may think differently 
Irom a portion of ray fellow-citizens. Should this be the case, though I shall main- 
tain my own opinions with firmness and moderation, I shall always take great pleasure 
in treating with the utmost respect the opinions of those who may disagree with me, 
recollecting that the fallibility of my own nature should suggest to me the best 
apology for the errors of others. 

In the present state of society, and in tlic infancy of this government. I cannot 
expect to please everybody. On the threshold I am met by a crowd of difficulties, 
which I fear it will be impossible successfully to surmount. In this situation I only 
ask for that liberal indulgence which one honest man ought to extend to another. 
This I hope for; but should I be disappointed, I know that I cannot be deprived of 
the consolation of having endeavored honestly and independently to do my duty. 
To protect the equal rights of all (and not a part only) of the citizens of this Territory, 
is the object of the government; and it is designed not only for the benefit of those 
who are now residents, but also for all those who may choose to become so. 

An office is a trust, deposited in the hands of the individual, who holds it not for 
his individual benefit and advantage, but for the public good ; and in all appoint- 
ments by me the public interest, and not a system of favoritism, shall be my govern- 
ing principle, A partisan I can not and will not be. Had I been such heretofore, and 



30 • HISTORY OP ILLINOIS. 



an actual resident of this country during those contentions with which it has been 
convulsed, and which I deplore as much as any man, I should think the feelings of 
the man ought to be lost in those of the officer, whose duty it should be to consider 
himself as the guardian and protector of the equal riglits of his fellow-citizens, that 
therefore, as such, he should have no friend to serve, no enemy to punish. 

■My powers with- regard to the land commissioners are totally inadequate to the 
object of your request. 

To promote the happiness of the people and the prosperity of this country will 
always engage my most earnest exertions. 

With your country I am highly pleased — I agree with you that it is a charming 
country; and as soon as it is possible, I shall endeavor to bring my family to it. 

Accept my thanks for your polite attention to me, and be assured that your ex- 
pression of friendship in your address is most sincerely reciprocated by me. 

Should this answer not be as full or explicit as you expected, the few moments you 
allowed me must be my apology. 

N. EPWARDS. 

At the time of his appointment to the office of Governor, he also re- 
ceived the appointment of Superintendent of the United States saline. 
As Superintendent it was his duty to make all the contracts for leasing the 
salt works, to collect the rent, and to provide for the shipment and sale of 
the salt which was delivered to the government in lieu of a cash rent. 
The following conditions were required to be inserted in the leases : 

1st. The quantity of salt to be made annually, by the lessees, was not 
to be less than 120,000 bushels of salt, and as much more as the Superin- 
tendent might think practicable and might be proposed by the lessee ; and, 
in order that this condition should be complied with, a penalty of one 
bushel for each bushel falling short of the quantity was exacted, to secure 
which there was to be a constant deposit of salt in the hands of the agent 
of the United States. 

2d. The maximum price of salt to be fixed at not less than 80 cts. nor 
more than one dollar per bushel, leaving it between those limits, at the dis- 
cretion of the Superintendent. 

3d. A rent to be paid quarterly, in salt, equal to the difference between 
what is judged a fair price for the lessees to sell at, and the maximum 
price fixed by the lease ; but to be calculated only on 120,000 bushels a 
year, whether the quantity actually made exceeds or falls short of that 
number. It was also stipulated that the salt paid to the United States 
should not be sold at a price less than that fixed by the lease, except by 
common consent the price should be lowered — in which case the rent was 
to be diminished in the same proportion. 

4ih. Conditions must be introduced to effectually prevent the waste of 
timber and to encourage the use of coal ; to encourage which the Superin- ■ 
tendent was authorized, at his discretion, to diminish the rent. 

5th. It is left discretionary with the Superintendent to let the whole 
saline to one or more companies. 



LIFE AND TIMES OP NINIAN EDWARDS. 31 



6tli. No lessee should be concerned, either directly or indirectly, with 
any other salt works. 

The above instructions were given by Mr. Gallatin, then Secretary of 
the Treasury, in the year 1809. 

During the first three years of his administration of the territorial gov- 
ernment, from the year 1809 to 1812, he had the power to make new coun- 
ties and the appointment of all the offices ; and yet, in all cases, he adopted 
as a rule, which was invariably adhered to, to allow the people of each 
county, by an informal vote, to select their own officers, both civil and 
military. 

The following is taken from a publication, made by him, on the subject 
of the appointment of the militia officers of the Territory : 

Gentlemen : — I regret very much the necessity which has hitlierto rendered my 
visit to this county, at an earlier period, impracticable. For a considerable length 
of time immediately previous to my appointment to the oflSce with which I am now 
honored, I was engaged in the most arduous duties attached to the one which I late- 
ly held, in the State of Kentucky. On the notification of my present appointment 
I delayed repairing to my new station no longer tljan about ten days, which time 
was actually spent in deciding and disposing of such causes as had previously been 
argued in the Court of Appeals, and which could not have been decided, without 
me, but at very great inconvenience to the litigant parties, and a delay highly inju- 
rious to the public interest. Such imperious calls of public duty I could not feel 
myself at liberty to resist; and whilst I yielded to them exclusively, the short time 
of my delay, my private concerns were totally overlooked and neglected. These 
considerations rendered my return to Kentucky at as early a period as possible so 
indispensable, and the business of the Territory required my presence so much, at 
the seat of government, that I found no time to devote to a visit to this country. 

Independent of the pleasure which I would have felt in an opportunity of culti- 
vating the acquaintance and friendship of those whose most important interests are 
confided to my care and guardianship, I doubt not but it might have been useful to 
myself, and satisfactory to my fellow citizens, by enabling me to develop to them 
the principles on which I mean to administer the government, and the motives by 
which I have been ^.nd shall continue to be gpverned. The interval of my absence 
from the Territory has increased the difficulty, but it has not destroyed my hopes of 
convincing my fellow-citizens that their good — the peace, and tranquillity, and hap- 
piness, and prosperity of the Territory — are the objects of my most ardent wishes. 

The human mind is oftentimes the victim of prejudice. The utmost perfection of 
human nature is not entirely free from its influence. The best of men are sometimes 
subject to its dominion. And when mankind, instead of checking its approaches and 
guarding against its progress, admit its entrance by opening to it every portal and 
avenue of the heart, and invite its residence by cherishing it, the best, the noblegt 
aflFections of the mind are superceded by dislikes, hatred and jealousies almost as 
injurious to those by whom they are entertained as to those against whom they are 
directed. And while I am very ready to admit that I may have erred in some in- 
stances — as I pretend to no exemption from the fallibility of human nature, and know 
too well my own liability to err — yet I think it highly probable that some portion of 
prejudice must have intermingled itself in the judgment which some of my fellow- 



32 HISTORY or ILLINOIS. 



citizens may have passed on my official acts, and, if so, that prejudice has become 
the more obstinate by being more matured, and consequently will be the more diffi- 
cult to reruove. But this is a difficulty at which I am neither startled nor appalled. 
The experience of thirteen years, every day of which I have been engaged in public 
service, in various stations, has convinced me that on the candor, the good sense 
and justice of the people I can always confide. I never mean to pay my court 
to demagogues. I will never admit that one, two, three or more persons shall exer- 
cise the right and claim the privilege of giving life, shape, motion and effect to pub- 
lic opinion, where I am concerned. My appeal shall always be to the people ; and 
at the same time that I most firmly declare that I never will yield to mere popular 
clamor, resulting from popular delusion artfully produced, I take a pride in declar- 
ing that I would take as much pleasure in explaining my conduct to the humblest 
individual in the government, with a view to satisfy him, as I would to the highest 
personage, the most exalted character or the most influential man in it. 

Deriving the portion of public patronage with which I have been honored from 
no high birth or noble ancestry, but being wholly indebted for it to those principles 
of liberty and equality, those fundamental rights of man, that have been secured by 
our glorious revolution and free constitution, by which every man of merit may be 
rewarded, whatever may be his situation in life, I cannot but venerate and respect 
those principles; and while I consider myself, as a citizen, inferior to no man 
whom God has ever made, I feel no superiority to any other honest, well-behaved 
man, however humble his station in life maybe. 

I am not ignorant of the facility with which the best actions of a man's life may 
be perverted, misconstrued and distorted by malicious interpretations ; nor am I ig- 
norant of the ease with which public sentiment may be corrupted and pdblic preju- 
dices excited ; nor am I to be deterred by them. I have often experienced the in- 
conveniences of them ; for I have, in the course of my political life, mei with as 
much opposition as any man whatever. But hitherto I have, in no instance, ever 
failed to overcome it; for in nothing that I have attempted in the political way have 
I ever experienced a personal disappointment; and in all ray elections by the peo- 
ple, the least majority I ever had was upwards of three hundred votes. My depend- 
ence has always been upon the people. They may be wrong sometimes, but my po- 
litical creed is that they will get right ; and my firm belief is that the best means of 
securing their lasting and permanent approbation is a firm and independent course, 
even if they should not entirely concur; for there is a native magnamimity in the 
souls of freemen, which leads them to admire a man who is nobly wrong much more 
than one who is meanly right. 

Gentlemen, I will close these general remarks with one more observation. I never 
will shrink from opposition, even if I should fall under it, for I would far rather fall 
nobly than rise meanly ; but I never will court opposition — I will avoid it as long 
as possible. I will spare no pains to satisfy any dispassionate man, who is willing 
to be convinced, that my motives at least are pure, if he will with common frankness 
give me the opportunity to do so. 

The particular object that I had in view, at the present time, was to give some 
elucidations of and explain the reasons that had lead me to adopt the plan to which 
I had resorted for the purpose of organizing the militia of this Territory, and I had 
expected to confine my address exclusively to those gentlemen who have recently 
been elected by the people as officers, having only requested them to meet me on 
this occasion. I calculated that I could not only convince them that my motives 



LIFE AND TIMES OP NINIAN EDWARDS. 33 

had been pure, but that my conduct had been correct, and that they, returning to 
the various sections of the county where they reside, would have it in their power 
to disseminate correct information upon the subject among their neighbors. That 
otiier citizens, however, do me the lionor to attend and hear me, is to me a source 
of additional felicitation. I solicit all of you to lay aside your prejudices, if you have 
any, and yield to the dictates of your owii judgment, dispassionately exercised. 

That my plan is perfect I shall not contend ; perfection is the lot of no man. No 
human institution that ever existed is free from imperfections of some kind, arising 
either from the incompetency of the human judgment that conceived and planned 
it, or the frailties, weaknesses or wickedness of those on whom it is designed to ope- 
rate. This renders it quite easy to find fault, but very often as difficult to furnish a 
hotter substitute ; and I will venture to say that no plan that has ever been sugges- 
ted to me is either more correct in principle or better calculated to give general 
satisfaction. It is not enough to say it has its evils, it produces some discontents, 
unless you could point out some plan that would have been free from these excep- 
tions. 

The peculiar situation of this Territory would have presented difficulties almost 
insurmountable by a man acquainted with every citizen ; they must be proportion- 
ately greater to a man like myself, a total stranger to almost every one — destitute 
of information, and unable to act without it ; embarrassed by representations dia- 
metrically opposite to each other proceeding from sources apparently equally respec- 
table. 

Unfortunately the Territory had been divided into violent parties. Political con- 
troversies had degenerated into personal animosities of the most rancorous and vin 
dictive nature. The combination of political dissentions and private hatred had 
convulsed the whole society, and exhibited a scene of mutual struggle to put down 
those who were opposed to each other. In this state of things, so much to be dep- 
recated by dispassionate men, I found the Territory, when I came to it ; and I de- 
termined to risk the whole combined opposition of both parties rather than yield 
myself up to the control or enlist under the banners of either. I regretted those 
dissensions as much as any man could do, "and I was anxious to see them hastened 
into oblivion, because I did believe, and still do believe, that they are not only inju- 
rious to the happiness, but in a high degree destructive to the prosperity and the best 
interest of the Territory. They are also, to a great extent, inconsistent with the 
liberal and enlarged sentiments of true republicans; for show me the man who can- 
not tolerate free opinion, or who has so little charity as to believe that every man 
who differs with him on political subjects must be a knave, and I will show you a 
man who is fit only to reside in the atmosphere of tyranny. If my neighbor disa- 
grees with me in matter of opinion, I ought not and I would not dogmatically arro- 
gate to myself such perfect infallibility as making my own judgment the standard 
to denounce him a fool or a knave. And if my conviction of the correctness of my 
own judgment was irresistible, to me, I should regret that he was incompetent to 
take my view of the subject, but it would be most uncharitable indeed to attribute 
his error to him as a crime. Much less should I suppose that any man, merely for 
differing with me in opinion, should be shut out from an equal participation in those 
republican institutions that are introduced for the common good of all. Such a 
principle is inconsistent with republicanism, which permits to every free man the 
full enjoyment of his opinions and the liberty of expressing them; but in van would 
you allow him such liberty if you annex so severe a punishment to the exercise of it. 
—5 



34 HISTORY OF ILLINOIS. 



To use a homely comparison, this would indeed be presenting the wolf in sheep's 
clothing. It would be monarchy or aristocracy nicltnamed republicanism As to 
diversity of opinion we ought to expect it, and meet it with the most charitable 
indulgences; for who is there that has not experienced the fluctuationsof his own judg- 
ment? Who, that will extend his view throughout the circle of his ncquantance, 
has not seen many men, in whom he has equal confidence, differing in opinion upon 
the plainest points in politics, in law, in religion, in science of every kind, and even 
in plain matter of fact ? These considerations should teach us not to be either too 
dogmatical or uncharitable. 

They were most conclusive with me in resisting one plan of administration that 
was warmly pressed on me. That was to appoint none to office, under any circum- 
stances, who had ever opposed the division of the Territory. This proposition was 
80 repugnant to the dictates of my judgment, and to my sense of propriety and jus- 
tice, that, if my political salviition had depended on it, I would not have adopted it. 
Yet I hope that; in refusing it, I have showed as much decent respect for the opin- 
ion of others as I possibly could do without surrendering my own. 

The next plan pressed on me was to reappoint all the old officers. But this it- 
self had its objections ; and it would have imposed obligations on me which no Gov- 
ernor ought to be required to discharge. If I had appointed gentlemen to offices 
merely because they had before filled them, at the same time that I gave them the 
benefit of their old stations, justice would most imperiously require that I should 
have subjected them to the inconveniences of them ; as, for example, if one of those 
persons, while in the exercise of his former office, or during his tenure of it, had 
committed an offense cognizable by a court of inquiry or court martial, surely I 
ought not to have rendered him intangible to a proper inquiry, or to secure to him 
impunity by issuing to him a commission of posterior date, whereby no such court 
of inquiry or court martial could be instituted with competent' powereither to in- 
vestigate his conduct or to remove him from office. The difficulty, therefore, could 
only be obviated by substituting myself in the place of such court, and I do veiily 
believe, if I had consented to undertake this arduous, this unpleasant and unprece- 
dented labor, I should not have been able to have performed it by this time, if I may 
judge from the disposition manifested to exhibit charges. 

To have adopted this plan without making such inquiries would have been unjust 
and impolitic ; to have made the inquiries would have been oppressive to myself 
and I doubt not, in some instances, very unsatisfactory to my fellow-citizens. 

If I had adopted the plan as my governing rule, I should have been like a mere 
machine, deriving my force and effect from borrowed impulse — ail discrimination, 
all discretion, all selection, would have been perfectly prostrated. 

If I had adopted the plan partially, it would have been impossible to have given 
general satisfaction, or to have avoided the imputation of having adopted a mere 
system of favoritism, which would have kept up the exciteiiient and agitation of the 
public mind. Besides, my opinion is that offices are created for the benefit of the 
people and not the occupants, and no person can properly claim one unless he mer- 
its it, and the public interest be advanced by him. This is not the doctrine of venal 
courts or monarchical and aristocratical governments, where offices are given as bribes, 
and pensions and sinecures and titles of nobility are given as the wages of corruption, 
the more successfully to enable the government to invade the rights of the people ; 
but just so much as said principles are beneficial to other governments, they are de- 
trimental to and inconsistent with the genius and spirit of ours. 



LIFE AND TIMES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 35 

The government of Indiana had been dissolved, by which all the inhabitants of 
this Territory were reduced to a peifect equality ; and it seemed to me that tlie dic- 
tates of justice, as well as sound policy, required that equality should not be de- 
stroyed by the recognition of any presumptive pretensions, nor by any save only 
those resulting from personal merit. Many persons probably, who were not in office, 
might be more meritorious than some who held offices, and all ought to have had a 
fair chance for promotion. 

Revolving all these considerations and reflections in my own mind, I determined, 
without such a suggestion from any person on earth, to adopt my own plan, which 
was that the companies should elect the company officers and that those should 
elect the field officers. And here I pass over in silence, without animadversioii and 
without the least resentment, insinuations that I had adopted this plan to favor this 
and that man. Time will convince you all that such suspicions are totally unfounded ; 
and if I can only demonstrate my course is intrinsically correct, I am not very soli- 
citous with regard to the motives that may be attributed to me. 

Either of the other plans that have been mentioned would have been satisfactory 
to the party by whom it was proposed, but not so to the adverse party. Both par- 
ties claimed the majority of the people. On this they piedicated their claims on me ; 
and without admitting the propriety of such claim, in those cases, my plan gives to 
both parties the opportunity of succeeding upon their own ground. I could not 
select proper characters for officers without information, for I knew none of them. 
I did not choose to depend upon the information of the leaders here, or the leaders 
there, for tliis would have thrown me into the bosom of one party or the other — 
which I was determined to avoid. I therefore chose to make my appeal to the peo- 
ple, by the most practicable expedient that suggested itself to my mind. 

By my plan those office: s who were meritorious would be most likely to succeed ; 
those who were not so could have no cause for complaint. Good republicans ought 
to submit to the majority, and no man of sensibility would wish to lead to bloody 
conflict, in defense of their country, men who had not confidence in him ; and it is 
to be hoped that an empty title or the plumage and garnature of a soldier, in time 
of peace, could not induce any man to disregard those nice and delicate notions of 
propriety which he would have in time of danger. I am not afraid to consult the 
people; and I do believe if in any case of militia appointments it is proper to con- 
sider their wishes it is in an exposed Territory like this, where the danger of inva- 
sion renders confidence in and attachment to officers so indispensible to the service. 
If I could have returned earlier to the Territory it is probable that, in some cases, 
I might have directed new elections. The season is now too far advanced — the 
weather too likely to be inclement ; and I do not consider myself authorized to call 
out the people in those months in which, by law, they cannot de compelled to mus- 
ter. A longer delay in the militia business would be injurious, and therefore I must 
accept the returns of elections that have been made as the best expression of public 
sentiment which it is in my power to acquire. 

Among the first appointments of Gov, Edwards was that of John J. Crit- 
tenden, kite Senator in Congress from Kentucky, to the ofl&ce of Attorney 
General of the Territory. Mr. Crittenden accepted the office, but in a very 
short time resigned, and his brother, Thomas, was appointed in his place. 
The followino; is his letter of resignation : 



36 HISTORY OP ILLINOIS. 



RUSSELTILLE, Feb. 24, 1810. 
Dear Governor : 

I have inclosed you mv resignation of the office of Attorney General, with which 
you were good enough to honor me. I know not how to excuse myself for such con- 
duct. You will call me fickle and capricious, and perhaps you will think me un- 
grateful. The first epithets I do not think I deserve — the third I know I do not. 
I feel towards you all possible gratitude. I am bound to you by all that can bind 
the most susceptible heart to the most generous of benefactors. I trust that my 
destinies will, sometime or other, afford me an opportunity of convincing you of all 
this. Whenever I can serve you, I entreat that you will let me know it. I beg 
xhat you will command me. If you do not, I shall consider myself slighted. My 
heart feels no wish more ardently than that of serving you. But let me put an end 
to these assurances; I could fill a volume. Capt. Butler is hurrying me. I want to 
see you much. T want you to sign my justification. I want to lay my whole heart 
and soul before you, to tell you all my reasons and feelings upon this subject. I beg 
you will always consider me among the number of your best and most devoted friends. 

JOHN J. CRirXENDEN. 

Hii Excellency N. Edwards, United States Saline. 



CHAPTER III. 

Indian Depredations and Massacres — Movements of Captain Levering — 
Indian Council at Peoria — Speech of Gov. Edwards — Reply of Gomo, 
etc. — Peoria z'/i 1812. 

In 1810, a series of massacres and depredations were committed by the 
Indians of Illinois Territory, upon citizens living in Louisiana Territory, 
wliich led to a long correspondence between the Governor of Louisiana 
Territory and Gov. Edwards. The most daring of these was committed at 
Portage du Sioux, on July 19th, and created great excitement at the time. 
It appears, from the correspondence which it occasioned, that on the night 
in question a party of Sacs stole from William T. Cole, Cornelius Gooch 
and James Moredough a number of horses and other articles. They were 
immediately pursued by Stephen Cole, James Moredough, W. T. Cole and 
Sarshal Brown, who came up with the band on the next day. They were 
first seen across a prairie, four or five miles ahead. Finding themselves 
discovered the Indians kept changing their course, which prevented their 
pursuers from overtaking them. In their rapid march, however, the In- 
dians left behind them a quantity of their plunder, consisting of a valuable 
pack-saddle, seven or eight deer-skins, two sides of leather, and some dried 
venison — the property of Mr. Brown — which was recovered. Night com- 
ing on, and their horses becoming very fatigued, the pursuers concluded 
to follow no further, and pitched their camp near a small branch, arranging 
that the next day they should continue on to the house of Victor Lagotiere, 
where they would leave the recovered property, and get him (who was 
known to have great influence with the Indian tribes) to intercede for the 
recovery of the horses. But about two o'clock in the morning, while sleep- 
ing around their watch-fire, they were fired upon by the Indians and four 
of the party, consisting of C. Gooch, Abraham Patten, W. T. Cole and 
Sarshal Brown, instantly killed. Stephen Cole was wounded in two places 
and also tomahawked, but he recovered from his wounds. It was not, 
however, till the 22d that he and James Moredough (the other survivor, 
who escaped by hiding in the thicket) were able to get back to the settle- 
ment and give the news of the massacre. On the next day a party started 
back and recovered the bodies of the murdered men, but all the horses, 
blankets, guns, ammunition, etc., belonging to them, were taken by the 



38 HISTORY OF ILLINOIS. 



Indians. On the 23d of July, about three leagues below Mr. Lagotiere's, 
two Indians of the Pottawottamie tribe were seen, by a man named Morris 
Blondeau, lying in the woods, hungry and without fire, having a number 
of horses in their possession, but upon their representing that they were 
just returning from a Buflfalo hunt, nothing was thought of the circumstance, 
and they escaped. The proof being ample that the massacre was committed 
by the Pottawottamies, a requisition was made by the Governor of Louisiana 
Territory, upon Gov. Edwards, to deliver them up for punishment. 

On the 24th of July, 1811, Capt. Samuel Levering was honored with a 
commission from Gov. Edwards to proceed to the tribes on the Illinois 
Kiver and demand of them the authors of the murders which had been 
committed, and the property that had been stolen by the Indians in the 
Louisiana and Illinois Territories, during the preceding two summers. 
Capt. Levering departed on that day, from Kaskaskia, and arrived at Mr. 
Jarrot's, in the village of Cahokia, on the next day, at 11 o'clock, P. M. 
Capt. Ebert had engaged a part of the crew for the boat, and on the 25th 
of July, the boat having been furnished by Gov. Clark with the necessary 
equipments, provisions, etc., they left in .the boat for Peoria, with the crew, 
consisting of Capt. Levering, Capt. Hebert, Henry Swearingen, N. Rector, 
a Frenchman, that passed for an interpreter, but was intended for a spy, 
a Pottawottamie Indian, named Wish-ha, and eight oarsmen, each of whom 
was armed with a gun. The names of the boatmen were Pierre St. John, 
Pierre La Parche, Joseph Trotier, Francis Pensoneau, Louis Bevanno, 
Thomas Hull {alias Woods), Pierre Voedre, and Joseph Grammason — all 
of whom signed the articles of agreement as boatmen and soldiers for the 
expedition. 

On the 28th July, they arrived at Portage du Sioux, where they met 
Capt. Whiteside with his men, who had just arrived from the blockhouse, 
near the mouth of the Illinois River. Capt. Whiteside informed them that 
he and his party had fired, a few days previously, on the Sacs, whose chief 
was by the name of Quas-qua-me, as they were ascending the river, with 
the intention of a summons "to bring them to," but that the Indians, not 
understanding such a salutation, and supposing it to be an act of hostility, 
returned the fire — whereupon his party, with a good aim, fired four shots. 

On the morning of the 29th of July, they arrived at Prairie Marcot, 
about nineteen miles above the mouth of the Illinois River, where Lieut. 
John Campbell was stationed with seventeen men. Lieut. Campbell in- 
formed them that he had, a few days ago, taken a scout, and had seen path- 
tracks of fifteen Indians. 

Nothing of special importance occurred until their arrival at Peoria, on 
the 3d of August, where they met Mr. Forsythe, the Indian agent, who 
informed Capt. Levering that he had delivered to Gomo Gov. Claik's letter 



LIFE AND TIMES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 39 

to him, in relation to the murderers, and that Gomo replied as though he 
was disposed to surrender the offenders j that one man could not fight and 
contend with fifty; that his will was ineffectual and in opposition to that 
which generally prevailed among the Indians. 

On the 4th of August, Jacques Mettie, of Peoria, informed Capt. Lev- 
ering that one of the Indians who committed the murder on Shoal creek 
was a Pottawottamie, by the name of Nom-bo-itt, and that he was at that 
time in a village on Yellow creek, whose chief is named Mat-cho-quis, about 
ninety leagues from Peoria; and that another, also of the same nation, by 
the name of Me-nac-queth, was at Latourt, or White Pigeon, on the road 
leading to Detroit, about twelve leagues from St. Joseph; and the third 
one of the party that murdered Cox is named Es-ca-puck-he-ah, or Green, 
who was twelve or fifteen miles beyond White Pigeon, toward Detroit — 
probably at the apple orchard on the Kick-kal-le-ma-seau. 

Mr. Fournier, who had been sent to Gomo's village to apprise him of the 
arrival of Capt. Levering with a letter to him, from Gov. Edwards, reported 
that an Indian had arrived in advance of him, and had informed Gomo 
that the party consisted of fifty armed men, and that, notwithstanding his 
representations to the contrary, Gomo would not come without fourteen 
armed warriors with him. 

On the morning of August 5th, a United States flag was seen at Gomo's 
lodge, a quarter of a mile above, on the lake. On Gomo's receiving a mes- 
sage, he came to the quarters of Capt. Levering, who delivered to him the 
letter from Gov. Edwards. Gomo replied that he would immediately re- 
turn to his village, and would, on the following morning, prepare his young 
men, and send them to call the chiefs to the council. He gave the names 
of the following Pottawottamie chiefs : Neng-ke-sapt, or Fire Medals, at 
Elkhart, near Fort Wayne ; Topenny-boy, on the River St. Joseph ; Mo- 
quan-go, on the Qui-que-que River ; Wi-ne-magne, or Cat Fish, on the 
Wabash River. He said that Marpock and his principal chiefs had gone 
to Detroit, and probably would not return until the fall. The chiefs of the 
towns on Fox River resided at Milwaukee ; Little Chief, on River Au Sable, 
or Sand River ; Masseno, or Gomo, about seven leagues above Peoria ; 
Black Bird, chief of the Ottawas, on the River Au Sable. Gomo declared 
his willingness to do all in his power to render justice and to satisfy the 
Americans. 

There was an Indian with Gomo, by the name of Me-che-ke-noph, or 
Bittern, a half Fulsowine and half Pottawottamie, who said that the mur- 
derers of Price were five brothers, of the Fulsowines, whose names he gave. 

Capt. Levering furnished Gomo with tobacco, as a message to the chiefs, 
and he then left for his village. 

There was, at first, a difference of opinion in relation to the policy of the 
measures to be adopted by the council of Indians. One party were of 



40 HISTORY OP ILLINOIS. 



opinion that it would be policy to send a mission to those chiefs who af- 
forded shelter to the murderers, make a demand of them, and surrender 
them to the Americans. Another party were opposed to making any 
attempt to deliver up the offenders, but proposed to collect much of the 
stolen property and take it in, with representations that the offenders could 
not be found. It was said that Gomo would advocate the first measure, 
but he abhorred the pusillanimous appearance of attempting that which he 
could not accomplish. He was heard to say that if he presented himself 
to the chiefs and demanded the surrender of the murderers, they would say 
to him that he was a chief on the Illinois Kiver, and that he had better 
attend to his own tribe. 

The most pi-evalent policy — supposed to be that recommended by the 
English — was to send Little Chief, who was a -'talkative fellow," to make 
representations and assurances that would answer their present purposes ; 
and that, as other outrages had passed with naught but a frown or two, 
this would likewise soon blow over. 

Capt. Levering was of the opinion, in order that a mission should have 
its desired effect, and make a serious impression on the Indians, and induce 
them to deliver up the offenders and stolen property, that it should be a 
joint one, from the Territories of Michigan, Indiana, Illinois and Louisiana, 
to convene at Chicago, where the chiefs from the north side of the Lake, 
as well as those from the Territories, could attend. None of the chiefs 
could then say, "it is not my business; I am not called upon; it does not 
concern me." 

The party proceeded the next day, and arrived at a village of Indians 
. about seven leagues up the Illinois River. Being dark, the hands — saying 
they were not hired to work at night — refused to go further. Capt. Lev- 
ering eno-aged two Indians to take him and Mr. Fournier ii^ a canoe, about 
four miles higher up the river to a creek, from which place they were con- 
ducted through a moist and. thicketty bottom, to Gomo's village, where 
they arrived about eleven o'clock, and disturbed Clomo and the Indians 
from their sleep. They were invited into a lodge — a bark building, 25 by 50 
feet inside, tenanting about thirty persons. There were scaffolds, from 6 to 7 
feet long, 6 feet wide and 5 feet high, extending all around the building, 
on which the Indians sat and sleep — stretching themselves from the 
weatherboarding to the center. Capt. Levering and Mr. Fournier were 
invited to mount those next to the ones occupied by Gomo and his family. 
Although it was very late, a dish of food, made of new corn, was brought 
in by Gomo's wife, and, whilst they were eating, Gomo smoked his pipe. 
The men generally left their sleeping places, squatted around two fires in 
the center of the building, "in all the solemnity of profound smoking." 
This appears, says Capt. Levering, to be an etiquette due to strangers. 



LIFE AND TIMES OP NINIAN EDWARDS. 41 

Capt. Levering states that the Indians believed that the Americans were 
their enemies and would constantly intrude on them. This, together with 
their natural ambition to have it to say, as they do in their drunken frolics, 
"I am a man: who can gainsay it? I have killed an Osage! I have 
killed a white ! " leads them to outrage ; and frequent escapes from punish- 
ment leads them to suppose that the whites are supine and indolent. 

On the next morning, accompanied by Gomo and another chief, they 
returned to Peoria. On the next day, Capt. Levering introduced the con- 
versation by saying to Gomo that he wished a private talk with him, which 
he hoped would be useful ; that he would not then speak the words of our 
father who sent him ; that they were more interesting, and particularly 
concerned all the nation, and that he was reserving them for the council 
of chiefs who would be convened in a few days. 

Gomo replied that he was rejoiced that he had been sent on this errand, 
and wished that the chiefs could attend and hear for themselves our father's 
words; for no communication which he or any other Indian might make 
would be believed. They would, he said, call him sugar-mouthy and charge 
him with being excited by fear or moved by treachery. 

For that reason, Capt. Levering wished the presence of as many chiefs 
and leading characters, from as many villages, as could be collected, that 
none should be left in a state of ignorance that might and probably would 
be the means of involving the whole nation in a war. He stated to Gomo 
that our Great Father desired that peace and friendship should exist be- 
tween the red and the white man, yet one chief might and could, from want 
of the proper information, frustrate all these blessings ; that it was impor- 
tant for the Indians all to know that, although the whites wished peace 
and friendship, some of the Indians had committed outrages, which, if not 
satisfactorily explained and atoned for, would end in their destruction. His 
father, before sending him, had advised with their fathers on the west of 
the Mississippi and on the east of the Wabash, and he now spoke agreeably 
to their united deliberations. Although our fathers did not resent the first 
injury, it was only through a disposition of forbearance, hoping that it was 
an act of some unruly individual, which the chiefs would correct ; for the 
whites can not conceive that individuals among the Indians can continue 
to perpetrate outrages without the countenance and encouragement of the 
chiefs. They believe that the chiefs can restrain their people from the 
commission of acts which will be injurious to their nation. The most for- 
bearing, the greatest patience may become fatigued and worn out. Though 
friendship, on our part, should be abundant as the waters of a great river, 
yet, interrupt it till you choke it and it will be converted into a flood of 
destruction, and in its course it could not discriminate the innocent from the 
guilty--while any good man would lament the sufferings of the innocent. 

—6 



42 HISTORY OF ILLINOIS. 



Gomo wished that all the chief's could attend and hear the words of their 
father, and expressed a wish that ('apt. Levering should also tell tliem the 
"words he had spoken. He said that he would send for them, although he 
thought it probable that the chiefs of the St. Joseph and Qui-que-que 
Eivers, and Yellow Creek were absent from their homes, for there were a 
number of runners from the British among them, with talks and messages, 
which was probably the occasion of Marpock, and many Indians from this 
and other towns, traveling lately towards Canada. In order to lengthen 
the conversation Capt. Levering continued, as follows : "At about my age 
past, the British and the Americans had a seven years' war. Washington, 
the man that handed you the papers which you showed to me before leav- 
ing your village, was our Great Father, that had conducted our warriors 
to the war. He is now dead, but we love him, for he was a good and brave 
man and fought for our rights against the unreasonable pretensions of 
the British. They would not allow us to be full men, able to manage 
our. own affairs; but, under Washington, we fought them for seven years. 
They were worsted, and asked for peace. We love peace and happiness; 
and Washington became our Great Father. But, ever since, the British 
cannot be our generous friends ; they are jealous of our growing strength, 
yet they know that in case of war they cannot stand before us, and they 
■ are continually striving to get the Indians into trouble with us, in order to 
resent their enmities. They offer the Indians protection while they are 
unable to protect themselves. If they could protect themselves, they would 
wage open war on us. If they could have beaten us my lifetime ago, they 
would have done it, and Washington, who gave you those papers, would 
have been hung. But they were conquered, and Gen. Washington, 
eighteen years ago, made a treaty with the Indians, declaring that we will 
be friends to the Indians; and they made a law that if an American should 
kill an Indian, that it should be the duty of every Governor of our differ- 
ent States and Territories to catch that man and put him to death; and 
that if any one should settle on any of your lands he should pay one thou- 
sand dollars and be imprisoned for twelve months. Such are the papers 
which that great and good man put into your hands, and which you have 
shown to me. All of our fathers, ever since, would treat you as children. 
They would also remain at peace with the British ; but for our kindness 
they must at least treat us with justice — not insult us, not murder our peo- 
ple, nor steal our horses." 

Gomo's elder brother spoke of a time when the British put the Indians 
■ in the front of the battle. Gomo said he saw Washington in Philadelphia 
when they made the treaty of 1793. That there were two of the horsesia 
the possession of his tribe, and a third in his own possession, which he had 
bought — saying, that at the time of the purchase he did not know that it 
had been stolen. He said that they should be delivered up. 



LIFE AND TIMES OP NINIAN EDWARDS. 43 



On the 8th of August, 1811, Capt. Levering delivered, at the Governor's 
request, two commissions — one to Thomas Forsyth, as justice of the peace 
for the town of Peoria, and the other to John Baptiste Dupond, as captain 
in and for the same place — both of whom took the oath of office. 

Mr. Dupond said the Indians would expect him, now that he was a chief, 
to give them some meat and tobacco, and that some unpleasantly disposed 
persons would, instigate the Indians to worry him, and that he hoped the 
Governor would notice such ; that he did not wish to accept the commis- 
sion, but that as there were unfavorable reports of the place, he was will- 
ing to let it be known that there is a person well disposed to the govern- 
ment. 

On the 15th of August, Miche Pah-ka-en-na, the Kickapoo chief, and 
eleven of his warriors, arrived, and called on Capt. Levering, who told the 
chief that as he was the only chief he had seen whom our father knew to 
be friendly with his white children, he was particularly pleased to see him. 
He gave them some refreshments, and the chief remarked that he had al- 
ways heard that our father was kind and good, and he was happy to see 
an evidence of it in his sons, and more particularly as some of his young 
men were present to witness the friendly disposition. Capt. Levering told 
him that their father and his greater chiefs were all known to their white 
children ; some knew them personally. That he knew some of them 
through the papers, some from the word of mouth, and they all desired to 
live in friendship with their red children. 

On the same day Gomo, Little Chief, and others, waited on Capt. Lever- 
ing. Little Chief said that he had come to hear the words of his father, 
and he hoped that they would be all told to them as they were writ- 
ten. Forsyth replied, with much warmth, that if they apprehended any 
deficiency, they must get another interpreter. Little Chief said if they 
had come to his village, he would have furnished them with a cabin and 
plenty to eat ; and, as he had come to hear the words of his father, he 
wished to know where he should go. Capt. Levering replied that the white 
men were aggrieved and had sent him to talk with the Indians; that he 
was a sojourner and a stranger among them, but as he had invited them to 
Peoria, he would furnish them with a house, but being in a strange place 
and unprovided, he could not give them the kind and quality of provisions 
equal to his wishes. Little Chief then showed him a paper and asked him 
what it was. Capt. Levering informed him that it was a pass from Capt. 
Heald, of Chicago, dated July 11, 1811, stating that Little Chief, a Pot- 
tawottamie, was on his way to St. Louis ; as a further protection he gave 
him a flag. The chief replied that he had given him a piece of coarse cloth ; 
and said that he was in the habit of speaking loud, but that when they 
came to the council they must not mind it. Capt. Levering replied that 



44 HISTORY OF ILLINOIS. 



their white brethren used different kinds of cloth for different purposes ; 
the kind put into the flag was the best to flow in the wind, being light ; 
and when it was made into a flag their white brethren respected it and 
would hurt no one under it ; he carried it to war, and before he would 
loose it, a good soldier would loose his life. The loudness of your voice 
will make no difference, if you only talk of the business of the nation. In 
the evening, about dusk, Capt. Levering walked up the bank of the river, 
intending, if a suitable occasion should offer, to deliver his address to the 
Indians. He observed the flagon the fence, flying;, with the Union down j 
and Mr. Fournier standing near, he requested him to tell the Indians that 
they had hoisted their colors wrong, for the stars should be upward. The 
Indian that Fournier addressed himself to replied that he knew it, bat it was 
not he that had put it so. Capt. Levering walked on a few steps, and see- 
ing Little Chief coming out of the gate, he walked back a few steps, care- 
lessly, and desired Fournier to say to Little Chief that the flag was hoisted 
wrong ; that the stars should be above. Little Chief replied that he knew 
it ; he was not an American — he was an Indian. Some person must have 
made it in the night, for it had large stitches and the sewing was very 
coarse. 

Capt. Levering prepared the following address, to be delivered to the 
Indians on the next morning : 

Brothers, Chiefs, and Warriors : 

Oil yesterday I told you how much we respect the flag of the United States ; that, 
through an act of friendship, one has been given to some one of you to guard you in 
safety to St. Louis. The hoisting of the flag of tlie United States with the stars 
downward is considered as degrading the flag, and an insult to the United States, 
and our white enemies, whenever they take one from us, hoist it with the intention 
of insulting the government of the United States; nor can the circumstance be less 
insulting when it is done by the Indians, after they are duly acquainted with the mode 
and etiquette. 

My father, a part of that Government, feels himself aggrieved in his children, by 
some persons from this quarter ; yet, being unwilling to use hasty measures, that are 
apt to injure the innocent with the guilty, and hoping to find you disposed to be 
friendly, has sent me to talk with you — yet I can not nor will not while you are in- 
sulting the government. You must turn your flag and have it placed properly, or I 
will immediately leave here without delivering our father's talk. 

At a very early hour on the next morning, the Indians had raised the 
flag Union up. 

Being informed, on the morning of the 16th of August, that the Indians 
were ready and on their way to the council room, Capt. Levering invited 
the inhabitants of Peoria to attend, and, accompanied by Mr. Forsyth, 
Mr. Rector, Mr. Swearingen and Captain Hebert, met the Indians in the 
council room. He then proceeded to address the Indians as follows : 



LIFE AND TIMES OF NINIAN EDWARDS, 45 

Brothers^ Chiefs, Warriors : 

The weather is cloudy. In the region south and west of this you will see none mov- 
ing — all having drawn towards their cabins, in apprehensi(jn of a storm. But our 
father, who presides over the tribes between the Mississippi and Wabash, being a 
good man, has sent me to invite you under this shelter to smoke a pipe in profound 
meditation — having our ears open to the voice of the Great Spirit, and our hearts dis- 
posed to obey its dictates — to see whether all may not subside, be calm, fair and cheer" 
ful. But first let us smoke a pipe, and then attend to the talk of our father. 

The following is Grovernor Edwards' address to the Pottawottamies, de- 
livered in council at Peoria, on the 15th of August, 1811 : 

Illinois Territory, July 21, 1811. 

To the Chiefs and Warriors of the tribes of Pottawottamies, residing on the Illiiiois River 
and its waters, in the Territory of Illinois 

My Children, you are now met together, by my desire, on a very important occa- 
sion. You are now to be asked to do an act of justice. Should you refuse, it may 
once more involve the red and white brethren in all the horrors of bloody war. On 
the other hand, if you should perform what justice itself calls for, it will brighten the 
chain of friendship, which has for a long time united the red people with their white 
brethren of the United States. 

My Children, ever since Wayne's treaty, our Great Father, the President of the 
United States, has faithfully fulfilled all his treaties with you. He has endeavored to 
make his red and white children live as one great family, loving and obliging one an- 
other, and he has always strictly forbidden his white children from doing any harm to 
their red brethren. 

My Children, for a long time the bloody tomahawk and scalping-knife have been 
buried. The sun of peace has shone upon us, blessing us with his liglit and giving 
gladness to our hearts. The red people have enjoyed their forests and pursued their 
game in peace ; and the white people have cultivated the earth without fear. But, 
my children, these bright prospects are darkened. A storm seems to be gathering 
which threatens destruction, unless it should be dissipated by that justice which you, 
as good men, ought to render. 

My Children, while we trusted to treaties with you — while we believed our red 
brethren to be friendly — some of our people, fearing no danger, have been plundered 
of their property and deprived of their lives by some of your bad men. 

My Children, last year a perogue was cut loose on the Mississippi and a considerable 
quantity of goods was taken out of it, and carried off, by some of your people. A 
great many horses have been stolen from this Territory, both during the last and the 
present year, many of which have certainly been carried off by some of your people. 
Other horses have been stolen from the neighborhood of St. Charles, in Louisiana. 
I demand satisfaction for these outrages. 

My Children, on the 19th day of July, last year, in the district of St. Charles, and 
Territory of Louisiana, a party of Pottawottamies stole several horses. On the next 
day they were pursued by the white people, who lost their trail and quit the pursuit^ 
On that night those Pottawottamies fell upon those white men, in their camp, killed 
four of them, wounded a fifth, and carried off several horses and other property. 
Among those Indians were Cat Fish, 0-hic-ka-ja-mis and Mis-pead-na-mis. I demand 
that these bad men, and all others who were of the party, together with the property 



46 HISTORY OF ILLINOIS. 



they stole, shall be delivered up to Capt. Levering and his party, or tliat you your- 
selves shall deliver them and the property tome. 

My Children, on the 2d day of last June, on Shoal creek, in St. Clair county, in 
this Territory, three of your bad men went to the house of a Mr. Cox, plundered his 
property, took two guns, two mares and colts, and a stud horse, barbarously killed 
his son, and took his daughter a prisoner. A few days after this outrage, near the 
Mississippi, in the same county and Territory, others of your bad men killed a man by 
the name of Price, and wounded another by the name of Ellis. I demand that these 
bad men, together with all the property they took off, shall be delivered to Capt. 
Levering, or that you shall deliver them and the property to me. 

My Children, the blood of those innocent men who have been wounded and mur- 
dered cries aloud to the Great Spirit for vengeance. The hearts of their relations 
and brethren bleed with sorrow. The fire of revenue flames in their hearts, and they 
thirst for blood. 

My Children, I have found it almost impossible to prevent the white people from 
rushing to your towns, to destroy your corn, burn your property, take your women 
and children prisoners, and murder your warriors. But I told them that those who 
have done the mischief were bad men ; that you would disapprove their conduct, and 
deliver them to me as enemies both to you and your white brethren. I commanded 
your white brethren not to raise the tomahawk or go to war Avith you, and they 
obeyed me. 

My Children, now open your ears to hear my words, and let them sink deep into 
your hearts. If you wish for peace with us, you must do us justice. If you disap- 
prove those murders and other outrages that have been committed, you must deliver 
up the oifenders ; for if you harbor among you such deadly enemies to us, you cannot 
be our friends, and you ought not to expect our friendship. 

My Children, Guv. Harrison demanded some of those bad men, when they were with- 
in his Territory, and they fled to the Illinois River and took up shelter among you. 
I now demand them, and you must not say they are fled elsewliere. Tliey murdered 
our people — they are our enemies — and if you have protected them, an d they belong 
to your bands, you must find them and deliver them up, or we must consider you as 
approving their horrid deeds and as being our enemies. 

My Children, liars and bad advisers are among you ; they profess to be your friends, 
and they deceive you ; they have their interest in view, and care not what becomes 
of you, if they car. succeed in their designs. Avoid such people. 

My Children, you can remember when such men persuaded you to make war upon 
your white brethren of the United States. They promised you great assistance, but 
they left you to fight your own battles, and you found it necessary to sue for peace. 
At that time you were stronger that you now are ; the woods were then full of game 
of all kinds ; large numbers of you could collect togetlier and traverse the country 
without fear of wanting meat. Bnt this cannot now be done. 

My Children, when we were at war with you, we were then weak; we have now 
grown strong — have everything necessary for war, and are your near neighbors. Our 
Great Father's dominions extend over vast countries, bounded by the great waters ; 
his great towns and cities are hardly to be counted ; and his white children are thick 
and numerous like the stars of the sky. 

My Children, your Great Father, the President of the United States, has nothing 
to fear from wars, but he wishes to be at peace with you, because he loves you and 
wishes to make you happy. You ought to try to merit his kindness and avoid his re-' 
seutment. 



LIFE AND TIMES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 47 

My Children, your Great Father asks nothing but justice from you. Suffer not bad 
advisers to pursuade you to refuse it. In kindness, none can exceed him ; but if you 
should be determined to treat him and his white children as enemies, storms and hur- 
ricanes, and the thunder and lightning of heaven, cannot be more terrible than will 
be his resentment. 

My Children, Capt. Samuel Levering will deliver you this talk; he is authorized, 
by me, to demand of you the property that has been stolen, and those bad men who 
committed the murders, and all who were of the party. You will confer with Capt. 
Levering, and come to as speedy a determination as possible. 

My Children, let justice be done, let all cause of quarrel be removed, and let us live 

like brothers. 

Your affectionate fathei", 

NINIAN EDWARDS. 

The council again met, on the 16th of August, to receive the answer of 
the Pottawottamies. Gomo spoke as follows : 

"VVe have listened Avell to your information, and hope that you will give the same 
attention to our words. 

I am very glad that you have come among us, and that you have delivered the words 
of the Governor to all tlie chiefs and warriors in hearing. I intended to have gone to 
see the Governor, but it is much better as it has occurred, that he has sent his talk 
here. 

You see the color of our skin. The Great Spirit, when he made and disposed of 
man, placed the red skins in this land, and those who wear hats on the other side of 
the big waters. When the Great Spirit placed us on this ground, we knew of nothing 
but what was furnished to us by nature ; we made use of our stone a.xes, stone knives 
and earthen vessels, and clothed ourselves from the skins of the beasts of the forest. 
Yet, we were contented ! When the French tirst made large canoes, they crossed the 
wide waters to this country, and on first seeing the red people they were rejoiced. 
They told us that we must consider ourselves as the children of the French, and they 
would be our father ; the country was a good one, and they would change goods for 
skins. 

Formerly we all lived in one large village. In that village there was only one chief> 
and all things went on well; but since our intercourse with the whites, there are 
almost as many chiefs as we have young men. 

At the time of the taking of the Canadas, when the British and the French were 
fighting for the same country, the Indians were solicited to take part in tliat war — 
since which time there have been among us a number of foolish young men. Tlie 
whites ought to have staid on the other side of the waters, and not to have troubled 
us on tliis side. If we are fools, the whites are the cause of it. From the commence- 
ment of their wars, they used many persuasions with the Indians ; they made thetn 
presents of merchandise, in order to get them to join and assist in their battles — since 
which time there have always been fools among us, and the whites are blameable for it. 

The British asked the Indians to assist them in their wars with the Americans, tell- 
ing us that if we allowed the Americans to remain upon our lands, they would in time 
take the whole country, and we would then have no place to go to. Some of the In- 
dians did join the British, but all did not ; some of this nation, in particular, did not 
join them. The British persisted in urging upon us that if we did not assist them in 
driving the Americans from our lands, our wives and children would be miserable for 
the remainder of our days. In the course of that war, the American General Clark 



48 HISTORY OP ILLINOIS. 



came to Kaskaskia, and sent for the chief's on this river to meet him there. We at- 
tended, and he desired us to rejnain still and quiet in our own villages, saying that the 
Americans were able, of themselves, to fight the British. 

You Americans general!}' speak sensilily and plainly. At the treaty of Greenville, 
Gen. Wayne spoke to us in the same sensible and clear manner. 

I have listened with attention to you both. At the treaty of Greenville, General 
Wayne told us that the tomahawk must be buried, and even thrown into the great 
lake ; and should any white man murder an Indian, he should be delivered up to the 
Indians ; and we, on our part, should deliver up the red men, who murdered a white 
person, to the Americans. 

A Pottawottamie Indian, by the name of Turkey-foot, killed Americans, for which 
he was demanded of us : and although he was a great warrior, we killed him ourselves 
in satisfaction for his nmrders. 

Some of the Kickapoos killed an American. They were demanded, were given up, 
and were tied up with ropes around their necks for tiie murders. This was not what 
the chief who made the demand promised, as they were put to death in another man- 
ner. Our custom is to tie up a dog in that way, when we make a sacrifice. 

Now, listen to me well, in what I have to say to you. The red skins have delivered 
up their offenders. 

Sometime ago one of our young men was drunk, at St. Louis, and was killed by an 
American. At another time some person stole a horse near Cahokia. The citizens of 
the village followed the trail, met an innocent Kickapoo, on his way to Kaskaskia, 
and killed him. Last fall, on the other side, and not far from Fort Wayne, a Wyandot 
Indian set fire to a prairie ; a settler came out and inquired of him how he came to 
set tire. The Indian answered that he was hunting. The settler struck the Indian 
and continued to beat him, till they were parted, when another settler shot the In- 
dian. This summer a Chippeway Indian, at Detroit, was looking at a gun ; it went 
off, accidently, and shot an American. The Chippeway was demanded, delivered up, 
and executed. Is this the way that Gen. Wayne exhibits his charity to the red skins ? 
Whenever an instance of this kind happens, it is usual for the red skins to regard it 
as an accident. 

You Americans think that all the mischiefs that are committed are known to the 
chiefs, and immediately call on them for the surrender of the offenders. We know 
nothing of them ; our business is to hunt, in order to feed our women and children. 
It is generally supposed that we red skins are always in the wrong. If we kill a 
hog, we are called fools or bad men ; the same, or worse, is said of us if we kill an 
horned animal ; yet, you do not take into consideration the fact that while the whites 
are hunting along our rivers, killing our deer and bears, that we do not speak ill of 
them. 

When the French caitie to Niagara, Detroit, Mackinaw and Chicago, they built no 
forts or garrisons, nor did the English, who came after them ; but when the Americans 
came, all was changed. They build forts and garrisons and blockade wherever they 
go. From these facts we infer that they intend to make war upon us. 

Whenever the United States make the Indians presents, they afterwards say that 
we must give them such a tract of land ; and after a good many presents they then 
ask a larger piece. This is the way we have been served. This is the way of extend- 
ing to us charity. 

Formerly, when the French were here, they made us large presents ; so have the 
Englisli ; but the Americans, in giving their presents, have always asked a piece of 
laud iu returu. Such has been the treatment of the Americans. 



LIFE AND TIMES OP NINIAN EDWARDS. 49 

If the whites had kept on the other side of the waters, these accidents could not 
have happened ; we could not have crossed the wide waters to have killed them there ; 
but they have come here and turned the Indians in confusion. If an Indian goes into 
their village, like a dog he is hunted, and threatened with death. 

The ideas of the Pottawottamies, Ottaways and Chippeways are, that we wish to 
live peaceable and quiet with all mankind, and attend to our hunting and other pur- 
suits, that we may be able to provide for the wants of our women and children. But 
there remains a lurking dissatisfaction in the breasts and minds of some of our young 
men. This has occasioned the late mischiefs, which, at the time, were unknown to 
the chiefs and warriors of the nation. I am surprised at such threatenings to the 
chiefs and warriors, (old people,) who are inclined entirely for peace. 

The desire of the chiefs and warriors is to plant corn and pursue the deer. Do you 
think it possible for us to deliver the murderers here to-day ? 

Think you, my friends, what would be the consequence in case of a war between the 
Americans and the Indians. In times past, when some of us were engaged in it, many 
women were left in a'distressful condition. Should war now take place the distress 
would be, in comparison, much more general. 

This is all I have to say on the part of myself and the warriors of my village. I 
thank you for your patient attention to my words. 

After Gomo had finished, he laughingly said that we have had long 
talks; will not a little whisky enable us to sleep? Capt. Levering under- 
stood him by lulling their fears. 

On the next day, being the 17th of August, Little Chief spoke as fol- 
lows : 

Listen to me, my friends, if you wish to know the ideas and sentiments of the chiefs 
and warriors iiere present to-day. Give the same attention to my words that I did 
to those of yesterday. 

At the conclusion of the American and Indian wars the Americans asked us to re- 
main at peace and in quietness. I and my warriors have always observed the advice. 

One of the promises of the Americans to the Indians, at that time, was that when- 
ever murders should be committed on either side, the murderers should be delivered 
up to the opposite party. We have delivered up offenders ; the Americans have de- 
livered none. 

The intention of the Pottawottamies, Ottaways and Chippeways has been to remain 
peaceable and quiet, as they always have done, and still wish to do ; and when that ia 
observed, there will be nothing to fear on either part, as you will see to-day. 

At the peace of Greenville, it was agreed on both sides to deliver up all the prison- 
ers ; I myself ran from town to town gathering all ; and Gen. Wayne said, "now all 
is completed and hereafter we will see which of us (red or white) will first take up the 
tomahawk. It shall now be buried." But from your talk of yesterday you threaten 
to make war against us ; to cut off our women and children. 

You astonish us with your talk. When you do us harm, nothing is done ; but 
when we do anything, you immediately tie us up by the neck ; sometime ago we 
brouglit in' a number of Osages, prisoners of war ; you demanded them, and we de- 
livered them up. There is no recompense for us. 

You may observe the ideas of the chiefs and warriors of the Illinois River. Listen 
to their talk and see whether it is not right. We wish that the Governor at Kaskas- 
kia may hear our words. 

—7 



50 HISTORY OF ILLINOIS. 



You see how we live — our women and children. Do not, my friends, suppose that 
we are accomplices with murderers. Take courage and let us live in peace and quiet- 
ness, as we have heretofore done. You said that we, our wives and children, should 
live in peace. You hear what the chiefs in council say ; they cannot interfere in 
the demand you have made. They cannot interfere in any bad business of the kind. 
You see the situation of the Pottawottamies, Chippeways and Ottaways to-day. 
The Shawnee Prophet, the man who talks with the Father of Light, blames us for not 
listening to him. You do the same. We are like a bird in a bush, beset, and not 
knowing which way to fly for safety — whether to the right or to the left. If our young 
men behave ill to-day, you may blame the Shawnee Prophet for it. 

The chiefs are reproached by the young men generally. They say to us, you give 
your hand to the Americans to-day, and in future they will knock you in the head. 
This is the occasion of their late unruly behavior. 

Remember what you told us on yesterday. Among other sayings, you threatened to 
kill our women and children. Do not think that those young men that committed the 
murders belong to this place. They came from the village of the Shawnee Prophet. 
All the miscliiefs that have been done have been committed through the influence of 
the Shawnee Prophet, and I declare this to you for the truth. 

Behold the Shawnee Prophet, that man who talks with the Great Spirit, and teaches 
the Indians to pray and look to God ! But as for us, we do not believe him. We 
wish to chase our deer, and live in peace with the Americans. 

Ever since the Shawnee Prophet has been on the Wabash River he has been jeal- 
ous of the chiefs and warriors of this river. He suspects that we give information 
and a favorable ear to the Americans, and says that the Americans will act like trai- 
tors to us. 

For my part I suspect no wrong. I do not listen to the bad advice of the Prophet. 

Our great chiefs of the Pottawottamies, Chippeways and Ottaways command us to 

observe the alliance between us and the Americans, that we and our children may 

live in peace and comfort. These are the reasons for our not listening to the Shawnee 

Prophet. 

My dear friends do not believe us accomplices in the mischiefs recently committed ; 
we wish peace. 

Observe the chiefs and warriors in council. We think of nothing but to live in 
peace and quietness. We would have been very much surprised if the Americans 
had come and made war on us, feeling ourselves perfectly innocent of these offenses. 
We think nothing of what is past, as we are innocent. These are also the senti- 
ments of the Kickapoos ; and we, the chiefs of the several tribes now in council, join 
our hands together and hold them as fast as I now hold the wampum in my hand. 

See, my friends, how matters stand to-day. If you wish for war with us, it lies al- 
together with yourselves. It is better to avoid it if possible. 

If the Americans should commence war with us, we would have to fight in our own 
defense. The chiefs are of opinion that it is best to remain at peace. 

I have finished, my friends. Perhaps you take us for little children. We whip our 
children, but men will defend themselves. 

For myself I am indifi"erent. It would be the same with me to raise or bury the 
tomahawk. I can but die at last 

Observe, my friends: since our peace with the Americans we have been and still 
are a poor people. We have not even a piece of ribbon to tie our speech. I have 
finished. 



LIFE AND TIMES OP NINIAN EDWARDS. 51 

After Little Chief had concluded, Capt. Levering spoke as follows : 

Brothers, Chiefs and Warriors: 

I have listened with close attention to your words, and I shall be careful to convey 
them to our father. It is for him to say what shall be done. But, being among you, 
with my ears and eyes open to things that could not be known to the distance of my 
father's cabin, I think that he will not disapprove of my speaking to you in my own 
words, for I shall hold fast to his mind. I discover that you harbor a number of incor- 
rect opinions, that render you dissatisfied with your white brethren ; and I am really 
so far your friend, that in case I saw you and my white brethren about rushing each 
other into destruction through want of light, if I was able I would inform you of it. 
But if I thought you were acting with your eyes open, you might abide the conse- 
quences ; I should not push myself in the way. 

As you have spoken on many subjects, I wish to have time to look over them, and 
I also wish to put my words on paper, that I may show them to my father at Kaska's- 
kia. I shall hope to meet you here again in the morning. 

After the council adjourned, the chiefs, in behalf of their respective na- 
tions, offered him the hand of friendship. 

On the next morning Capt. Levering continued his address, as follows : 

Brothers, you have offered me your hands of friendship. If there was not something 
sincere within, to give your offer a cordial reception, I should not have requested this 
opportunity of speaking to you. 

The brave and generous chief can show himself in his village at all times, and that, 
too, with his head loftily erect ! Honesty, still prouder, can traverse the globe naked, 
and that through the glare of day. 

Our father's minds and words to the Indians being as pure as sterling silver, they 
have no fear nor objection to their sous talking to them, so that their words are open 
and as clear as your native fountains ; yet they wish you to be careful about listening 
to every one. 

.Red men never injured me or my relations, and having grown up far from their 
paths, I can have no prejudices or resentments against them ; and as all men, both 
red and white, understand how to estimate honesty, I may say that I have no induce- 
ment to deceive you. The very nature of my errand must assure you that the welfare 
of my white brethren commands that I shall speak the truth. I shall be no false pro- 
phet. I am not endeavoring to be a chief among you. No generous man would be 
offended with the free, open, decent candor of another, even though it should come 
from an enemy. Now, brethren, listen to the facts — all the white people can tell 
whether I lie, for we have it down in black and white, and the most of them can read. 

The first white people that came across the wide waters, and settled on this side of 
them, were Spaniards, and they settled on islands further distant than the mouth of 
the Mississippi. These people, seeing flattering hopes in the West, gave the news, 
and encouraged many people to come over from many nations, residing on the other 
side of the great waters. The English were the first to settle on any part of the land 
on this side of the mouth of the Mississippi, and all around the east and north to the 
end of walking. After them came the French, who settled on the other end of Canada. 
Then came the Dutch, on another part of the large shores ; and many people came 
from numerous nations, on the other side of the waters, that perhaps you never heard 
of. The Americans were formerly the British; our forefathers were British; the 
British King owned us as his children, and we obeyed him like dutiful children. 



52 HISTORY OF ILLINOIS. 



When he made war against the French in Canada, we went with his young men to fight 
his battles ; and we were proud to be and remain his children, until about forty years 
ago, when he began to ask things of us that were unreasonable. Although we had at 
all times regarded him as our father — believing that he had a right to ask it of us, we, 
as dutiful children, gave him money and warriors, and both he and his big council 
acknowledged that his American children had done more than their duty. But in 
course of time he and his council thought that we were growing too rich ; that riches 
would give us the desire of leaving them, and that we would become a nation of 
full strength. To prevent this they endeavored to take our money from us without 
asking, and that, too, whether we were willing or not ; just as though your chiefs 
should hamstring your young men, through fear of their leaving them. This is ex- 
actly the case, for we never refused his requests ; but when he began to draw by 
force large quantities of honey from a small poor tree, we complained, but our com- 
plaints found a deaf ear. We preferred nakedness, cold, hunger, and all the horrors 
of war, to such degradation. We fought him for seven years, under poverty and 
hardship. The Indians did not know how much we were injured, or they would not 
have increased our hardships. But, under Washington — a man now dead, yet we 
delight in remembering him, for he was good and brave — our warriors fought our 
battles and led us to well earned victory. The English asked for peace, and acknow- 
ledged us to be a separate nation. 

This was the beginning of the American nation, when we chose Washington, our 
victorious chief, to be our Great Father. Since then, the British cannot be our 
generous friends, although they dare not come to open war with us. As a chief once 
said to me, "they tell half lie, half truth — firing a gun into our canoe, and saying 
it was a mistake !" They set the Indians on us to resent their own enmities, and for 
the purpose of engrossing all the profit of the Indian trade. 

Can you not see, brothers, that the British offer you protection, when, in case of 
open war, they cannot stand in Canada ? when they cannot protect themselves ? 
If I had sucked the same breasts with your chiefs and warriors, I would tell you this. 

Now, brothers, attend, and you will begin to learn that your complaints against 
the Americans are founded in error. 

Was it the present Americans that crossed the water to your land ? We were 
then British, and governed by a British King, whom we had to fight as an enemy to 
our rights and welfare. The English settled here some two hundred and ten years 
ago ; the present American nation is not of my age ; and our Goveii.ment and Great 
Father, in their disposition, are as different from the British King as the summer 
from the winter day. The present Americans were nowise instrumental in crossing 
the ocean ; the first coming of their forefathers was owing to the British King, who 
rules his sons far more imperiously than you suspect. If wanted, they must go and 
fight, and cannot say nay. Even, then, although we were British, and under their 
King, we, like you, found ourselves here, and from necessity we must be near neigh- 
bors. It is, therefore, our interest to cultivate friendship, unless we intend to destroy 
each other. 

I must have proven to you, by this time, that your prejudices to the Americans, 
at least in one instance, are unfounded. I could, in a little time, make it appear 
that nearly all of your supposed grievances are owing to a misunderstanding of our 
nation. If this is true, you will find it agreeable as well as our interest to nourish 
and water the friendship of the red and white men. 

Although our father constructs forts outside the settlements of his white children, 
he does not, as you seem to think, act differently from the French or the British. 



LIFE AND TIMES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 53 

I have seen and have heard of forts all along the British line in Canada. I have 
seen other forts along the lakes, and elsewhere, that were built by the French ; and 
let me tell you, chiefs and warriors, that the most of the forts in this country were 
built by the British and French. When we have the Spaniards on one side of us, 
and the British on the other, in forts, and they are endeavoring to make our red 
brethren discontented with us, is it not advisable for us to keep up and garrison 
those forts that came to us by the chance of war? Does the garrison at Chicago, 
Detroit, Defiance, Ft. Wayne, or that at the mouth of the Missouri, or any other within 
your knowledge, come out to war on the Indians ? Those forts are intended and are 
kept up merely to protect our friends ; and to suppose that they presage or threaten 
war, when they have never committed any, is rather an overstrained idea. 

You say that the whites first led the Indians to acts of outrage, by inviting them 
to join in war against the whites; and, consequently, the white people are to blame 
for the bad practice among the Indians ! But, I ask, have the Americans ever soli- 
cited the Indians to join them in war against the British ? or, against any nation ? 
I answer, no. Our forefathers, even while we were yet fighting to become a nation, 
advised the Indians to lay on their skins at home, raise corn and kill deer, but not 
to engage in war on either side ; and such has been the advice of our fathers to the 
Indians ever since. It is true that some Indians, since then, have offered to join us, 
and certainly you would not object to our receiving and taking sides in favor of our 
friends. 

Your ideas of the treaty of Greenville are alike inaccurate. You suppose that our 
fathers promised that all murderers, on either side, should be delivered up to the 
opposite party. That cannot be the case ; for our laws would not allow our Great 
Father, or Gen. Wayne with him, to make such a stipulation in a treaty. All oflFend- 
ers against our laws must be tried by our laws and by a jury of twelve of our citizens. 
This is the way an Indian would be tried under our laws, and in the same manner 
would a white man be tried for killing an Indian. I know this to be true (although 
you have said that there is no recompense for an Indian) that when I left Kaskaskia 
there was a man in jail, fastened with irons by the wrist, for having abused an Indian ; 
and this was done by order of the Governor, because he thought it just. The treaty 
of Greenville requires of each of our Governors to catch a murderer of an Indian, 
and to have him tried for murder, and if found guilty, to see that he was hung. 

In answer to your complaint in the case of an Indian that was killed in St. Louis, 
I must tell you more of our laws, and you will learn that the whites equal the red 
men in their conceptions of justice. I cannot hinder the belief that somebody told 
you wrong in the case of the Indian at Detroit ; but I know something of this at St. 
Louis. Whenever a man makes an attempt to kill another, a third party coming up 
may kill the first to save the life of the second ; and our laws do say that the third 
was right in so doing — for the act of the first makes the supposition strong that he was 
an unruly and bad man ; the second might have been a good man, and his life should 
be saved. All this is like the case in St. Louis. The Indian was drunk, flourishing 
his tomahawk, and threatening to kill.* Judge Meigs (a chief), without weapons, 
stepped up to the Indian for the purpose of persuading him to be quiet; the Indian 
drew his tomahawk on the Judge, and the young man, coming up and seeing him in 
danger, killed the Indian to save the Judge's life. Judge Meigs told me this. He 
is now Governor of Ohio. 

You must not think, from my words, that I am unfriendly to the Spanish, French 
or English. They are my brothers, and they, as well aa we, are here from like cir- 



54 HISTORY OF ILLINOIS. 



cumstances. They, as well as others, who have come from over the waters, are 
equally under the same care and protection of our Great Father. 

Let us acquaint ourselves with times past, and with things that do not immediately 
concern us, with the view of improving our minds and dispositions, and not strain 
our brain to find out causes of discontent and quarrel. Let us consider and find out 
what will promote our mutual benefit and harmony. 

You have looked more to the threatenings of our father's words than to the justice 
of them. Let us think of them for a while ; and, in turning to them, I would not, 
now, or at any other time, make them appear worse against you than the plain talk 
of truth, and neither of us, I hope, are so far worse than children as to be frightened 
at facts. It is true, as our father also tells you, that the head chief of all our tribes 
would, like the sun, bestow his genial blessings on all — the weak and the strong — 
on the mole-hill as well as the mountain ; and even when his goodness should be 
obstructed, he is yet mild and forbearing for a season, hoping that a sense of right 
and wrong will correct and restore the evil; but when he finds that forbearance and 
kindness fail — like the sun, when fogs and poisons threaten, the fire of his justice 
will dissipate and destroy the evil. Before I left our father's cabin with his words 
for you, a runner of his had returned from our father and chief on the west of the 
Mississippi, and one from our father to the east of the Wabash, and our father knew 
that their minds and determinations were in unison with his, and also with that of our 
Great Father of all the tribes. Our father told you of the murder of five whites and 
of the horses that were stolen at the same time, between the Mississippi and Mis- 
souri rivers ; this summer one has been murdered on one of the creeks that empties 
into the Kaskaskia, and an attempt was made to carry off a woman ; since then, one 
has been wounded .'ind another murdered near the Piasa rock, on the Mississippi ; 
and I myself have heard of thirty-three horses having been stolen by the Indians, 
during this summer. 

Little Chief said : " My friend, I request you, now, to take tlie names of 
the chiefs and warriors, that you may show to your father in Kaskaskia 
how ready we have been to attend to his words." 

On the 18th of August, the Sac chief. Little Sturgeon, called on Capt. 
Levering, who explained to him the circumstance and cause of Capt. 
Whiteside having fired on some of his nation on the Mississippi. 

The council assembled again j and after Capt. Levering had given his 

advice, Gomo said: 

We have listened with patient attention, and I hope that the great Master of Light 
was noticing it. When the Master of Light made man, he endowed those who wore 
hats with every gift, art and knowledge. The red skins, as you see, live in lodges 
and on the wilds of nature. 

The council then adjourned. Goma delivered up two of the horses, and 
Little Chief agreed to deliver to Capt. Heald, at Chicago, two more ; and 
Gomo said he would endeavor to have them all returned as soon as they 
could be found. 

The chiefs told Capt. Levering that the murderers of the Coles party 
were two Indians by the name of Esh-can-ten-e-mane and kat-che-cum- 
mich, and that they were both at a village about twenty miles on this side 



LIFE AND TIMES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 55 

of the Prophet's village. After the departure of the chiefs, Little Chief 
returned and said that he wished to tell Captain Levering, in private, 
that the murderers of the Coles party could be taken without any trouble, 
by inviting them, among others, to a meeting at Fort \Yayne next fall, 
when, their names being known, the commandant could seize them. 

For the purpose of having another talk with the Indians, Gov. Edwards, 
in March, 1812, issued the following instructions to Capt. Hebert : 

" Capt. Edward Hebert is hereby authorized by me to ascend the Illinois 
River as far as he can, with a view to deliver a friendly talk to the Indians 
of said river, and also to request the traders of every description to with- 
draw till our affiiirs with the Indians have a more settled and favorable 
appearance. I wish the request made in the most delicate manner ; but 1 
also desire that the traders shall know that they need not expect any indul- 
gences, if they should not instantly comply." 

NINIAN EDWARDS, Oovernor, 
Superintendent of Indian affairs in and over Illinois Territory. 

To GoMO, Chief of the Pottawottamies on Illinois River : 

Mt Son — Captain Hebert not long ago told me that you were desirous to come to 
see me. If you wish to come, you shall be conducted in safety. We never deceived 
any Indians who came to see us upon our invitation. 1 do not believe you ever 
heard of such treachery from any of your Great Father's officers. 

It is my wish to preserve peace, to save the women and children, and to prevent 
the earth from being stained with blood. If this is your wish, al^o, I want to see 
you, and you can come with Capt. Hebert. I will send you back safely. 

If you are for peace, we are ready to give you our hands. If you are for war, we 
are ready for you. 

I am not surprised that some of your young men are foolish and wish to go to war. 
But you are old enough to know the folly of it. You are too old to be deceived by 
the English. They pretend to be your friends, but their object is to get you to fight 
their battles, and they care not what becomes of you afterwards. 

We wish you to attend to your own business. We do not want you to fight for 
us. We can whip the English ourselves. 

The English tell you of the power of tlieir King. Th^y tell you he can conquer us. 
You ought not to believe them. They told you the same story in the American 
war ; but you kr.ow they did not tell you the truth. We were then like little child- 
ren, but we whipped them then ; and if they thought they were now able to fight us, 
why should they want to get your assistance ? 

Call together your old men, who have had experience in war and who have felt 
its bad consequences, and let them advise the foolish. 

• You have traveled to some of the large cities of your Great Father, and ought to 
have some knowledge of his strength. You cannot think to conquer him. You have 
everything to lose and nothing to gain by a war with us. 

If the English do not behave themselves we will take Canada, and drive them out 
of America. You will have no one, then, to help you. 

My son, now remember my words. If you and the British will go to war with us, 
we shall immediately take Montreal and Upper Canada. We will never suffer a 



56 HISTORY OF ILLINOIS. 



British trader to go among you again. We will call home all our own traders and 
carry war into your own country. Consider how you are to lire without any trade, 
when you are at the same time harrassed with war. 

Your young men may not believe these things, but you are old enough to know 
that they will come to pass. Why will you bring such evils upon yourselves ? We 
do not wish to afflict you unless you raise the tomahawk. When you do this, you 
will not get peace as soon as you will want it. For if your Great Father, the Presi- 
dent of the United States, is obliged, by your bad conduct, to go to war with you, 
depend upon it he will strike such a blow as will prevent the red people from ever 
wishing to go to war with us again. 

Council held at Caliokia, April 16, 1812, between Ninian Edwards, 
Grovernor of the Illinois Territory, and the chiefs and warriors of the fol- 
lowing nations, to-wit: 

Of the Pottaioott amies — Gromo, Pepper, White Hair, Little Sauk, G-reat 
Speaker, Yellow Son, Snake, Mankai, Bull, leman, Neck-kee-ness-kee-sheck, 
Ignace, Powtawamie Prophet, Pamousa, Ish-kee-bee, Toad, Man-wess, Pipe 
Bird, Cut Branch, The South Wind, and The Black Bird. 

Of the Klckapoos — Little Deer, and Blue Eyes (representative of Pam- 
awattan). Sun Fish, Blind-of-an-eye, Otter, Mak-kak, Yellow Lips, Dog 
Bird, and Black Seed. 

Of the Otta.ways — Mittitasse (representative of The Blackbird,) Kees- 
ka-gon, and Malsh-wa-she-wai. 

Of the Ghippeways — The White Dog. 

Gov. Edwards addressed them as follows : 
Chiefs and Warriors of ilie PottawoUamies, Kickapoos^ Chlppeways, and Oltaways : 

My desire to preserve peace and friendship, if possible, between the red and white 
people, induced me to send for you; and I am glad you have come to see me, ac- 
cording to my request, because it shows a desire on your part, as well as mine, to 
keep the tomahawk buried. 

My Children, your Great Father, the President of the United States, has givea 
many proofs of his love for the red flesh, and the red skins will always find him a 
kind protector so long as they act with pure hearts. He loves both his red and 
white children, and does not wish either to do hurt to the other. 

My Children, for a long time the bloody tomahawk and scalping-knife have been 
buried. The red people enjoyed their forests and pursued their game in peace; and 
the white people cultivated the earth without fear. We were all then happy, and 
your Great Father was glad to see it. For some time past, a storm has appeared to 
be gathering. Injuries have been done, anger has been produced, and war has appeared 
to be almost unavoidable. 

My Children, that great deceiver, the Shawnee Prophet, has been hired by the 
British to tell you falsehoods and to cause you to raise the tomahawk against your 
white brother. He pretended to hold talks with the Great Spirit, to impose upon 
the weak and foolish. He promised many things. He promised his followers vic- 
tory at the battle of Tippecanoe ; but the American chief. Gov. Harrison, proved 
that he was a liar. 



LIFE AND TIMES OP NINIAN EDWARDS. 57 

My Children, before the Shawnee Prophet began to work with a bad heart, you 
were all happy ; but he has distracted the red skins and their happiness is gone. 

My ChJdren, those who listened to the Shawnee Prophet have gained nothing but 
misery ; many of them were wounded, and others lost their lives and left their friends 
to mourn over their folly. 

My Children, the British have had other bad birds flying among you. I am not 
surprised that some of your young men should have been deceived by them. But 
there are some of you great chiefs who are old warriors, and wise enough to know 
them better. Some of you know the horrors and folly of war well enough to wish 
to avoid it. 

My Children, you can remember when the British advised the red skins to make 
war upon their white brethren of the United States. They then promised you great 
assistance ; but they deceived you and left you to fight your own battles, and you 
found it necessary to sue for peace. At that time you were stronger than you are 
now ; the woods were then full of game of all kinds ; large numbers of you could 
collect together and travel through the country without fear of wanting provisions. 
But this cannot now be done. 

My Children, when the red and white people were formerly at war, we were then 
weak ; we are now grown strong — have everything necessary for war, and are your 
near neighbors. Our Great Father's dominions extend over vast countries, bounded 
by the great waters ; his towns and cities are hard to be counted, and his white 
children are as thick and numerous as the stars of the sky. 

My Children, your Great Father has nothing to fear from war with you, for if it 
were possible for the red skins to conquer one army, he could soon have another ten 
times as strong to oppose vou. But he does not wish for war. You have nothing to 
hope from it, and you can have peace if you will do justice and comply with your treaty. 
My Children, we are about to engage in a war with the British. I wish you to see 
how different our conduct is from theirs. We do not wish you to take any part 
with us in the war ; we do not wish you to fight for us, because we know we are able 
to whip them without your help ; when we were as little children we fought, con- 
quered them, and took the whole United States away from them ; and if we fight 
them again, we shall whip them and take the Canadas away from them. For this 
purpose our Great Father now has an army of 185,000 men. 

My Children, the British pretend to be your friends, but their object is to get you 
to fight their battles; and they care not what becomes of you afterwards. They 
tell you of the power of their King over the great lake. They say to you that he 
can conquer us, but they know this is not true. If they thought they were able to 
fight us, why are they so anxious to get you to assist them ? 

My Children, the British would now load you with presents, if you would engage 
in the war, but remember these presents would last you but a little while and would 
cost you very dear ; for if you join them in the war against us, remember now my 
words : We shall take Montreal and all Upper Canada. British traders and English 
goods will never be suflered to go among you again. Our own traders will all be 
recBlled. War will be waged against you. Your country will be taken and strong 
garrisons will be built in order to retain it. Consider how you are to live without 
any trade, when, at the same time, you will be so harassed with war, that you can 
hunt nowhere with safety. 

My Children, your young men may not believe these things, but your old warriora 
and brave chiefs have sense enough to know they will come to pass. I tell you 

—8 



58 HISTORY OP ILLINOIS. 



these things because I am so much your friend, that I do not wish you to bring those 
evils upon yourselves, your wives and helpless children. 

My Children, we do not wish to afflict you unless you raise the tomahawk. When 
you do this you may not get peace as soon as you may want ic ; for if your Great 
Father, tlie President of the United States, is obliged, by your bad conduct, to go 
to war with you, he will strike such a blow as will be sufficient to prevent the red 
people from ever going to war with us again. 

My Children, remember it is easy to get into war, but hard to get out of it again 
with advantage, 

My Children, I am satisfied that many of you have too much sense to listen to all 
the Prophet's lies, and hate him in your hearts, because he deceived youf friends 
and has brought trouble on you all. But some of your people have listened to hirn, 
or other bad advisers, and they have done us injuries which cannot be overlooked. 

My Children, guilty as the Prophet has been, he has not done all the mischief; 
others have done mischief, hoping they would escape punishment by laying the 
blame upon him ; but this must not be suffered. While some of your tribes have 
been professing peace, your men have been committing depredations upon us. This 
cannot be suffered ; unless such bad men shall be given up for punishment, the tribe 
must be answerable for their conduct. Your Great Father has been waiting to see 
if justice would be done in those cases by yourselves, and this has led you into an er- 
ror ; for you suppose that because he has not made war upon you to revenge himself, 
that he does not mean to have satisfaction, and you do not seem to think yourself 
bound to deliver up such bad men; but even protect them, knowing their guilt, 
and they are encouraged to do more mischief. If this conduct should be suffered, 
our people might be murdered every day, and we never could get satisfaction — be- 
cause we could not distinguish the guilty from the innocent. 

My Children, while we trusted to treaties with you — while we believed our red 
brethren to be friendly — some of our people on this side and some on the other side 
of the Mississippi, fearing no danger, have been plundered of their property and de- 
prived of their lives by some of your bad men ; many horses have been stolen, for 
which no satisfaction has been made, although it was promised. On the 19th day 
of July, 1810, four men were killed and a fifth wounded, in the district of St. Charles, 
in Louisiana. On the 2d June, last year, three of your bad men went to the house of 
a Mr. Cox, in this country, plundered him of a great deal of property, barbarously 
killed his son, and took his daughter a prisoner. A few days afterwards another 
party killed a man by the name of Price, and wounded another by the name of EJlis, 
in this country also, and near the Mississippi. 

My Children, these were great outrages, but I used my exertions to prevent the 
people from rising to revenge themselves ; and I sent Capt. Levering to you to de- 
mand of you to give up the offenders, as you had bound yourselves, by treaty, to do. 
You did not deliver them up, yet you say that you wish to be governed by the treaty, 
and still you will not comply with it. 

My Children, when I demanded those bad men, by Capt. Levering, you professed 
not to know where they were ; and still you said you could not deliver them up. 
Since that time I have found out that some of them were actually with you — that 
they are positively of your party, and have resided near Peoria ever since. 

My Children, you stated that the chiefs did not know, when mischief was done, who 
of their party committed it. We know enough of your customs to satisfy us that 



LIFE AND TIMES OP NINIAN EDWARDS. 59 

8uch things are seldom concealed among you. But this, if true, was no excuse for 
failing to deliver those you knew to be guilty. 

My Children, you complained that we never delivered up our men to you when they 
did mischief. We are not bound to do so by the treaty ; we punish our men when 
we can prove them to be guilty, just as we would punish the red people for the same 
offenses. But you have failed to give up the late offenders for us to punish them, nor 
have you punished them yourselves, though you know them to be guilty. 

My Children, when I sent Capt. Levering to you with my talk, I was sorry to find, 
in the answer I received, statements so much like those which the Prophet is in the 
habit of expressing You attempted to draw a contrast between the people of the 
United States and French and British ; you then said the French and British never 
built forts, but that the Americans did so. This is not true. When the British first 
made great canoes and crossed the great lake, they always built forts ; and so did the 
Frencii. There are the remains of old forts everywhere near the great lake ; both 
the French and English built forts at Pittsburgh, on the Ohio. You see those works 
at St. Louis. There is also a fort, called Fort Chartres, between this place and Kas- 
kaskia. There are forts in Canada and many other places that were built by the Brit- 
ish and French. 

My Children, you also said to Capt. Levering that when the French and British 
made presents to the Indians, they never asked any land ; but that the Americans 
never made you any presents, except they asked first for a little land and then for a 
great deal. 

My Children, there is indeed a difference between us and the French and British, 
in this respect. We never take your land without paying you for it. They claimed 
all your land and took it whenever they wanted it, without paying you anything. 
They did not acknowledge that you had any land, and they have transferred it all to 
us, without paying any regard to your claim. 

My Children, when the British first crossed the great lake, the red people owned 
all the land to the great water. The British took it all from you, and never paid any- 
thing. The red people also owned Canada ; but that has been taken from them, and 
you have never heard that the Indians received anything for all the lands that the 
British now hold there, nor did you ever hear that the French paid for the land they 
held on this or the other side of the Mississippi River. 

My Children, we never want to buy your land, or take it from you, unless you wish 
to sell it, and then we will give you the price that you ask for it. You cannot show 
that we ever took a foot of your land, since we got clear of the King of England, with- 
out paying for it, and we are not answerable for the sins of the British King ; for we 
all know that lie is not a good man, and that he did great injustice to the red people, 
by taking their land without paying for it, although he now pretends to be their friend, 
because he wishes them to fight for him. I hope, therefore, I shall hear no more upon 
this subject. 

My Children, you told Capt. Levering that if we did not have peace with you, it 
would be our fault. This is not true ; we only ask justice of you. If you do justice, 
we wish for peace ; but we cannot consent that the land shall be stained with the 
blood of our innocent brethren, without some satisfaction being given. Peace, upon 
such terms, is worse than war. 

My Cliildren, the blood of these innocent persons who have been wounded and mur- 
dered cries aloud to the Great Spirit for vengeance. The hearts of their relations 
and brethren bleed with sorrow, and they thirst for revenge. 



60 HISTORY OP ILLINOIS. 



My Children, now open your ears to hear my words, and let them gink deep into 
your hearts. If you wish for peace with us, you must do us justice. If you disap- 
prove those murders and other outrages that have been committed, you must deliver 
up the oflFenders, or punish them yourselves ; for if you harbor among you such deadly 
enemies to us, you cannot be our friends, and you ought not to expect our friendship. 

My Children, you can choose peace or war upon proper terms. If you choose peace 
and will do justice, it will rejoice the heart of your Great Father and the hearts of 
all your white brethren. 

My Children, if you or any other red people should be for war, we shall be ready 
for you. I have an army coming on for the defense of my people. It will soon be at 
this place, and if any more murders should be committed upon our people, I shall take 
revenge. You must not let any such bad men come from among you, and you must 
not harbor among you bad men of other tribes, knowing that they have injured us. 

My Children, it now appears that the Winnebagoes are about to make war upon us, 
and it is probable that other red people will also do mischief, hoping that it will be laid 
upon the Winnebagoes; but I shall be upon my watch to detect and punish all such. 

My Children, there has lately been much mischief done. I have strong reason to 
believe that others, besides the Winnebagoes, have been concerned, and that some 
of you have knowledge of it. If you are friends I expect you will tell us all you know. 

My Children, let justice be done, let all cause of complaint be removed, and let us 
again live like brothers. 

My Children, we do not want your land. We have more land already than we can 
use, and I shall neither propose to buy it, nor does your Great Father, or myself, 
wish to take a foot of it from you. Those who tell you to the contrary tell you lies 
and wish to deceive. 

My Children, shut your ears against all evil counsellors and comply with your treaty, 
and you shall still be treated as friends and brothers. 

Mkttetasse rose and said : This is the one (pointing to Gomo) who is to answer 
your speech of yesterday, in the name of us all — Pottawottamies, Kickapoos, Chip- 
peways and Ottaways. 

The Pepper — My Father, my brother here, the oldest chief, will answer you. We 
have all heard your speech of yesterday, and we will all hear his answer to you ; 
and, when the council is Over, we all desire to go home. 

The Little Deer — My Father, I am of the village of the Great Lick. I speak in 
the name of Blue Eyes, the representative of Pamawatam. I give you my hand, 
and wish to be peaceable. You might have heard talk of me, and I am well known 
by all these Indians here, and it is well known to them all that I never listened to 
the Prophet ; and I am the first chief who, after the battle of Tippecanoe, went to 
Gov. Harrison with my flag. 

My Father, my chiefs and warriors are here, who all know me to be a peaceable 
Indian. My village is small. This man (meaning Gomo) will speak to you, and we 
will all agree to what he will say. 

My Father, the people of my village are now anxious for my return, to hear the 
result of this council. 

My Father, we have reflected on your speech of yesterday, and we have consulted 
together. Gomo will answer in the name of us all. We wish to cross over so soon as 
the council is over. 



LIFE AND TIMES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 61 

GOMO'S ANSWER. 

My Father, you have heard what my war chiefs have said. I will speak to you as 
the Great Spirit inspires me. 

My Father, in this manner the Great Spirit has taught me to speak by giving me 
a pipe and tobacco, therein to make my father smoke. 

My Father, this is the pipe we have smoked together. I smoked out of it in com- 
ing down to see you. 

My Father, all the chiefs that I left at home hold their pipes in their hands, to 
smoke with us on our return. 

My Father, we always kept fast hold of the pipe of peace. That pipe will remain 
with you ; and although it remains with you, it is still in our hands. 

My Father, while you are smoking that pipe, your children smoke also with you. 

My Father, when the Great Spirit created us, he gave us the pipe of peace. The 
wampum we wear was made by our white brothers. 

My Father, the manner in which I present you the pipe is our way and was trans- 
mitted to ua by our ancestors, and we now know you hold it. 

My Father, all that you said yesterday was well said, and I assure you it has sunk 
deep into my heart, and it is from the bottom of ray heart that I will speak. 

My Father, if I came here, it was to hear your words, and therefore I thank you 
for wliat you did say. 

My Father, I am not to make a council of myself, and when my chiefs tell me 
what to say, I do so. Therefore, what I now say is from them all. 

My Father, I now show you I obeyed your orders. I intended to go and quarrel 
with the Prophet, but I have put that off because you sent for me. 

My Father, what has scared all our towns and villages is that affair that happened 
on the Wabash. 

My Father, we have reflected considerably since yesterday. It is neither you nor 
I that made this earth, and the Great Spirit is angry, and we do not know what he 
will do. 

My Father, by what I see to-day, probably our Great Spirit is angry, and wants us 
to return to ourselves and live in peace. What I now say is from the bottom of my 
heart. 

My Father, you see many children have sold their lands. The Great Spirit did 
not give them the land to sell. Perhaps that is the cause why the Great Spirit is 
angry. 

My Father, you have often been deceived. A chief will come and sell land. Can 
a chief sell land ? I am a chief, but I am poor and worthy of pity, and I want to 
live in peace on our land. 

My Father, if there could be found among us one chief who had influence enough 
to deliver a murderer, I would be happy to see such a chief 

My Father, you probably think I am a great chief. I am not ! I cannot control 
my young men as I please. 

My Father, I am a red skin ; I am not a great chief. I am a chief whilst my young 
men are growing, but when they become grown I am no more master of them. 

My Father, the Great Spirit created us all. We have not the same power that you 
have. You have troops and laws. When a man does ill, you have him taken and 
punished ; but this we cannot do. , 

My Father, I could very easily secure or kill the murderers you mention ; but un- 
less the whole of my chiefs and young men are consenting, I would be killed. 



62 HISTORY OF ILLINOIS. 



My Father, concerning the murderers, we will consult all together, and we will 
then know what we will do. 

My Father, I have not forgotten Gen. Wayne's counsel, and I have always tried 
to follow it and to live in peace. 

My Father, at the time the red skins were fighting, I was not among them. I was 
then traveling through the States, and went to Washington City to see our Great 
Father, and I was led to several sea-ports in America. 

My Father, when Turkey-foot came here and killed your white children, you de- 
sired he should be killed. We got together and consulted among ourselves, and we 
killed him. 

My Father, the Kickapoos were those that killed your children on the Missouri. 
You demanded the murderers. Here is the Blue Eyes present who brought them in. 

My Father, it is impossible for us to bring in murderers. They are too much dis- 
persed and too far off. 

My Father, here is my oldest brother (Gen. Clark), that I saw two years ago, who 
told me to live in peace, which I have always done. 

My Father, in our treaty we are bound to deliver up murderers. I am not the 
only chief who could not deliver up murderers. 

My Father, at the Miami village a Pottawottamie was killed by an American. We 
never demanded the murderer, but the factor there covered our dead brother by 
giving us goods. 

My Father, I have heard the good advice of your speech. I never listen to any 
evil birds. I am for living in peace, and I will return to my people and rehearse 
them your speech. 

My Father, at the time the British and Americans fought, in the last war, we 
never meddled in it. We used to come down here and follow the advice of a chief 
who was then here. 

My Father, I have already said to you we never meddled in the British battles ; 
and, therefore, do you think we would now join them ? No, never! 

My Father, no one can say I ever went to the English factories, or ever got a 
blanket from the English. When I wanted a blanket, I would buy one from our 
trader. 

My Father, I must tell you the truth. I went to see tbem two years ago, and when 
I got there the Indians, on seeing me, said, " here comes an American ! " and it was 
with difficulty that I got home without starving. 

My Father, a father, when he wants his children to do well, instructs them. You 
did so yesterday, and I was well pleased. 

My Father, you asked me to tell you what was going on in our towns. I cannot 
now say, for I have been a long time absent, in our sugar camps. When I return 
home, I will be able to learn. 

My Father, I will state what I learnt last fall. 

My Father, when Mainpock went to war, he had one of his young men killed, 
who was an Ottawa, and related to another old man ; and this old man sent his son 
to the English. He said, "my father has sent for goods." And they told him he ■ 
must be very sorry for the loss of his son. 

My Father, the British then told him, "why do you go to war against the Osages? 
Go against the Americans ; they are close." 

My Father, when his son returned the old man answered the British agent, telling 
him to fight his own battles, as he was determined to live in peace. 



LIFE AND TIMES OP NINIAN EDWARDS. 63 

My Father, do you think we would join the English ? We remember, when you 
beat them, they left us in the lurch, and we had to fly. Certainly we will not join 
them again. 

My Father, we have friends among us who often tell us not to join the English — 
that they will again forsake us ; therefore we remain in peace. 

My Father, I do not speak for all the Indian nations ; I speak for those here. 

My Father, you will easily know those who will assist the English ; it cannot be 
kept hid. 

My Father, sometimes it makes me reflect, when I consider on the promises you 
made us not to leave us in misery. 

My Father, you told us, when you spoke to the Black Bird, that our fires would 
always be kept up clear, and that we should not suS"er. This has not been kept. 

My Father, my chiefs have gone among the nations and received prisoners, and 
returned them. 

My Father, I never tried to sell land to get goods to cover us. I always got my 
covering from my hunt. 

My Father, I am not of those men who go and see their father to sell land. I go 
and see my father to hear his words. 

My Father, my desire is that our land remain as clear as this blue ribbon. 

My Father, you see I have brought you our wives and children, to show you how 
ragged they are. 

My Father, I thought of asking you to place a factory in our town of Peoria, but 
on account of the Winnebagoes, who are roving about, should any be killed, we 
might be blamed ; therefore I will not, at present, ask for one. 

My Father, if it was your wish to send us goods, we would wish the factor to be a 
man who has resided and does reside with us. 

My Father, I have been asked to go and see our Great Father. The voyage is so 
long that I would wish to remain at home in peace. 

My Father, you sent for us and we came down, and were fired at. We wish you 
had a fort at the entrance of the Illinois River, at which, in coming down, we might 
stop. 

My Father, when a garrison will be there we will come and see you oftener, and 
feel better protected. 

My Father, we are four nations here. Whatever the English may do, you may 
rest assured none of us will join them. 

My Father, I am at the other end of Peoria Lake. It is there where we will re- 
side, and remain at peace in hunting to support our families. 

My Father, we intend to meet and draw near to one another, with the intention 
of living together in peace. 

My Father, I have not much sense, but when you shall send any of your young 
men into our towns, they shall not be afraid for it. 

My Father, when you sent us Capt. Levering, he was received and well treated by 
all our people. 

My Father, it is all I have to say. I hope the Great Spirit will assist me in com- 
plying with what I have said. 



64 HISTORY OF ILLINOIS. 



GOV. KDWARDS' REPLY. 

My Children, I will speak to you in a plain and short manner, and I wish my words 
to sink deep into your hearts. 

My Children, if any of your white brethren had gone among you and committed 
murders and robberies, 3^our Great Father never would have forgiven them for it, 
but they would have been punished as soon as their guilt could be proved. 

My Children, your Great Father cannot forgive those who have murdered his white 
children and taken their property. Your Great Father's children would no longer 
love him if he were to suffer such things to pass unpunished. 

My Children, your Great Father now asks you to do nothing for him but what he 
would do for you, in the same circumstances. 

My Children, you objected to give up those bad men to be hung, like dogs, as you 
call it, and I now agree to permit you to kill them yourselves ; and, if you will con- 
sent to do it, I will send a man with you to see it done, and we shall tlien have peace. 

My Children, you do not acknowledge that any of the murderers are of your party, 
except those who killed Cox and took his sister prisoner. What you say may be true, 
and I now only demand that you shall deliver to me or that you shall kill those mur- 
derers that you acknowledge are of your party. 

My Children, these three murderers that I now demand are Pottawottaniies, and 
I call upon you, great chiefs and brave warriors of the Pottawottaniies, to comply 
with your treaty and deliver up these bad men, or kill them yourselves. 

My Children, I want to see if you will do that justice which you acknowledge is in 
your power, and then I shall believe you tell the truth when you say you wish for 
peace ; and you shall be treated as good and dutiful children of your Great Father. 

My Children, you say our people are not always punished when they do you injury, 
but we always punish them, if we can find them out ; and you have no excuse for not 
punishing those who have lived among you and whom you know to be guilty. 

My Children, you say these bad men are gone to the Prophet. This I know is not 
true — for one of them you left near Peoria, with a sore foot, and they have lived with- 
in three leagues of Peoria for a long time. 

My Children, it is no excuse for you to say that these men are gone to the Prophet, 
because they were with you when I demanded them of you last year, and you have 
had it in your power to deliver them up for a long time. 

My Children, you cannot suppose that we are people who can suffer our brethren 
to be murdered without having revenge. When we demand the murderers of you, 
you say they are gone to the Prophet. When Gov, Harrison demanded them of the 
Prophet, he said they were gone to you. You cannot suppose us such fools as to be 
put off this way. 

My Children, suppose some of our bad men were to go and kill your warriors, and 
you could prove the fact ! You find them to be the children of the American chief. 
Gov. Harrison. You go to him and demand that they should be punished. He tells 
you they are gone to Gov. Edwards. You then come to me. I tell you they are gone 
to Gov. Howard. You go to him. He tells you they are gone to Gov. Harrison ! — 
by which you could get no satisfaction. You would think we were trying to make 
fools of you. And we now think the same thing of you ! You would want revenge, 
and so do we want revenge ; and we will have it. 

My Children, think of these things. One day or other you will be sorry that you 
did not listen to my advice, and you will then be convinced that I was your friend. 



LIFE AND TIMES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 65 

My Children, I have heard your words, and I am sure there are good men among 
you, and wish we could be friends. It may be a hard case for you to punish your bad 
men ; but you must remember it is a hard case for us to have our children and broth- 
ers murdered without revenge. If you will do us justice by punishing your murder- 
ers, and be friendly with us as brothers, you shall be protected against white people 
and red people also. The Great Spirit made us all, and loves us. I wish to take you 
to my heart and cover you with my wing. We do not want to buy your land, but we 
will not give up what we have bought. You sold the lands, or your fathers did, and 
you have no right to keep the pay and the land too. If twenty of your men murders 
a hundred of our people, what are we to do ? We cannot find them and you will not 
punish them ; what are we to do ? You surely do not expect that we will let our 
people be murdered, without revenge. If you will not give up your bad men who kill 
us, we must kill as many of yours — and then we may kill the innocent, which we do 
not wish to do. 

' GOMO's REPLY TO THE GOVERNOR'S SECOND SPEECH. 

My Father, we are happy to hear what you have said, for we have come down here 
for that purpose. 

My Father, what you have recommended me to do, I will do. 

My Father, we came here to hear your words ; the chiefs and warriors have all heard 
you. You will hear what I have done when I get home. 

My Father, this is all I have to say to you. We will pay attention to your words. 

PEORIA IN 1812. 

Sometime in the fall of 1812, Capt. Thos. E. Craig was ordered by Gov. 
Edwards to go to Peoria, and take prisoners those persons who were there 
for the purpose of assisting the savages to murder our frontier settlers. 
Capt. Craig was successful in the expedition and returned to Camp Russell 
on the IHth of November, 1812, bringing a number of the inhabitants of 
Peoria as prisoners, together with a considerable quantity of different kinds 
of property. The prisoners were taken to St. Louis and discharged. 

Gov. Coles, in his report to the Secretary of the Treasury in relation to 
claims to lots in the village of Peoria, Illinois, refers to that place thus : 

The village of Peoria is situated on the north-west shore of Lake Peoria, about one 
and a half miles above the lower extremity or outlet of the lake. This village had 
been inhabited by the French previous to the recollection of any of the present gen- 
eration. About the year I'ZTS, the first house was built, in what was then called 
La ville de Maillet — afterwards the new village of Peoria — pnd of late the place has 
been known by the name of Fort Clark. The situation being preferred in consequence 
of the water being better, and its being thought more healthy, the inhabitants gradu- 
ally deserted the old village, and, by the year 1796 or 1191, had entirely abandoned 
it and removed to the new village. 

The inhabitants of Peoria consisted generally of Indian traders, hunters and voya- 
gers, and had formed a link of connection between the French residing on the waters 
of the great lakes and the Mississippi River. From that happy facility of adapting 
themselves' to their situation and associates, for which the French are so remarkable, 
the inhabitants of Peoria lived generally in harmony with their savage neighbors. It 
would seem, however, that about the year 1781, they were induced to abandon their 

—9 



66 HISTORY OF ILLINOIS. 



village from the apprehension of Indian hostility ; but soon after the peace of 1783 
they again returned to it, and continued to reside there until tlie autumn of 1812, 
when they were fo cibly removed from it and the phice destroyed by a Capt. Craig, 
of the Illinois militia, on the ground, it was said, that he and his company were fired 
on in the night, while at anchor in the boats, before the village, by the Indians, with 
wliom the inhabitants were suspected, by Craig, to be too intimate and friendly. 
The inhabitants of Peoria, it would appear, and from all I can learn, settled there 
without any grant or permission from the authority of any government ; that the only 
title they had to the land was derived from possession. 

It appears, from this report of Gov. Coles, that the following persons 
were driven from Peoria in 1812, by Capt. Craig: Thomas Forsyth, Jacques 
Mette, P. Larasier, (alias Chamberlain,) Antoine Le Claire, Michael La- 
croix, Francis Racine, Sr., Francis Racine, Jr., Felix Fontaine, Hypolite 
Maillet, Francis Bauche, the heirs of Charles La Belle, Antoine La Pance, 
Antoine Barboune, and Louis Pencenneau. In the above list is not in- 
cluded the women and children. From other authentic sources I am in- 
clined to believe that the number of inhabitants then in Peoria was be- 
tween two and three hundred. It was not settled again for many years, 
and the following account is given of it in a letter from Gen. Joseph Street, 
of March 30, 1827 : 

The whole county, as now cut down, contains about thirty or forty men, and in its 
best state the whole docket does not exhibit thirty cases. There is nothing doing on 
land and still less on the water, if such comparison is admissible. The harbor and 
town site are the best, I presume, in all the western country ; but not one sail enli- 
vens the monotonous prospect or one oar dips into the "dark blue waves" of the fairy 
lake from one year's end to the other — if you will' except the ferry boat, with now and 
then the canoe of a few miserable savages in quest of a dram. 

After describing the country on both sides of the river, he continues : 

This is tlie country, and a view of the resources and present prospects has been 
hinted at and partially detailed. Upon this view, what is your opinion, my friend ? 
What should I do here or how could I do ? It is true there is no prospect of getting 
bread for my numerous family, but there is great reason to believe they would not 
long want food at such a place. I could have gotten the county clerkship, but the 
recorder and judge of probate's offices, Dixon, has determined to hold. The other two 
are not worth $50 per annum — no, not $30. I cannot possibly go tliere. The clerk- 
ship of Peoria is worth nothing ; the place, at present, has no attraction for me. 

As Gov. Edwards' term of office expired by law, he was subsequently 
reappointed in 1812, and again in 1815, and continued to fill the executive 
chair until the organization of the State Government. For nearly four 
years, in the early period of his administration, no Territorial Legislature 
existed. The laws were made and administered by the Goveror and Judges. 
The Governor had power to authorize the formation of a Territorial Legis- 
lature whenever he judged the interests of the country required it ; but, in 
accordance with those principles to which he was always devoted, he chose 



LIFE AND TIMES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 67 

to be guided by a deliberate expression of the will of the people. Accord- 
iugly. in March, 1812, he issued a proclamation for an election to be held 
in the different settlements, to ascertain whether a majority were in favor 
of a Legislative Grovernment. Such being the decision of the people, as 
expressed at the polls, he issued another proclamation, dated September 14, 
1812, ordering an election to be held on the 8th, 9th and 10th of October, 
and authorized the people to choose one delegate to Congress, and members 
for the two houses of the Territorial Legislature ; and, at the same time, 
made provision for the organization of Madison, Grallatin and Johnson 
counties. Two counties — St. Clair and Randolph — had been organized 
under the jurisdiction of the Northwestern Territory. 

Plere we ought to return and contemplate the situation of the Territory 
of Illinois, at the period of his appointment as Governor. Its population, 
much divided by habits, and even by language and national peculiarities — 
untried in the art of government — numbering less than nine thousand souls, 
and these residing in a few French villages or scattered through a few 
feeble American settlements. The Indians occupied by far the greater 
portion of the Territory, greatly outnumbering the whites, and meditating 
hostilities on the whole line of frontier settlements. After putting the 
machinery of the new government into operation, his penetrating mind 
perceived the necessity of learning the numbers, strength, position, re- 
sources and intentions of the Indian tribes in the interior. Accordingly 
he employed, at different times, trusty persons of the French population, 
acquainted with the Indian character, languages and habits, and who could 
safely penetrate the Indian country and gain the desired information. 

Thousands of the citizens of this now flourishing State, who have known 
and highly appreciated his services in more conspicuous stations of public 
life, have little knowledge, probably, of his unremitting vigilance, quick 
penetration of danger and timely application of means to prevent attack, 
during the period immediately preceding the war, and while the artful and 
talented chieftain, Tecumseh, was striving to effect a combination of all the 
tribes, from Canada to the Floridas, preparatory to an attack upon the 
frontier territories. For several years the correspondence of Gov. Kdwards 
with the War Department, and other authorities, was voluminous, and does 
honor to his talents as a writer, his patriotism and his sagacity. 

No one can read this correspondence, now on file in the office of the Sec- 
retary of State, without being convinced of his sleepless vigilance and his 
ardent devotion to the welfare of the people of that trying period. No 
father ever felt more acutely for the preservation of his children, when ex- 
posed to danger, than did Gov. Edwards for the safety of these frontiers. 

In the year 1812, having, by the utmost vigilance and industry — for 
which he -was distinguished — penetrated the designs of the Indians, and 



68 HISTORY OF ILLINOIS, 



clearly foreseeing the imminent danger which threatened the Illinois Terri- 
tory — finding it entirely abandoned to its fate, by the officer to whom its 
defense had been intrusted, and believing its overthrow inevitable without 
a vigorous effort to defend it — he determined, at the risk of his private for- 
tune, (which would have been sacrificed had not his conduct been approved 
by the General Government) to undertake its defense. Without any in- 
structions to justify it, and, during the most important crisis, without any 
commission — his old one having expired and no new one having been re- 
ceived — he marched, at the head of a considerable body of volunteers raised 
by him for the special occasion, with whose assistance he successfully 
repelled the attacks of the savages and carried the war into their own 
country. 

Mr. Lanman, in his Biographical Sketches, says that "before Congress 
had adopted any measures on the subject of volunteer rangers, he organized 
companies, supplied them with arms, built stockade forts, and established a 
line of posts from the mouth of the Missouri to the Wabash E-iver. He 
was thus prepared for defense; and, during the Indian wars on the frontier, 
was most devoted to his country's service." 

I need not repeat how much the success of these measures depended 
upon the fidelity, confidence and patriotism of the people. I only advert 
to it to show that the people regarded him as wise in planning and ener- 
getic in executing these measures for the protection of their families and 
defense of their country, and most cheerfully yielded him their united sup- 
port. Nor does it comport with the present occasion for me to name those 
patriotic citizens that, with him, shared the hardships and responsibilities 
of that day of trial in subordinate posts of honor and authority. 

While embodying and forming the citizens into the ranks of military 
service of defense, and while it was somewhat doubtful whether the meas- 
ure would so far meet with the approbation of the General Government as 
to procure a remuneration of their expenses, the Commander-in-chief hesi- 
tated not to assure them that if the Government failed to provide for their 
services, no one should sufi'er while his own ample fortune could supply 
their necessities. 

In the campaign of 1812, it became necessary to remove or disperse the 
hostile Indians from the regions of Mackinaw and Peoria. Aid was ex- 
pected from Gen. Hopkins, who had marched from Kentucky with a con- 
siderable force of volunteers, and who was instructed to form a junction 
with the rangers and volunteers of Illinois, under the command of Gov. 
Edwards. Though Gen. Hopkins penetrated a considerable distance into 
the prairies west of the Wabash, he never arrived at the point of the con- 
templated attack. A boat loaded with provisions, fortified and manned with 
a small company, under the command of Capt. Craig, was dispatched up the 
river to wait at Peoria for the relief of the army. 



LIFE AND TIMES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 69 

All the U. S. rangers and mounted volunteers who could he spared for this 
enterprise were only about three hundred and fifty. After organizing at 
Camp Russell, near where Edwardsville now stands, and each man furnish- 
ing himself with provisions for twenty or thirty days, which he carried on 
his horse, the Governor, with this small force, took up the line of his march 
through the prairies into the heart of the Indian country, one hundred and 
sixty miles distant. I have not time to recount the hardships and suffer- 
ings of this campaign. In one particular its object was defeated — in not 
meeting with Gen. Hopkins and his volunteers ; but the bravery, skill and 
success on the part of the Illinois rangers and volunteers, under the guid- 
ance of their able commander, were not less conspicuous. They broke up 
the Indian towns on the Kickapoo, Mackinaw, and the bluffs near the head 
of Peoria Lake, destroyed their crops, killed a number, took some prisoners, 
and returned in safety with one man mortally and three others slightly 
wounded. 

Gov. Edwards was faithfully devoted to his country's service in laborious 
and watchful days and pensive and sleepless nights. Was there danger in 
the field, he was the first to meet it; was there toil, hardship and anxiety, 
he was the first to fgel it. The soldiers looked to him with reverence, con- 
fidence and respect, for he was their companion and friend. The rights of 
his fellow-citizens were sacred to him, and they loved and admired him as 
their protector. 

The following letter to the Secretary of War contains an official account 
of the expedition to Peoria : 

Elvirade, Randolph Co., ) 
Illinois Territory, JVov. 18, 1812.) 
To ike Hon. Wm. Eustis, 

Secretary of War, Washington City. 

Sir : Of the perils to which this Territory has been exposed, during this year, I 
need add nothing to my former^ communication ; but I beg leave to trouble you with 
a sketch of my military operations. 

In the early part of the season, and until the month of August, my measures were 
entirely of a defensive and precautionary character — having kept a few companies of 
mounted riflemen ranging across the Territory in such a manner as to cover our fron- 
tier, their line of march being sometimes three and never less than one day's journey 
in advance of our settlements. 

Wliile tliis plan afforded the best practicable means of obtaining timely notice of 
the approach of a large body of Indians, I thought that small parties, from whom I 
apprehended at that time the most danger, seeing our line of ranging so fiar beyond 
the settlements, would naturally be afraid to cross it, lest their trail should be dis- 
covered and they be cut off. And as there were so many points in the Territory equally 
accessible to them, I preferred this disposition of my small force to that of collecting 
it together at any one place ; and my success has exceeded my most sanguine calcu- 
lations — not having lost a single life, on as dangerous and exposed a frontier as any 
in the United States. 



70 HISTORY OP ILLINOIS, 



In the latter part of August, being eonviiiced tliat a large body of Indians intended 
to attack us, and Col. Russell, who had arrived only a short time before with one 
company of rangers, being called off with them to Vincennes, I immediately deter- 
mined to collect and organize the most efficient force in my power, to take the com- 
mand of it myself, and defend the Territory to the last extremity. Many circumstan- 
ces induced me to believe that the meditated attack would be made on that part of 
our frontier which lies between the Mississippi and Kaskaskia Rivers — under which 
conviction (which subsequent events proved to be well founded) I established and 
supported several forts, at convenient distances on a line from one river to the other, 
and as near to the centre of that line as a due regard to other circumstances, which 
were entitled to weight, would admit of. 1 built a large strong fort, at which I col- 
lected my principal force — it being a point from which I could most conveniently aid 
or relieve every other part that might be attacked. 

Whilst the small body of infantry I had in service were relied on for the defense of 
these forts, between four and five hundred mounted riflemen were kept almost con- 
stantly ranging in the country between us and the enemy. But scarcely were these 
measures put into operation, before I ascertained the very day on which the Indians 
proposed to assemble at Peoria for the purpose of coming down upon us, the route 
they intended to take, and the objects they had in view ; and I collected together, 
with as much dispatch as possible, all my mounted men, with the intention of setting 
out on an expedition against them — so planned as to fall in their rear and surprise 
them, from which I did anticipate the most glorious result ; and I am well convinced 
I would not have been disappointed, for they had taken such, extraordinary precau- 
tions to prevent their intentions being discovered, that they themselves entertained 
no doubt that they had succeeded. But v/ith every effort in my power to accomplish 
my object, I was forced most reluctantly to abandon it, merely because the contractor 
failed to supply the necessary rations. 

It then became necessary to meet the danger in some other way ; and calculating 
rather upon desultory attacks from the enemy, than a united one, I endeavored to 
have them opposed at every avenue through which they would be most likely to in- 
vade us — for which purpose I detached one company up the Illinois River, in a well 
fortified boat, armed with muskets, blunderbusses and swivel. 

The mounted riflemen I sent out in separate detachments to different parts of the 
same river, with orders to keep up a constant communication with each other, and to 
act either separately or together, as circumstances might require. 

All these detachments, except one, soon fiell in with Indian trails, gave chase to the 
Indians for several days in succession, and would certainly have overtaken them, had 
they not been retarded by the heavy rains that fell about that time. Finally those 
Indians, after having stolen seven horses and wounded two men, in an unsuccessful 
attack tliey made on one of our forts, were completely repulsed, and returned about 
the last of September to their own villages. Of their number various accounts have 
been given.. All, however, agree that it was considerable, and I am pursuaded that 
there is not one well informed man in this county who does not now believe that if 
timely preparations had not been made to resist them on the frontier that I occupied, 
the consequences would heve been melancholy and distressing. As the least of them, 
had only a few families been killed, others would have removed, and terror would 
have pervaded and depopulated this Territory. 

When I found that the Indians had retired from our frontier I began to prepare for 
an expedition against them, being fully convinced that I could so regulate it as to sur- 
prise them in their villages at the head of Peoria Lake. At this time I calculated on 



LIFE AND TIMES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 71 

no assistance or forces whatever, beyond what I had raised in the Territory ; but after 
every preparation was made, and the day of our departure fixed on, I received a letter 
from Col. Russell, proposing to me an expedition somewhat similar, and promising to 
come on before the day I had appointed for marching. He accordingly arrived, with 
a part of two companies of rangers, consisting of fifty privates and their officers, and 
tendered me his services, which I gladly accepted by appointing him second in com- 
mand — well knowing and duly appreciating his great experience in Indian warfare and 
his merits as a military officer. 

Through him I also learnt that Gen. Hopkins was to march to Peoria with at least 
two thousand mounted volunteers, and would arrive at that place about the time I ex- 
pected to be at the head of Peoria Lake. 

In consequence of this latter information, as an addition to my original plan I sent 
one company of volunteers, with two boats, to Peoria — one of them being well forti- 
fied and the other carrying as much provisions as I could collect, and the necessary 
tools to enable Gen. Hopkins to build a fort at that place, provided he chose to do so, 
or, otherwise, to build it myself under cover of his army, whilst it was marching, as 
he proposed it should do, up the Illinois River. 

On the 18th of October, having made arrangements for the defense of the frontier 
in my absence, and leaving a force which, under existing circumstances, I deemed ad- 
equate to that object, I commenced my march with about four hundred mounted vol- 
unteers. On our way we burnt two Kickapoo villages, on the saline fork of Sangamon 
River — till which time I had permitted it to be understood that I intended to march 
to Peoria and cross the Illinois at that place. But as my plan was entirely a different 
one, I then thouglit it advisable to call a council of officers and unfold to thoni my real 
views and intentions, in which, they all concurring, we marched with uncommon ra- 
pidity to a large village at the head of Peoria Lake, inhabited by Kickapoos and Mia- 
mies. It was situated at tlie foot of a hill, which terminates the low grounds of the Illi- 
nois River at that place and runs many miles parallel with it. In front of this village 
the bottom, which is three miles wide, is so flat, wet and marshy, as to be almost ut- 
terly impassable to man or horse. Unfortunately our guides, instead of leading us down 
the hill at the village, as I had expected, led us into the bottom about three-quarters 
of a mile below it, and thereby deranged a plan of attack which I had at first contem- 
plated. As we approached the town tlie Indians were seen running out of it in con- 
siderable numbers, and for some time I thought they were forming to give us battle. 
With the centre of my little army I was marching in a direct course towards them, 
the right wing being ordered to gain their flank on the right of us, whilst the left was 
directed to cut off" their retreat to the river. But in a short time I discovered them, 
some on horseback, others on foot, all running as fast they could in a course at right 
angles from that which I was pursuing, towards a point of woods in which I expected 
they intended to form. I immediately changed my course, ordered and lead on a gen- 
eral charge upon them, and would have succeeded in cutting off" their retreat had it 
not been for the unsoundness of the ground over which we had to run. We, however, 
rushed upon them with such impetuosity that they were forced to scatter and take 
refuge in the swamp, in which those who were on horseback left their horses so com- 
pletely mired that they could not move. A part was pursued through the swamp to- 
the river, where several were killed and the town of Chequeneboc, (a Pottawottamie 
chief, who headed the party that came down to attack us,) together with all the pro 
visions and other property it contained, was burnt. ' Another party was pursued into 
the swamp in a different direction ; several were killed, but finally they rallied at 



72 HISTORY OP ILLINOIS. 



that point in such numbers that those who pursued them were forced to retreat. I 
then sent in a reinforcement, which induced the Indians entirely to give ground. The 
pursuit and fight over, we returned to the village, which, with a great quantity of pro- 
visions and other valuable Indian property, we burnt and otherwise destroyed. We 
brouglit off with us about eighty head of horses and four prisoners, having killed, ac- 
cording to the Indian accounts, frequently given, between twenty-four and thirty In- 
dians, without the loss of a single man, and having only one wounded ; which, in my 
opinion, was entirely owing to the charge that was made upon the enemy, as they 
were run so hard that when they attempted to form they were out of breath, and 
could not shoot with sufficient accuracy. 

Not meeting with nor hearing from Hopkins, and knowing that my force was too 
weak and our iiorses too much fatigued to attempt anything further, I detached a par- 
ty the next day to Peoria to leave directions for the Captain who commanded the 
boats to return, as speedily as possible. This party burnt another village tliat had 
been lately built within half a mile of Peoria, by the Miamies; and we all returned to 
my headquarters, at Camp Russell, after a tour of thirteen days only. 

The conduct of both the men and officers under my command was highly honorable 
to themselves and useful to our country. They were uniformly obedient to my orders, 
appeared sincerely desirous of giving me every assistance in their power, and in the 
attack upon the Indians they displayed a gallantry and intrepidity that could not be 
surpassed. 

You will clearly perceive, from the nature of my arrangements and plans of opera- 
tion that they have been actively employed in the most arduous duties, and I hope 
they will soon receive the reward that is due to their services. 

The boats did not return till the 15th inst., which has delayed this communication 

to this time. 

I have the honor to be, 

Very respectfully, sir, 

Your most obedient servant, 

NINIAN EDWARDS. 



CHAPTEE IV. 

Termination of the War with the Indians — Gov. Edwards' Speech to the 
Officers and Soldiers of the Army — Reply of the Army — Address of the 
Governor to the Legislature — Reply to his Message hy the Legislature. 

Gov. Edwards' address to the late detacliment of militia from St. Clair 
county, Illinois Territory, on discharging them from service : 

Genilemen, Officers and Soldiers : 

In discharging you from the military toils in which I have participated with you for 
more than two months past, I should do equal injustice to my own feelings and to your 
just deserts were I not to express to you the gratitude I feel for the services you have 
rendered and the assistance you have afforded me in defending this Territory against 
the extraordinary perils with which it has been threatened. 

Fortified by a consciousness of having discharged my own duty and served my 
country with effect, and honored by repeated public and private declarations of con- 
fidence in me by those who have had the best opportunity of judging my conduct, I 
might bid defiance to all the silly tales, dastardly insinuations or wicked misrepresen- 
tations which folly, malice, ambition or interest have invented to injure me, or I might 
content myself with challenging the most scrutinizing and implacable personal or po- 
litical enemy to point out a solitary case in which I have not forseen every emergency 
that has presented itself, and been prepared with the best means within my power to 
meet it. 

This course I should probably adopt, were it not that the injuries meditated against 
me have been attended with the severest privations and sacrifices, on the part of the 
good people whose interest and safety have been confided to my care ; but this being 
the case, I shall at some future and no distant period exhibit such a history of the 
transactions of this year (illustrated by a chart and geographical notes) as will prove 
that I have faithfully discharged my duty both to the General Government and to the 
people of the Territory, who will find that if any peculiar hardships have been im- 
posed upon them, no blame whatever can attach to me. 

Ignorant, indeed, must that man be of the geography, history and situation of this 
country, of the residence and number of savages, and of their habits, who can suppose 
that any part of the frontier has been in a more dangerous situation than ours. 

The greatest body of Indians in America reside on the Mississippi, and the water 
courses that empty into it above St. Louis and Cahokia — thus having a facility of in- 
vading us by water, which all past experience and recent facts prove they uniformly 
prefer, for ease, safety and expedition. . 

Our thin and dispersed population, with the extent of our frontier, presented many 
points to the attack, to which those blood-thirsty savages were invited by the fair 
prospect they had of doing the greatest injury to us with the least possible danger to 
—10 



74 HISTORY OF ILLINOIS. 



themselves. Besides, notwithstanding all the noise and bustle that was made about 
Indian depredations, in the course of last year, ours was the only frontier that was 
actually attacked. A knowledge of these facts rendered me indefatigable in my exer- 
tions to defend my fellow-citizens, and to explore every source of information that was 
accessible to me, for the purpose of ascertaining the disposition of the Indians to- 
wards us. 

Upon some of you devolved the execution of all my defensive operations, and I re- 
flect with peculiar pleasure that, whenever my plans have been explained, they have 
met the most unqualified approbation of those who had to execute them, that they 
uniformly inspired with confidence those who were most exposed to danger, and, 
above all, that they have been crowned with such success that not a life has yet been 
lost on as exposed a frontier as any that belongs to the United States. 

My diligence in ascertaining the disposition of the Indians and the machinations of 
their allies, have not been less successful — as my communications to the government, 
together with facts which have subsequently developed themselves, incontestably 
prove. 

Ever since the battle of Tippecanoe I have uniformly maintained the opinion (prob- 
ably with more zeal than discretion) that nothing short of the most vigorous offensive 
operations against the Indians could procure us peace with them. Hostility, engen- 
dered by British influence, had rallied them against us, and as our difficulties with 
England seemed to increase, I never could see any reasonable ground to hope that 
that influence would be withdrawn or that it would be less efficient than it had hith- 
erto been — more especially as the savages constantly failed or refused to surrender a 
single murderer or to do any other act of justice that would argue their return to a 
friendly disposition towards us. And I feel sincere regret at finding that all my pre- 
dictions on this subject hare been completely fulfilled. 

Many suggestions which I had the honor to make, no doubt, at the time were 
thought to be very visionary ; but time has proved that they were well founded. 

The intrigues of Dickson with the Sioux and Chippeways — the important fact that 
the British had sent immense quantities of Indian goods to Fort St. Joseph, by way 
of the Ottawa River, for the purpose of aiding those intrigues and of counteracting 
any bad consequences that might otherwise result to them from the loss of Maiden — 
the dispatches that were sent by Inuis of Ambersburg to Dickson, informing him of 
the intention of the British to capture Mackinac, and the conteuiplated attack on 
Chicago — were all communicated by me. 

At length I obtained and transmitted to the War Department, documents which 
proved the existence not only of a most formidable hostile confederacy, but the very 
points which it proposed to attack. Copies of them were forwarded to the Governor 
of Kentucky, whose opinion upon them, as well as that of Governors Howard and 
Harrison, perfectly corresponded with my own, as their letters to me will show. 

These documents completely proved the danger with which our part of the frontier 
was threatened ; they were duly appreciated by the Hon. Secretary of War, who ex- 
pressly (predicating his instructions upon the information I had communicated) di- 
rected Gov. Harrison and myself to confer with each other, empowered us to call up- 
on the Governor of Kentucky for assistance, and instructed him to furnish it. 

In pursuance of the authority given me, I lost not a moment in asking the Governor 
of Kentucky for a regiment of infantry. It was promptly promised me by Gov. Scott. 
The promise was renewed by his successor. Gov. Shelby. The newspapers of Ken- 
tucky announced that a regiment had been sent to my aid. Gov. Harrison, who hap- 



LIFE AND TIMES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 75 

pened to be at Frankfort about that time, requested also that it should be sent, and 
in subsequent letters, which have been published, he renewed the same with an addi- 
tional requisition. But what has been the result ? Not a man has yet arrived. 
And at a time when we had most cause to apprehend danger, even Col. Russell, who 
was here with about fifty Kentucky rangers, under the authority given him by the 
President, was called off with them to Vincennes, leaving us to shift for ourselves, 
without the aid of a single man who had not been raised in the Territory, whilst a 
force consisting of thousands was accumulating in Indiana Territory, which has double 
our population, and which certainly (to say the least that could be expected) was not 
in greater danger, whilst its proximity to Kentucky furnished a facility for obtaining 
aid upon any sudden emergency, which, from the remoteness of our situation, was un- 
attainable by us. 

Upon these facts I wish to make no comments — my object being more to free my- 
self from blame than to fix it upon any other person. Any ecclairecisnements that may 
be due to the government, to the public or to the gentlemen interested, I leave wholly 
to themselves. 

I must, however, acknowledge that the reliance I placed in the promises of assis- 
tance that were made me, was very near proving destructive to the Territory, by 
throwing me off of my guard and preventing me from calling into service and organi- 
zing such a force as was found indispensably necessary to repel the hostile invasion, 
which shortly thereafter actual)}' took place. 

On the receipt of Col. Russell's letter, announcing to me his orders to repair to Vin- 
cennes, I instantly determined to call out one-half of the militia and put myself at 
their head. I had every difficulty to encounter. Without a cent of money to pay 
the militia for their services last year or for months of past services in the present 
year, or for any future services, and without a sufficiency of arms, ammunition or other 
munitions of war, your patriotism, however, seconded my exertions, freed me from 
the necessity of an extensive draft, and enabled me, in a very short period, to orga- 
nize the force to which this country is indebted for its salvation. 

It was about the first of September that I took the field with you. You will remem- 
ber that I then informed you that in the light of that moon a furious attempt would 
be made to invade our northern frontier — that I endeavored to stimulate you to ex- 
ert yourselves to make the necessary preparations to resist it ; and everything hap- 
pened precisely as I had predicted. Nothing, I believe, was omitted, on my part, 
which it was possible for me to do. 

For some time previous to the«invasion, the Indians had made use of every precau- 
tion to prevent their intentions being discovered. Notwithstanding which, I knew 
the very day they assembled at Peoria for the purpose of coming down upon us, and 
you know that I planned an expedition to fall in their rear, which would have been 
successfully executed had I not been (much to my mortification) greatly disappointed 
by the contractor, who failed to furnish the necessary rations. 

We have, however, great cause to acknowledge the goodness of Heaven and to feli- 
citate ourselves upon the events that have taken place. 

Your bravery has enabled me to repel hostile invasion and to wage war upon the 
enemy in their own country, with as much success and eiFect as has ever been accom- 
plished by the same numbers since the first settlements of the Western country. 

Your intrepidity and patriotism have been equally honorable to yourselves and use- 
ful to your country, and should events render it necessary for me again to take com- 
mand, I sincerely pray that I may again have your aid. 



76 HISTORY OF ILLINOIS. 



Gentlemen, for the partiality and personal attachment which the whole of you, 
(without an exception to my knowledge,) have manifested towards me — for your pub- 
lic as well as private professions of confidence in me — for the unexampled harmony 
and good order that has been observed — I beg you to accept the sincerest thanks of a 
grateful heart, and in returning to the bosom of your families, to recollect that you 
carry with you my most unfeigned wishes for your happiness and prosperity. 

NINIAN EDWARDS. 
November 10, 1812. 

The following is the reply of the officers of the militia to Gov. Edwards' 

address : 

Headquarters, Camp Russell, Nov. 10, 1812. 
To His Excellency, Governor Edwards : 

Sir — Our opinion as to the danger our Territory has been exposed to is exactly 
like yours, and we are free to declare that in our estimation you have greatly in- 
creased your claims upon the gratitude of the country for the wise measures which 
you adopted for our relief. We have witnessed your having anticipated and disap- 
pointed the views of our enemies. We have always found you well informed con- 
cerning them, and, as the danger increased, we were happy to see you disregarding 
the hardships of camp life and forsaking a comfortable home, ready at the post of 
greatest danger to place yourself at our head. We have seen you undergo the fa- 
tigues of a successful expedition into the Indian country. We have witnessed your 
coolness, deliberation and promptitude in the hour of peril, and should we again be 
called into service, we shall be as happy to be commanded by you as you will be to 
command us. We sincerely believe that it is owing to the measures which you put 
into operation that this country has not been deserted and desolated. These are 
facts recorded in the hearts of your fellow-citizens, which speak for themselves, and 
which must render harmless all misrepresentations of your enemies — if you have 
any. The sacrifices of the brave men whom you have commanded have been great. 
Some of them have been in service since last spring'; none of them have received 
any pay, and many of them, we well know, are in great want of it. We hope no 
exertion in your power will be wanting to procure them just compensation, and we 
think that you might, with propriety, urge the distinguished services which they 
have lately performed as an inducement to pay them as soon as possible. We take 
the liberty of soliciting your approbation to the publication of your address this 
day, to us, together with this answer, and we offer you our best wishes for your suc- 
cess and prosperity through life. 

Signed in behalf of the oflicers, at their request, by 

WILLIAM WHITESIDE, 

Jas. B. Moore, Lt. C. C. I. M., 

Clerk. Chairman, 

It appears from a letter which Gov. Edwards received from Gov. Shelby, 
dated March 2, 1812, that the latter expressed his conviction that the 
troops ordered from Kentucky "had been prevented from reaching the 
Territory by dishonorable steps." But the dangers, difficulties and em- 
barrassments resulting from this disappointment were averted by the inde- 
fatigable exertion of Gov. Edwards. Gov. Shelby says, in this letter, that 
Gov. Edwards is entitled to the honor of having planned and the glory of 
executing so successfully this expedition to Peoria. 



LIFE AND TIMES OP NINIAN EDWARDS. 77 

Gov. Edwards, ia alluding to this expedition in a letter to Gov. Shelby, 
dated December 20, 1812, says that "some attempts have been made to 
deprive me of the honor which you say my exertions entitle me to, by giv- 
ing to Gen. Hopkins the credit of planning it, and to Col. Russell the glory 
of executing it. Although I cannot feel indifferent to the injustice done 
me, nothing can provoke me to withhold from Col. Russell the just tribute 
of applause to which his conduct, under my own vievs:, has entitled him. 
I acknowledge myself indebted to him for many and great obligations. To 
me his assistance was important. Distinguished as he is for his bravery 
and good conduct, nothing that I can say can add new lustre to his repu- 
tation, and one of the first wishes of my heart is that his country may ap- 
preciate his merits as highly as I do, because I am sure it would, at the 
same time, eventuate in advantage to the public and do justice to an indi- 
vidual. 

"It is, however, a duty which I owe to myself, to declare most explicitly, 
that my expedition was planned by myself; that it originally depended, 
in no respect, upon Gen. Hopkins or Col. Russell ; that I had prepared 
for it and had appointed a day for marching, previous to my hearing from 
either of them. 

"Disappointed in all the assistance that had been promised me, menaced 
by formidable combinations of Indians, and seeing no measures adopted 
which were calculated to afford security to the frontier, I felt the necessity 
of turning out as Commander-in-Chief of my own militia, nearly one-third 
of whom became volunteers under me ; and after having encountered the 
greatest difficulties, and having successfully defended the Territory under 
such circumstances, it was hardly to be presumed that I would have relin- 
quished the command of my own volupteers to any one. 

"I knew my legitimate powers as Governor of the Territory, and I de- 
termined to maintain them, so far as related to my own militia, at all haz- 
ards, as the means of affording that protection to my fellow-citizens which 
they had a right to expect from me, and for which they looked in vain 
elsewhere. I have not disappointed their expectations; and I feel amply 
rewarded by the testimonies of approbation with which I have been hon- 
ored by the people and the Legislature of this Territory, and by the brave 
officers and soldiers whom I lately commanded, which, added to a conscious- 
ness of having discharged my duty and a conviction that facts cannot al- 
ways be perverted, renders me fearless of all attempts to do me injustice." 

This correspondence was published in the St. Louis Gazette, and other 
papers, immediately after the expedition had returned ; and had there been 
any truth in the reports that it had been either planned by Gen. Hopkins 
or executed by Col. Russell, the published correspondence, in which Gov. 
Edwards claims to himself the exclusive credit, would have been answered. 



78 HISTORY OF ILLINOIS. 



Again, it appears, from Gov. Edwards' official report of this expedition, 
to the Secretary of War, that on Col. Russell's arriving at the camp, a few 
days previous to their march, with about fifty men under his command, 
Gov. Edwards accepted their services and appointed the Colonel second 
in command. 

MESSAGE OF GOV. EDWARDS. 

Fellow- Citizens of the Legislative Council^ and &f the House of Representatives : 

The communications of the plenipotentiaries of the United States, charged with 
negotiating peace with Great Britain, which have been recently communicated by 
the President to Congress, by declaring the conditions upon which alone our enemy 
is disposed to put an end to the existing hostilities, evince the insincerity of those 
declarations which accompanied his invitation to treat at Gottenburg, account for 
the motives which, on his part, so long delayed a meeting of the negotiators, and 
leave us no other ground to hope for a speedy return to the blessings of peace but 
by the employment of the utmost resources of the nation in a vigorous prosecution 
of the war. Infatuated by his success in Europe, forgetful of the mutability of all 
human things, and yielding to his jealousy of our growing commercial prosperity, 
to his thirst of universal monopoly and to his unprincipled ambition, which have 
equally distinguished him in peace and in war, the enemy has not only openly and 
officially avowed but has particularly demonstrated his disregard of the laws and 
usao-es of Civilised warfare ; and whilst he stands disgraced, and must eventually be 
execrated by the civilized world for this gothic and vandalic destruction of the pub- 
lic edifices at the city of Washington, and his wanton robberies and devastation of 
private property on the Atlantic waters, he has uublushingly acknowledged his al- 
liance and identified himself with those ruthless savages whose maraudings and in- 
discriminate slaughters of men, women and children, both before and since the dec- 
laration of war, have been so often repeated and so severely felt and deeply deplored 
on the frontiers of our unfortunate territories. 

Mortified that the charm of his invincibility on the ocean has been dissolved, by 
the superior skill and bravery of our valiant naval heroes, and calculating highly 
upon the immense disposable force which the late unparalleled events in Europe 
have placed at his command, he seeks a base, unmanly revenge ; hopes to regain his 
lost fame, and by his barbarous warfare to spread universal dismay and terror through- 
out our laud ; dreams of naught but victories, and, assuming the tone of a conquerer 
arrogantly demands a surrender to himself of part of the State of Massachusetts, a 
considerable portion of our Northwestern frontier, a stipulation on the part of 
the American Government not to maintain or construct any fortification within a 
limited distance of the shores of any of the lakes, from Ontario to Superior, both 
inclusive, nor to maintain or control any armed vessels upon those lakes, nor in the 
rivers which empty themselves into the same ; and for his Indian allies, in consider- 
ation of their meritorious services in plundering our property, confligrating our hab- 
itations, massacring our prisoners, and with inexorable ferocity murdering and mang- 
lino- the bodies of peaceable citizens, innocent infants and helpless females, as a 
sine qua non of any treaty, that they shall be included in the pacification, and that, 
as incident thereto, the boundaries of their territories should be permanently es- 
tablished and its integrity guaranteed — proposing, as the basis of such boundary, 
the lines of the Greenville treaty, which would include in the proposed cession the 
whole of this Territory, a few spots only excepted, a great portion of other lands for 
which we have paid the Indians a valuable consideration, and a large extent of ter- 



LIFE AND TIMES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 79 

ritory besides, which, in the treaty of 1803, he himself solemnly acknowledged to be 
a part of the United States, thus evidently manifesting his intention to monopolize 
the fur trade, to increase his influence with the savages, to perpetuate his disgrace- 
ful alliances, and to secure to himself additional facilities of annoying and desolating 
our frontier at his pleasure, whilst he seeks to protect himself against the conse- 
quences of his ambitious views and nefarious conduct, by interposing an extensive 
barrier between our Western settlements and his American provinces, and by ob- 
taining the right to erect and maintain naval and military establishments on and 
near to the lines which he proposes shall separate them. 

Conduct like this, to which history scarcely furnishes a parallel since the erup- 
tion of the northern hive of barbarians into the Roman empire — presumptuous and 
arrogant, overlooking the old and introducing new subjects of controversy — de- 
manding the most important and unprecedented concessions, instead of tendering 
reparation for the wrongs and injustice which forced our Government into the dec- 
laration of war against him — prove the fallacy of all calculations upon his justice, 
moderation and magnanimity ; portray in the strongest colors the most implacable 
hostility towards us, and unfold his ambitious views against the prosperity and inde- 
pendence of our country. 

Such circumstances appeal loudly to the pride and patriotism of every true Amer- 
can. They admonish us to abstain from all party disputes among ourselves, and 
will doubtless unite and animate the whole American people (who proudly identify 
themselves with the Government of their choice) in courageous and patriotic efforts 
to resist the relentless tyrant who seeks to overwhelm us; for ifcannot be imagined 
that the sons of America are yet so degenerate as not only to be willing to submit 
to the wrongs and oppressions which were practised upon us by Great Britain, pre- 
vious to the war, but also to reward both her and her savage allies for their subsequent 
shocking and disgraceful barbarities by yielding to the humiliating concessions that 
are demanded of us, and thereby ofi'ering inducements to the future repetition of 
similar enormities. 

Great and powerful as the enemy is, he will find obstacles and difficulties in carry- 
ing on the war at such a distance from Europe, against a people determined to be 
free and to maintain the honor and independence of their country, which, notwith- 
standing the lessons of experience that he might have derived from our glorious 
Revolution, his inflated vanity has not permitted him to anticipate. No doubt from 
the nature of his demands and the tone he has assumed, he flattered himself that 
with the immense armaments which he has detached to our coast, and the armies he 
organized on our frontier, he would be able in a single campaign to reduce us to un- 
conditional submission ; but, so far, he has been most mortifyingly disappointed, 
without anything to console him or to remunerate him for his vast expenditure, but 
success in the honorable employment of stealing negroes, plundering and devastating 
private property, ruining individuals, robbing Alexandria, and destroying, at the 
city of Washington, models of taste and monuments of art which are held sacred and 
are protected by all civilized nations. On the other hand, while our success in the 
South and at Baltimore have been equally glorious to us and disgraceful to him, 
the brilliant achievements of our arms on the Niagara frontier, at Plattsburg, and 
on Lake Champlain, begin to develop our resources for war, demonstrate the supe- 
riority of freemen, fighting for their just rights,' over the boasted mercenary legions 
of Lord Wellington, and, with the increasing unanimity of our fellow-citizens, afford 
us a happy presage of our future victories, which, with the blessing of the Divine 
Being, who has hitherto so signally protected us, will produce the total discomfiture 



80 HISTORY OF ILLINOIS. 



of the enemy and his final expulsion from the American continent, or reduce him 
to the necessity of tendering peace upon just and honorable terms. 

With regard to our relations with the Indians, and the consequences that were 
expected to flow from them, much diversity of opinion has heretofore unfortunately 
prevailed. Mine has, however, on former occasions, been freely and unreservedly 
communicated to you and the public, and the bloody scenes which some of you have 
lately witnessed, and the rest have heard of, afford lasting and mournful evidences 
of its general correctness, and have, I believe, resulted in a universal conviction 
that nothing less than the most energetic and efficient exertions on our part can 
maintain the tranquillity and safety of our frontier. 

Incapable of properly appreciating the liberal and philanthrophic views of our 
Government in regard to them, and influenced by the traditionary accounts among 
themselves of our having expelled their forefathers from their favorite abodes, the 
savages possess an hereditary hatred of us, which, with the intrigues and machina- 
tions of British agents, and their own jealousies and inquietude, arising from our 
increasing population and the constant approximation of our settlements to their 
villages and hunting grounds, so predisposes them to war with us, as to render it 
easier at all times, when they can be flattered with the least prospect of success, to 
engage them in alliances and open hostilities against us, from which nothing hitherto 
has or hereafter can restrain them, as every man who possesses any practical know- 
ledge of them well knows, but the powerful influence of fear alone. Instead, there- 
fore, of confiding in professions on their part, which have so uniformly been insin- 
cere and perfidious, or relying upon temporizing expedients that have hitherto 
proved to be fallacious and inefficient, we ought to indulge in no calculations of 
peace with them, except such as are predicated upon the degree of fear with which 
our measures may be calculated to inspire them, and- these, to succeed, ought to be 
su5h as to be produce an immediate and direct and not merely consequential and 
future pressure upon them. As to the future and remote consequences, they either 
do not think of them at all, or always hope to elude them. It is indeed greatly to 
be feared that we shall not shortly realize the sanguine hopes that have been enter- 
tained of reducing them to submission by cutting oS" their intercourse with the 
British. 

This plan has been pursued ever since the commencement of the war. Partial, 
but important, interruptions of that intercourse have certainly been produced, and 
yet we have found the hostile confederacy constantly increasing, and no one now 
doubts that it is greater and more formidable than it has been at any former period. 

Although custom and habit liave rendered the British trade a convenience to s^me 
of the savages, many of them who are now arrayed against us have but partially en- 
joyed it, and none of them are so absolutely dependent upon it as we are apt to im- 
agine — of which we have full proof in the wretched independence of some of the 
more Western tribes; and, in the recent instances of our present Miami prisoners, 
who, though long accustomed to such trade, have, nevertheless, existed for the last 
two years without it, living in the meantime upon the beasts of the forest and cloth- 
ing themselves and their families with their skins. 

Like other nations in a state of barbarism their real wants are few and simple; 
and to supply these and at the same time to wage war, nothing is indispensably ne- 
I essary to them but amnmnition and arms. Of the former they want powder only, 
having themhclves inexhaustable stores of lead, and in the last three years the ene- 
my has supp'ied them with a very considerable number of the latter. Admitting, 
however, the ultimate practicability of succeeding in destroying the intercourse 



LIFE AND TIMES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 81 

that has been mentioned, still we could not hope for any immediate advantages from 
it, for the enemj' must have been destitute of foresight or regardless of precaution, 
and the most positive information supported by much concurrent testimony cannot 
have the shadow of truth to support it, if, to provide against such an event, he has 
not accumulated, at points convenient for distribution, supplies abundantly sufficient 
to last his allies for a considerable time yet to come. ^His means of doing so have been 
ample, for, independent of other channels that have been accessible to him, the com- 
munication by way of Grand River has constantly remained uninterrupted ; and, al- 
though you have seen the impracticability of the navigation of that river announced, 
in a late official communication, yet we know, and the history of the fur trade will 
prove, that, for mere commercial purposes only, it has long been annually frequented, 
and that immense quantities of goods have been and continue to be transported through 
that very channel. 

But, supposing the British actually deprived of the means of furnishing future sup- 
plies, and their present stock exhausted — we are not now and cannot shortly be pre- 
pared to substitute with any of our own, and consequently have neither the means of 
conciliating nor any inducements to offer the Indians, sufficient to prevail over the 
double motives of hatred to us .ind partiality to our enemy : whilst the emissaries of 
the latter, by their exclusive associations with them, would be able to alleviate any 
particular pressure upon them by inspiring them with the hopes that its duration would 
be of short continuance, and at all events could easily satisfy them that they would 
have nothing better to hope for by shifting sides and uniting with us. 

It is, however, very doubtful whether anything, short of the complete conquest of 
the Canadas, can enable us to prevent the intercourse between those Provinces and 
the Indians. We may, indeed, subject it to inconvenience by closing up some of their 
ordinary commercial avenues ; but on a frontier of such vast extent, and through the 
uninhabited regions contiguous thereto, there are a variety of other channels of com- 
munication, which, though it might be unproiitable to pursue them in a time of peace, 
do nevertheless furnish sufficient facilities of transportation for the purposes of war, 
and that, too, without subjecting it to greater increase of difficulties and expense than 
we ourselves, on some occasions, had to encounter. And knowing, as we do, the ob- 
stacles which the British surmount, in time of peace, in sending their goods between 
three and four thousand miles into the northwestern parts of America, through nu- 
merous lakes and rivers, intercepted by more than two hundred rapids and one hun- 
dred and thirty additional portages, along which both the goods and canoes have to 
be carried on men's backs, and knowing, also, that ever since the commencement of the 
war goods have been packed on horses from Montreal to the southern parts of Lake 
Michigan, we ought to begin to profit by the errors of our past calculations, and 
should not rely too certainly upon the inability of the enemy to furnish the few ar- 
ticles wliich of themselves are sufficient to enable him to retain his influence with 
and command the services of the savages. For even if we could succeed in totally 
obstructing his communication with them from Canada, it is an incontrovertible fact 
that goods can be furnished them on the Mississippi, from Hudson's Bay, by way of 
the Red River of Lake Winnepeg, with less expense and greater facility than they 
have hitherto been carried from Montreal to many parts of the Northwest. And if 
there be any reality in the supposed alliance, or any intended concert of operation be- 
tween the enemy and the Spanish North American provuices, it will doubtless greatly 
enlarge the sphere of his influence and increase his means of preserving it. Seeing 
how tenacious of the interests of his allies he has appeared to be, in the sine qua nou 

—11 



82 HISTORY OP ILLINOIS. 



which he tendered to our Commissioners at Ghent, we cannot reasonably doubt that 
he will avail himself of all possible means of commanding their further assistance ; and 
the recent disasters on our own particular frontier are most unhappily but too well 
calculated to give success to his efforts. 

The frequent and unpunished incursions of the Indians, which have been too suc- 
cessful in spreading death and desolation in their train ; the defeat of our forces and 
the surrender of the fort at Prairie du Chien ; two subsequent successive repulses at 
Rock River ; the late extraordinary evacuation and destruction, by our own troops, 
of Fort Johnson, and the total abandonment of the respectable settlements of Shoal 
and Sugar Creeks, leaving property to a great amount in the power of the savages — 
are events which betray our weakness and can hardly fail to invigorate their hopes 
and invite their future enterprises ; while the accounts they will receive of the causes 
of the rupture of our negotiations for peace will tend equally to increase their hostil- 
ities to us and to strengthen their confidence in their ally. Many of them have lately 
taken off the mask, which has been too successful in paralyzing the energies of our 
government and in postponing the punishment due to their perfidy and atrocities ; 
and I hazard nothing in saying, that, from their proximity to us, thousands of them 
could reach St. Louis or Cahokia from their own homes in five or six days. 

Under these inauspicious circumstances, and having lost the services of a very val- 
uable ofiicer, by his untimely death, it is very fortunate for the territories that their 
future defense is confided to the gallant Col. Russell, who, schooled in our Revolution, 
being one of the distinguished heroes of King's Mountain, and having probably seen 
more Indian fighting than any officer now in America, possesses all the ardor and en- 
terprise, corrected by the experience of age, and, with his knowledge of the geogra- 
phy of the Indian country, needs only the aid of a competent force to act with energy 
and efficiency; and iadeed, disastrous as I think must be the final issue of relying on 
the protracted measures of mere defense — producing an annual expenditure to a great 
amount, without gaining an inch of ground or a single advantage of the enemy — I 
nevertheless have no doubt that with a well appointed force of 2,000 infantry, a pro- 
per proportion of artillery, and 1,000 mounted riflemen, the war upon our frontier, 
and with it the necessity of any further disbursements on our account, could be ter- 
minated in three months. And as tliere fortunately happens to be no contrariety of 
opinion to prevent or retard the adoption of such a measure (all those with tlie best 
means of information concurring, now, in the absolute necessity for it), it is to be 
hoped a change so advisable with a view to public economy, and which would at the 
same time so happily conduce to the safety and prosperity of these exposed territories, 
will not long be delayed. 

In the meantime, every dictate of prudence recommends the amendment of our mi- 
litia system, so as to render it better adapted to the present conjuncture, to free it 
from unnecessary delays in its operation, and to secure, by more certain and adequate 
punishments, prompt obedience to such requisitions as emergencies may from time to 
time require. Although this Territory has exhibited examples of patriotism that have 
rarely been equaled and never surpassed — having, in the last five years, brought into 
service a body of volunteers nearly equal in number to one-half of the aggregate 
amount of its militia, and this year having tendered a number considerably exceeding 
that proportion — yet, there are individuals who, regardless of their obligation to par- 
ticipate with their fellow-citizens in the necessary defense of their country, have con- 
stantly failed and refused to perform any duty whatever, and whose obedience the ex. 
isting laws hare been found inadequate to command. And as all men under similar 



LIFE AND TIMES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 83 

circumstances, who receive equal protection from Government, owe to it the same 
obligations, and upon the vital principles of equality are bound to the performance of 
similar duties, the laws which witli us are designed to govern all should be as compe- 
tent to enforce the obedience of the perverse and refractory as that of dutiful and 
virtuous citizens. And to add to their efficiency in the cases alluded to, by insuring 
their speedy and prompt execution, it would be advisable to provide that whenever 
a draft shall be ordered in any regiment, a court martial shall be convened therein, 
with power to hear and determine upon all excuses for exemption from service and 
to inflict, in cases of delinquency, the fines prescribed by law — which it seems just 
and reasonable should be sufficient at least to obtain the services of a substitute for 
him who, without reasonable excuse, shall have failed or refused to perform his term 
of duty. 

It may, however, be expedient (making proper exceptions in favor of those consci- 
entiously scrupulous of bearing arms) to subject any person whose services shall be 
required, and who shall have legal notice thereof, to the same coercion and penalties, 
in every respect whatever, as if he had been actually mustered into service, unless he 
shall in due time furnish a substitute, or be able to procure a certificate from such a 
court martial as I have mentioned that he has exhibited an excuse deemed sufficient 
for his exemption. 

Instructed, from their infancy, in the most artful means of infiicting the greatest 
injury upon their enemy with the least possible danger to themselves, and regardless 
of the shame of a retreat, the savages usually make their incursions so suddenly, and 
conduct them with such secrecy and caution, as to be able to surprise and ravage our 
settlements or murder our fellow-citizens before we are notified of their approach — 
after which they retreat with such celerity as generally to escape with impunity. I, 
therefore, feel it my duty to recommend the temporary organization, in each regiment, 
of a corps of mounted riflemen, as the only species of force calculated to afford pro- 
tection against those desultory attacks of which the savages are so fond, and from 
which our extensive frontier, detached settlements and numerous vulnerable points 
are greatly exposed. 

In consequence of the effects resulting from opening the Land Office of the United 
States in this Territory, a revision of our revenue laws has become necessary, and it 
is to be hoped that you will be able to devise a more just and equal system of taxation 
and to lessen the public burden upon our fellow-citizens, to which the pressure of the 
war upon and the peculiar difficulties to which it has subjected them offer the most 
powerful inducements. 

I cannot, however, refrain from expressing my decided opinion that the salary of 
$100, allowed the Attorney General, at the last session of the Legislature, for attend- 
ing to important duties required of him throughout the whole Territory and in the 
courts of every county therein, is not only insufficient but is not proportionate to al- 
lowances for other purposes. Experience evinces that much of the good effects to be 
expected from our penal laws depends upon the talents and integrity of our Prosecu- 
ting Attorney. The compensation, therefore, ought to be such as, under all circum- 
stances, would be deemed reasonably sufficient to command the services of one who 
is not only willing but able to perform, with advantage to the public, the duties of 
that station. The gentleman who has for some time past discharged these duties, 
with equal zeal and ability, in the early part of the year resigned his commission, in 
consequence of the inadequacy of the compensation, but was prevailed upon to re- 
accept it, under the expectation that the Legislature might bestow on the subject 
that reconsideration which I have felt it my duty to invite. 



84 HISTORY OP ILLINOIS. 



Other subjects, on which, owing to my long continued and existing ill-health, I have 
not heretofore been able to bestow the necessary attention, must be reserved for fu- 
ture special recommendation. In the meantime I beg leave to assure you of my read- 
iness to aiford you every facility to the discharge of your duties, and of my sincere 
desire to cooperate cordially with you in all measures calculated to promote the pub- 
lic good. 

NINIAN EDWARDS. 

REPLY TO HIS MESSAGE BY THE TERRITORIAL LEGISLATURE. 

Kaskaskia, Dec. 2, 1812. 
To His Excellency Ninian Edwards : 

Sir — The House of Representatives, being much gratified with the communication 
which you have made, would disguise their feelings and do injustice to those of their 
constituents, were they not to express their approbation of the measures you have 
pursued to protect our frontiers and secure to us the advantages which nature evi- 
dently designed for us. 

This protection, secured by your means, announces to us the interest which the 
General Government takes in our welfare. It commands our attachment to the pres- 
ent administration, while we are fully penetrated with the conviction that the most 
beneficial results have been produced by the instrumentality of a public servant who, 
we believe, has been influenced by a desire to promote the public welfare and happi- 
ness. The objects that he has recommended shall engage our earliest attention. We 
wish you may long continue to enjoy the confidence of your country, and with it health 
and happiness. 

The above address, being engrossed, was read a second time, and unan- 
imously concurred in and signed by the Speaker ; and it was therefore or- 
dered that Messrs. Jones and Short be appointed to carry said address and 
present it to the Governor. 



CHAPTEK V. 

Message of Gov. Edwards in reference to the Territorial Judiciary System. 

The Legislature, at its session of 1814, passed "An act to establish a 
Supreme Court for Illinois Territory," which, in many material points, 
changed the judiciary system adopted upon the organization of the Terri- 
tory. Much discussion arose as to the power of the Legislature, under 
the ordinance, to pass the act, and strong doubts were expressed, in high 
quarters, as to its validity. The Judges of the Territory were requested 
by the Legislature to state their opinion, in writing, on the merits of the 
new law, and they took emphatic ground against it. They argued, that, 
as the United States Government, in pursuance of the terms of the ordi- 
nance, had established a general court, and had reserved the right of ap- 
pointing judges to conduct it, that the Territorial Legislature, which is an 
inferior authority, had no power to change or modify it. They said, " it 
would have been futile in Congress to establish a court, leaving the power 
in other hands to establish a tribunal superior to it, which would be 
to annul it;" that "the court established by the ordinance cannot be 
subject to the revision or control of any tribunal established by the Terri- 
torial Legislature ; and an appeal from the same court to the same is a sole- 
cism which we do not suppose to be the intention of this bill." "Neither," 
said the judges, "are we prepared to admit that the general court can be 
so localized as to be reduced entirely to a county, though supreme within 
the county." That " it was a question, whether a court can exercise a part 
of its jurisdiction and forbear the rest, according to circumstances, and as 
a regard to public convenience and the due administration of the law might 
require." The Judges went on to argue the invalidity of the law at con- 
siderable length. Their argument was signed by Judges J. B. Thomas 
and William Sprigg. Judge Griswold was absent, and did not attach his 
name to their opinion. 

In reply to their objections. Gov. Edwards, by request of the Legislature, 
prepared an answer, which was also submitted and spread at large upon the 
journals. It notices, fully, the arguments adduced by the Judges, and is 
as follows : 



86 HISTORY OF ILLINOIS. 



ANSWER OF GOV. EDWARDS TO THE OPINION OF THE JUDGES. 

Jfcllow- Citizens of the Legislative Council and House of Representatives : 

On Wednesday last, I received, for my approbation and signature, a bill, entitled 
"An act establishing a Supreme Court for Illinois Territory." On the succeeding 
Saturday evening, a joint committee from your honorable body presented a letter 
from the honorable Judges Thomas and Sprigg, addressed to the Legislature of Illi- 
nois, and at the same time a joint resolution of your two houses, among other things 
requesting my opinion, in writing, upon the objections to the passage of the afore- 
said bill contained in said letter. 

Although I had long known, from the presentments of grand juries, composed of 
some of the most respectable persons in our country, and from a variety of other 
sources, that a change in the judiciary system, by abolishing the Court of Common 
Pleas and transferring their duties to the Supreme Judges, had been determined upon 
by the people, and although I had, immediately after the commencement of your 
session, ascertained your determination to carry some such plan into execution, yet 
I can most truly declare that on no occasion have I attempted to influence a solitary 
individual to such a determination; and never, until I have been informed by the 
members of your honorable body that Judges Thomas and Sprigg were willing to 
execute such a law as the present bill contemplates, had I the least agency in it 
whatever. 

I am not, however, insensible of the weight of responsibility which this case, under 
all its circumstances, seems to be likely to devolve upon me, as a component part of 
the Legislature and Executive. As the case really appears to be, I shall not hesitate 
to comply with your request, in which, while I must use the freedom necessary to 
investigation, I hope to observe all the decorum and respect which is so justly due 
to tlie occasion, and sincerely do I regret that my indisposition renders me so illy 
qualified to do justice to the subject. 

The language of the Judges in the conclusion of their address, their acknowledg- 
ment of the independence of the three coordinate departments of this government, 
and the inference thence deduced that each ought to confine itself within the proper 
sphere of its legitimate authority, would warrant me in concluding, if, indeed, their 
words were not otherwise sufiSciently explicit, that their objections to the passage 
of the bill in question are predicated on the want of power only in the Legislature ; 
and in that point of view I shall proceed to consider them. 

In their first objection, they state that "if this were merely a bill to change the 
style of the general court, we should deem it objectionable in principle and inconve- 
nient in practice." But to me it is inconceivable how a change merely nominal, and 
in no wise substantive, could be supposed to violate principle. The appellation of 
a court may sometimes be very absurd, but it can never add to nor diminish the 
powers with which it is invested. In some of the States, courts, organized like 
some of your courts of common pleas, and possessing similar jurisdiction, are called 
quarter sessions, county courts, or circuit courts; and if you, believing one of the 
latter appellations to be more appropriate, were to adopt it, instead of the present 
style of the court of common pleas, without further alteration, it would certainly be 
no more objectionable on principle, according to my comprehension of the terms, 
than if you were to call a son "John" in preference to "Thomas." 

Declaring, however, as the Judges do, "that the ordinance, the laws of Congress 
and their commissions point out the court that is to be constituted by them," their 



LIFE AND TIMES OP NINIAN EDWAEDS. 87 

objection to the style given by the present bill seems to be the more extraordinary 
and unsubstantial, since it is evidently more conformable to those authorities tlian 
any others, and is in no respect inconsistent with any exposition that has ever been 
given to either — inasmuch as the ordinance and their commissions are silent as to 
any epithet of distinction, while the law of Congress explicitly terms them " Supreme 
Judges," and the laws of the Northwestern Territory of Indiana and of this Territory 
all concur in defining the court of which their honors speak to be a "Supreme Court," 
thereby rendering any additional style superfluous, or at least unnecessary. 

Speaking of their court as established by a higher authority than that of our 
Legislature, they say that it has always borne the style of the "General Court." 
A correction of this error, or explanation of this statement, would not be deemed 
necessary, but for the purpose of showing the real origin of the style of which they 
appear so tenacious, and the authority by which it was created. It certainly derived 
its existence only from a law of the Northwestern Territory ; and I believe the doc- 
trine that one Legislature can assume such omnipotent power as to endow a subse- 
quent one with equal authority, in such cases as the present, if it ever existed, has 
long since exploded. No such question can, however, arise in this case, because a 
law of Congress, amendatory to the ordinance, vested the Governor and Judges with 
a power of repealing any of the laws which they had adopted; and the ordinance 
expressly declares that after the organization of the General Assembly within the 
Territory, "the Legislature shall have authority to alter the laws adopted by the 
Governor and Judges, as they shall think fit." There cannot, therefore, be any 
doubt but the Governor and the Judges had the right to repeal the law alluded to, 
or that the Legislature that succeeded them had authority to alter or modify it ; 
and if the law itself had been repealed, I presume it will not be conceived that the 
style of the court, which was wholly dependent upon it, would not have ceased to 
exist. 

If, then, the powers of this Legislature are not inferior to those of that which ex- 
isted in the Northwestern Territory, can there be a doubt of your power to repeal 
any of your laws? And if you were to repeal all the laws in relation to the general 
court, what, then, would be the style of that court which their honors say has been 
established by a higher authority than this Legislature? 

Their next objections are, that the bill contemplates two grades of courts, and that 
the supreme court cannot be localized to counties, though supreme therein. In sup- 
port of these objections, great reliance seems to be placed on the ordinance, which 
they say has established the court of which they are members ; and although they 
allow it is defective and not sufficiently minute in its details, yet they say it has 
received, on certain points, a "practical construction, which we are not disposed to 
innovate ourselves nor to sanction those innovations which cannot be reconciled 
with either the received or true construction of that instrument." And as they also 
declare they consider the bill in question eminently calculated to introduce into the 
Territory a state of confusion and anarchy, it seems to be important to show (if it 
can be done) that those fatal consequences, so much to be deprecated, will result 
more from an innovation on the practical exposition that has, on certain points, 
been given to the ordinance, and a departure from it hitherto received a worse con- 
struction, on the part of the Judges, than from any such act or disposition on the 
part of the Legislature. 

This I shall attempt to show by a brief review of some of the leading features of 
the bill in question, and by a reference to the ordinance and to the practice under it. 



HISTORY OF ILLINOIS. 



The present bill was cettainly planned in a spirit of conciliation, and with a view 
to render the duties assigned to the Judges as light and as little oppressive as possi- 
ble — contemplating that each of them should have a circuit of two counties only, 
in each of which he should hold two courts in the year; and that, for the purpose 
of revising or correcting any erroneous decision that might take place, that they or 
a majority of them should attend at the seat of government, as they are now required 
by law to do. But, being aware that some objections might be made to the different 
grades of courts, and believing that the same court might be required to hold its 
sessions at different times and places, they have put it in the power of the Judges 
to act as though it were one court, only, by all acting together, or to divide the 
duties among themselves and to act separately' — either of which, it appears from the 
words of the bill, would meet the wishes and fulfill the intentions of the Legislature. 
But, considered in either point of view, it seems to be thought by them a violation 
of the ordinance — the words of which, as far as they are applicable to the case, are 
that " there shall be appointed a court, to consist of three judges, who shall have a 
common law jurisdiction," but how, when or where that jurisdiction is to be exer- 
cised is not pointed out, and therefore it is subject to the modification and direction 
of the Territorial Legislature. If this were not the case, and the clause above re- 
cited were to be construed according to the nice technical rules of law, it would, 
rom there being no limitation prescribed, oblige the Judges to take cognizance of 
all cases at common law, however inconsiderable the amount, and it would follow 
that no other tribunal could be constituted by you with concurrent jurisdiction in 
any of those cases, for it is a well established maxim in law that '■'selectio unius est 
exclusio alter ius." 

It is, however, evident to me that Congress intended merely to appoint and pay 
the Judges, leaving it to the Territorial tribunal to adopt or form such a judiciary 
system as they might conceive to be most conducive to the public good. For if 
Congress had intended to perfect the establishment and organization of the court, it 
is fairly to be presumed they would have been more explicit on that subject. And 
this construction is the more rational, because the next succeeding clause seems to 
be well calculated to supply the manifest deficiency by making it "the duty of the 
Governor and Judges, or a majority of them, to adopt such laws from the original 
States as might be necessary, and best suited to the circumstances of the Territory." 

Many of the States had judiciary systems equally as liable to the objection of the 
Judges as the one under consideration, and several of them had such as were anala- 
gous to it. Could not the Governor and Judges have adopted'any of them ? Suppose 
they could have obtained the system of Pennsylvania, the General Court system of 
Kentucky, or that of the Superior Court of Tennessee or Georgia, all of which possess 
features very much resembling the present bill : could they not have adopted one of 
these ? And if they had thought it the best suited to the circumstances of the Ter- 
ritory, would it not have been their duty to have adopted it in preference to any 
other ? Of this there can be no doubt, and most certainly it would not have been 
improper in the Judges, or a violation of the ordinance, for them to have executed 
any law which it was or might have been their duty to adopt ; and the authority of 
the Legislature to alter, as they "think fit," any adopted law, demonstrates that your 
power is not less than theirs was. 

This is also the "practical exposition" and the received construction of the ordi- 
nance, on this very point. For we find that tlie Governor and Judges of the North- 
western Territory actually adopted the law of Pennsylvania, by which the Judges 



LIFE AND TIMES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 89 

were bound to hold the general court in two different counties, circuit courts in coun- 
ties, and courts of oyer and terminer or jail delivery. The lavTs thus adopted were 
required to be submitted to Congress for their approbation, and though the same sys- 
tem, with different but not very material modifications, has existed for many years, it 
does not appear to have been ever disapproved by that body ; but we find them ex- 
pressly recognizing the circuit courts, by providing specifically for the expenses of the 
Judges in attending them. 

The laws of Indiana, in force when this Territory was erected into a separate govern- 
ment, and when our first Judges were commissioned, required them to attend the 
general court and circuit courts in counties, and courts of oyer and terminer. The 
construction given to the ordinance, in both the territories of which we have formed 
an integral part, was certainly acquiesced in by the Governor and Judges of this Ter- 
ritory, as is evident from their official acts; for in the year 1809 they organized a 
general court, to sit in Kaskaskia, and courts of common pleas, to be holjien by the 
Judges, with a separate clerk to each court. In the same year it was deemed advisa- 
ble to change the system. The common pleas was abolished, and the general court 
was required to be held twice a year in the counties of Randolph and St. Clair, which 
were all that then existed, and the jurisdiction of the court in each county was limi- 
ted to the bounds thereof. In these measures Judge Thomas concurred, and indeed, 
at the respective times of their adoption, I knew of no dissenting voice. 

Under a law of Congress organizing the government of the Missouri Territory, re- 
cognizing tliree Superior Judges, appointed by the President and Senate of the Uni- 
ted States, as explicitly as our ordinance does, the Legislature of that Territory, with- 
out any greater powers in that respect than you possess, have required the superior 
court to be held in every county within each of which its jurisdiction is localized, and 
the Judges, or a majority of them, have decided that the law is valid and have deter- 
mined to execute it. 

Without referring to analagous cases in some of the States, I trust I have said 
enough to convince you that, on the points which I have so far endeavored to inves- 
tigate, you are not "justly chargeable with innovating the practical exposition or re- 
ceived construction" of the ordinance ; and it will doubtless be to you a source of fe 
licitation that the Judges have declared that they themselves have no disposition to 
make such innovations. 

They also say, that "an appeal from the same court to the same, is a solecism." 
But if this measure can justly be considered beneficial (without which it is to be pre- 
sumed you would not have adopted it), I believe it will be very diflScult for them to 
establish that it is an infraction of the ordinance. Any system which gives to any 
court original and final jurisdiction, is neither perfect nor very usual ; but, owing to 
the peculiar circumstances of the Territory, it may be found impracticable to estab- 
lish any other. It, therefore, becomes prudent to guard, as far as possible, against 
the defects that are inherent in such a system. These in part consist of hasty deci- 
sions, sometimes given from necessity, after a jury is sworn, and at other times with- 
out due deliberation or a sufficient opportunity of consulting authorities upon the sub- 
ject; and, to obviate any ill consequences that might otlierwise result therefrom, it 
has been deemed advisable to declare that the Judges, upon the application of a party 
who supposes himself aggrieved, shall, according to the forms prescribed by law, re- 
vise their own judgments ; and I believe there are few judges who will not admit that 
these decisions would be much more likely to be correct, upon a review of them at a 
fixed place favorable to the production of the greatest number of books and to the 

—12 



90 HISTORY OP ILLINOIS. 



ablest investigation, and where they would be free from all the embarrassments at- 
tendant upon jury trials. These are considerations that strongly recommend the 
measure. No appeal can be allowed but in those cases in which it at present exists. 
By compelling the party complaining to preserve the ordinary forms, you subject him 
to the costs and damages prescribed by laws, sufficient to correct a mere litigious dis- 
position; and in no instance can a plaintiif be longer delayed than under existing reg- 
\ilations. As, then, the measure promises some substantial good, at least, and is pro- 
ductive of no injury, its being denominated a "solecism" ought not to be sufficient to 
prevent its adoption. And, indeed, it is as reconcilable to common sense as systems 
that have been sanctioned by legislatures of the greatest intelligence ; for there are 
some at least that require the same judges to constitute circuit and supreme courts, 
in the latter of which they can sit in judgment and give the casting voice in decisions 
they have made in the former. Nor is the provision in this bill as novel as it seems 
to be supposed, for we find, by the laws of Georgia, a power is specially given to the 
supreme court to correct its own errors ; and a party dissatisfied with a verdict of a 
jury may, as a matter of right, enter his appeal in the clerk's office at any time within 
the four days after the adjournment of the court. 

The objection appears to be more to form than substance, for there has probably 
never been a court that has not, in one way or another, revised its own decisions. 
This power the Judges at present possess. Its exercise, however, depends on their 
own discretion, and if the Legislature think it best to regulate it by fixed rules, or 
that it is more consistent with justice to give to their fellow-citizens, as a matter of 
right, that which the Judges may equally grant or refuse them, as a mere matter of 
discretion, it cannot, in any manner that I can conceive of, possibly violate any clause 
in the ordinance — which is all that I attempt to prove. If, however, the two grades 
of courts exist, as their honors suppose, and they are not disposed to innovate the 
"practical exposition" of the ordinance, or its "received construction," the objection 
will not be found to exist. 

Their last objection is to the appointment of a phirality of clerks, or of one for each 
county in which the court is directed to be held ; and, in support of this objection, 
they say, "if the ordinance established more than one clerk to the same court, why 
have not several been appointed heretofore ? If no such office was established by that 
instrument, whence the authority to fill it ?" 

If their honors mean to prove, by these interrogatories, that the Legislature cannot 
create more than one clerkship, because the ordinance has established but one, I 
would ask if the same reason will not prove that you cannot establish any court what- 
ever with common law jurisdiction. In the one case they say the ordinance, though 
silent, has, by necessary implication, established a clerkship. In the other it has ex- 
plicitly declared that there shall be a court, with common law jurisdiction. Whence, 
then, is the authority, according to their reasoning, to establish another one ? There 
are no express restrictions upon you in either case. If, then, you have the power to 
constitute a court of common pleas, to lessen and divide the duties of the court estab- 
lished by the ordinance, have you not equal authority to create an additional clerk- 
ship, to lessen and divide the duties of the one also established by the same instru- 
ment ? Provided you should consider the measure necessary and best suited to the 
circumstances of the Territory, upon principle it is perfectly immaterial how you di- 
vide the duties of the latter — whether you make them equal or unequal — for the ar- 
gument of their honors is, that you cannot establish an additional clerkship under any 
modification whatever, because the office is ministerial ; and if the clerk cannot do all 



LIFE AND TIMES OP NINIAN EDWARDS. 91 

the business himself, he may employ as many deputies as he chooses. They allege 
that "uot only the very nature of the couit and the constitution of every other Terri- 
torial tribunal and of the Federal judiciary in general, but all courts in the United 
States, unless very particularly constituted, demonstrates their construction to be the 
true one." It is, I think, very probable, that, in many of the cases alluded to, there 
may be but one clerk to each court ; but this is rather an evidence that one has been 
considered sufficient, than proof of the want of legislative power to create more. 
Those cases, however, carry with them no authority, unless they can be shown to be 
analagous in their circumstances to the present bill. I think I have already proved 
that the true as well as received construction of the ordinance would have authorized 
the adoption of the judiciary system of North Carolina, which requires the superior 
court to be held twice a year in every county in the State, and that you have the 
right to require the Judges to hold the court at more places than one. Instances, 
therefore, where a court is held at one place only, can never be considered as appli- 
cable to the present case ; because, in the former, there is neither the same reason 
nor necessity for having two more clerks. But in Georgia and Ohio, there is a clerk 
to the supreme court in every county. In Tennessee, the superior court was and I 
believe still is held at three different places, and has separate clerks at each. Simi- 
lar regulations exist, as I am informed, in other States ; and in Missouri Territory, 
where the superior court is established by a law of Congress, and where the objection 
now under consideration would apply with equal or greater force, there has been es- 
tablished a separate clerkship to that in each county, under regulations precisely sim- 
ilar to those contained in the present bill. The hitherto received construction of the 
ordinance in this Territory was, that a plurality of clerkships could be created ; for 
in this opinion the three Judges who constituted the court, previous to the appoint- 
ment of Judge Sprigg, all concurred, upon several repeated arguments at differen t 
times and places, as a journal now in my possession will show. And, indeed, it was 
with some surprise that I found Judge Thomas referring to the case of the court at 
Cahokia, as in that very case he not only wished to establish a separate clerkship, but 
often maintained the opinion that it could be legally done, and that the Governor and 
Judges, though vested with power to legislate sub modo only, and limited to the adop- 
tion of laws, were competent to do it, even without being able to find such a law in 
any State. Thus it appears that tlie power to adopt laws from any of the States, and 
i^ot from particular ones only, presupposes the authority of the Legislature to alter 
them as they shall think fit ; and thus other powers enumerated in the ordinance, at 
its received construction, as far as it can be ascertained, all combine to prove that 
yours is the correct construction of that instrument, and that you have power to cre- 
ate a plurality of clerkships, if they are necessary and best suited to the circumstan- 
ces of the Territory. That they are so, seems as capable of demonstration as any pro- 
position in Euclid. Suppose the inferior courts had not been established, as is now 
contemplated, whilst this was a part of the Northwestern Territory — what monstrous 
oppressions must have been produced, by obliging the people to have gone to the of- 
fice of a single clerk for a writ to redress the most outrageous grievance ! How in- 
convenient and expensive would it even now be to compel all our fellow-citizens to 
come to the seat of government, for every species of process ; and how much more so 
might it have been, if the war had not prevented the settlements of Prairie duChien, 
Green Bay and other places from extending themselves. 

The convenience of the people and cheap and speedy administration of justice 
are the principle objects, in requiring the court to hold its sessions in the dif- 
ferent counties. The same considerations, or a part of them, at least, render it 



92 HISTORY OF ILLINOIS. 



as obviously proper and necessary that it should be separate clerk's offices. But 

though these are no more contemplated by the ordinance than separate clerks, yet 

their honors say the duties of them might be performed by deputies, as was done when 

the general court was held at Cahokia and Kaskaskia, and had a separate office at 

each place. But is this either just in itself or expedient in regard to the public ? It 

is evident that no one clerk could execute the duties of the office in all the counties, 

and surely he ought not to be paid for labor wholly performed by another ; nor is it 

to be presumed that he could make a more judicious selection than the constituted 

authorities, or that he could, for a part of the profits only, employ persons as well 

qualified and as deserving of trust as those who could be engaged for the undivided 

emoluments of the office. 

In concluding my remarks, I beg leave to remind you that, as you witnessed the 

severe indisposition that now afflicts me, and which has preyed upon me for several 

months, I flatter myself that your liberality will make the proper allowances for the 

many imperfections that are but too obvious in this attempted investigation. 

NINIAN EDWARDS. 
December 12, 1814. 

In view of the whole matter, the Legislature adopted resolutions for 
transmitting the contemplated act, together with the letter of the Judges 
and the answer thereto of Gov. Edwards, to Congress, accompanied by an 
address "requesting the passage of a law declaring the aforesaid enactment 
valid, or to pass some law more explanatory of the relative duties and pow- 
ers of the Judges aforesaid and of this Legislature, in order to remove any 
future or existing difficulties that may arise between the Judges and the 
Legislature." Congress accordingly, on the .3d of March, 1815, passed 
''An act regulating and defining the duties of the United States Judges 
for the Territory of Illinois." 



CHAPTER VI. 

The Indian Tribes and Villages of the Western Territory — Treaties with 
the Indians — Gov. Edioards' views on the Indian Trade and U. S. Saline 
adopted hy the General Government. 

With a view of being acquainted with the country, the Indian Tillages 
and the respective forces of different Indian tribes, Gov. Edwards employed 
agents to ascertain the different routes of travel to and from the lakes, the 
location of the villages and the number of warriors belonging to each tribe, 
and such other information as might be useful during the year. 

From notes furnished to him. and the maps on which are designated the 
rivers, villages and routes from Mackinaw to St. Louis, in the year 1812, 
I find the following: 

Michilimakanac is an island, situated between Lakes Huron and Michigan. From 
Mackanac to tiie main land on the north side of Lake Michigan it is six miles to a 
place called Point St. Ignace ; from Point St. Ignace to Point de Ch^ue, or Oak 
Point, the distance is six miles; from Point de Ch^ne to the Poussette Island it is 
fifteen miles. These islands are situated about one mile from the shore, in very 
shallow water. From the Poussette Islands it is fifteen miles to a small river, called 
by the Indians Min-a-coquin ; from Miu-a-coquin River it is fifteen nliles to a point 
called Patterson's Point, at which place it is very rocky, the water is very shallow, 
and the navigation is very dangerous when the wind is high. Mr. John Hays, a very 
intelligent person, with whom I am well acquainted, says that it was called Patter- 
son's Point from the fact that a Mr. Charles Patterson, one of the principal members 
of the Northwest Fur Company, with all his crew, perished there in a bark canoe, 
about the year 1*788. Mr. Hays says he passed through there soon afterwards, and 
that he was well acquainted with Mr. Patterson. 

From Patterson's Point to Soucheware (an Indian name) it is fifteen miles. At 
this place there is a most excellent harbor, situated behind a rock; it is very diffi- 
cult to enter in high winds, and it is an excellent place to catch white-fish. From 
Soucheware it is fifteen miles to a very handsome river called Manesty ; a few miles 
up this river there was a small Indian village of Chippeways. From the River Man- 
esty it is nine miles to Point de Ecoise, or Bark Point. From thence to Detour it ia 
twenty-one miles, from which place cross over to the south side of the lake, leaving 
a large bay or bend, called the Bay de Knocke, on the north, about one hundred 
miles from Green Bay ; a number of Indians — Ottaways, Chippeways and Wild-oats — 
resided in this bay. From Isle Detour it is three miles to Isle Broul^s, or Burnt 
Island; from thence it is six miles to Isle Vert, or Green Island; from thence to 
Isle dePou, or Pottawottamie Island, it is six miles; from Pottawottamie Island to 
Petite Etraite, or Little Strait, it is nine miles; at this place there is a village of 



94 HISTORY OP ILLINOIS. 



two lodges of Chippeways. From thence to Port des Mort, or Death's Door, (the 
niainlaud on the south side of the lake), it is six miles; this place was called Death's 
Door on account of a number of Indians, in their canoes, having been drowned there ; 
it is a very high, rocky and dangerous place in high winds, and is about one hundred 
and sixty miles from Chicago. From Death's Door to Isle de Raccio, an island in 
form of a circle, it is twenty-one miles, at which place there is an entrance for boats 
in which no winds whatever can molest them, as there is a very large basin for a 
harbor ; this island is about one and a half miles from the shore. From thence it is 
three miles to two small islands, near the shore, called by the Indians Nicola-Kechis, 
on whicli there is a village of two lodges of Ohippeways. From Nichola-Kechis it is 
tweuty-one miles to Bay de Tourgeon, or Sturgeon Bay, where there is a village 
of three lodges of Ohippeways; this bay is very deep. From this bay to Red River 
it is twenty-one miles. From Red River to Cape de Pouant, or Winnebago Cape, 
(a very high and handsome place, and where there was formerly a Winnebago village,) 
the distance is fifteen miles. From Winnebago Cape to Point au Sable, or Sandy 
Point, a bay where a few Wild-oats live, it is three miles — from which point cross 
over to the entrance of Green Bay, a distance of six miles. From Green Bay to 
Minne-Wakey, on the route to Chicago, it is one hundred and fifty miles. From 
Minne-Wakey (at and near which there are a number of Pottawottamies, Ottaways 
and Ohippeways) it is ninety miles to Chicago ; the country around Green Bay is 
very beautiful, the land is excellent, and it is settled on each side of the river (which 
empties into the bay) by Canadians and some Americans; there are here about forty 
houses, and the inhabitants are mostly all farmers ; the north side is the most settled ; 
there is an excellent grist mill and distillery, and there is also, near this place, a 
large village of the Wild-oats, situated on the north side, who have always been very 
friendly. Three miles from Green Bay is Rapide de Pere, where there is a grist mill. 
Six miles from Rapide de Pere is Petite Kakalin Rapids, where there is a village ot 
six lodges of Wild-oats. Nine miles from this place is the Grand Kakalin Rapids 
and portage, where there is a small village of Wild-oats. Six miles from the Grand 
Kakalin Rapids is the small falls of the Petite Calumi. Six miles from Petite Cal- 
umi is the Grand Calumi and the portage, where the falls are much more considera- 
ble. Nine miles from Grand Calumi is the Rapids de Pouant, at the head of the 
entrance of Lake de Pouant, where there is a village of about seven lodges of Ponants ; 
this village, though now reduced to seven lodges, formerly contained as many as thirty. 
Lake Pouant is about twenty-one miles long and ab^ut four or five miles wide ; at 
the end of this lake is the entrance to Fox River of the Wisconsin, at which place 
Mr. Hays says he has seen a very large village of Pouants, but at that time (1812) 
there was not one lodge. From the mouth of Fox River it is nine miles to Bute de 
Morte, or Death's Hill — so called in consequence of a number of Indians having been 
killed there, a number of years ago, by the French ; on the north side of the river 
at this place the Wild-oats have a village. From Death's Hill it is three miles to *he 
Kivier des Loup, or Wolf River. From this river it is fifteen miles to Wakan, for- 
merly a village of Winnebagoes, but now abandoned. From Wakan it is fifteen 
miles to Tounere Jannof, or Yellow Thunder. From Yellow Thunder it is fifteen 
miles to Le Plane, a remarkable place for encampment. From Le Plane to Mak-kan, 
a small river, on which there was formerly a Winnebago village, it is fifteen miles. 
From Mak-kan to Lake A-pock-way, where there is a village of two or three lodges, 
but where once there was a very large village, it is fifteen miles ; this lake is nine 
miles long. From thence to Buffalo Lake it is fifteen miles; this lake is nine miles 
across. From Buffalo Lake to Little Rock it is fifteen miles. From Little Rock to 



LIFE AND TIMES OP NINIAN EDWARDS. 95 

the Forks it is fifteen miles. From the Forlis it is fifteen miles to the Wisconsin 
portage ; the length of the portage is two and a-half miles; at the portage there is a 
vilhige of Winuebagoes, of three lodges, at which place a Frenchman lives who car- 
ries over the goods, boats, etc., with wagons; it is about three hundred and sixty 
miles from Lake Michigan to the Wisconsin River. From the portage of Wisconsin 
it is about one hundred and twenty miles to a village of Winnebagoes, of ten lodges, 
about sixty miles from its mouth, where it empties into the Mississippi River; there 
is nothing remarkable in the Wisconsin River except the big turn on the north side, 
about ninety miles from the mouth and the same distance from the portage. From 
the mouth of the Wisconsin it is six miles to Prairie du Chien, and twenty-one to 
Village La Porte, a village of ten lodges of Foxes. From Village La Porte to Turkey 
River it is nine miles; on this river there are about fifteen lodges of Foxes. From 
Turkey River to Village Batard, consisting of about eight lodges of Foxes, it is fifteen 
miles. From Village Batard to Little Prairie, a village of three lodges of Foxes, it 
is nine miles. From Little Prairie to Petite Makoket^, where there are six lodges 
of Foxes, it is nine miles. From Petite Makoket^ to Old Mines it is nine miles. 
From Old Mines to New or Spanish Mines it is six miles ; near this place there is a 
village of Foxes, up a small river. From Spanish Mines to Death's Head it is fifteen 
miles; this is the place where Hunt's men were killed. From Spanish Mines to the 
River Sussenneway, opposite Death's Head, it is also fifteen miles. From the River 
Sussenneway to Fever River, on both of which rivers there are excellent lead mines, 
it is three miles. From Fever River to Village Chaniere, containing ten lodges of 
Foxes, it is nine miles. From Chaniere to Grand Makokete it is six miles. From 
thence to Apple River it is six miles. From thence to La Prairie de Frappeau it is 
fifteen miles. From thence to Potato Prairie it is fifteen miles. From thence to 
Che-che-qui-me-nanque, formerly an Indian village, it is about nine miles. From 
thence to Marais de Ange it is nine miles. From thence to Pecesuisenany, formerly 
an Indian village, it is nine miles. From thence to the Rapids of Rock River it is 
nine miles; these rapids are about eighteen miles in length; at the foot of 
them there are about thirty lodges, having formerly for their chief Peau Blanc, or 
White Skins, but at present his brother, Mohawk, is their chief. From this village 
to Rock River it is three miles, and about one and half miles up Rock River, on the 
south side, there is a very extensive village of Sacs, of nearly two hundred lodges; 
up this river, also, about twenty or thirty miles from the mouth, there is a considera- 
ble Winnebago village. From Rock River to Grand Muscatine it is thirty miles. 
From thence to Iowa River it is thirty miles. From Iowa River to Skunk River it 
is sixty miles. From thence to Horse-shoe it is twelve miles. From Horse-shoe to 
to Fort Madison it is nine miles. From thence to the head of Rapids des Moine it 
is nine miles; these Rapids are eighteen miles long. From the foot of the Rapids 
to the River des Moine it is about three miles. From thence to Fox River it is six 
miles. From Fox River to River Wacanda it is twenty-one miles. From thence to 
Prairie Wacanda it is three miles. From thence to Bay Boston it is nine miles. 
From thence to L'eau Froide, or Fabian River, it is eighteen miles. From Fabian 
River to Two Rivers it is three miles, to Prairie Joffreon. From thence to Bay 
Charl it is fifteen miles. From thence to Petite Glaze it is twelve miles. From 
Petite Glaze to Fort Mason it is two miles. From thence to Salt River it is twenty- 
seven miles. From Salt River to River Denoyer it is three miles. From River 
Denoyer to Buffalo River it is three miles. From Buffalo River to River Galium^ 
it is four and half miles; it was near this river tliat O'Neals family were killed. 
From Oailum^ to Fort Boucher it is six miles. From Furt Boucher to Dog Island it 



96 HISTORY OF ILLINOIS. 



is six miles. From thence to Bell's Point it is twenty-four miles. From Bell's Point 
to Cape au Grey it is fifteen miles. From Cape au Grey to Cuiver River it is three 
miles. From thence to La Peruque, a small French village, it is six miles. From 
La Peruque to the River Dedain it is six miles. From thence to the Illinois River 
it is six miles. From thence to Portage de Sioux it is nine miles. From Portage 
de Sioux to the Missouri River it is six miles. From thence to St. Louis it is 
eighteen miles. From St. Louis to Gahokia it is four miles. 

The Pottaivottamies, on the Illinois River, are divided into three bands, to-wit: 
that of Gomo, consisting of about 150 men ; they reside at the end of Peoria Lake 
about seven leagues from Peoria. The Pepper's band at Sand River, about two 
leagues below the Quiuqueque, consisting of about 200 men of different nations — 
as Pottavvottamie?, Chippeways and Ottaways ; Letourneau and Mettetasse are of 
this band. Sand River is fifty leagues above Peoria and twenty leagues below Lake 
Michigan. Malnpoc's band resides seven leagues up the Quinqueque (now called 
the Kankakee), and consists of about fifty men. The remaining Pottawottamies 
live on the River St. Joseph, on which there are three or four villages. On the 
Fox River, which empties into the Illinois River at the Charboniere, or Coal-pit, 
about thirty-five leagues above Peoria, is another band of Pottawottamies, Chippe- 
ways and Ottaways, having for their leader Wa-bee-saux. This river takes its source 
from Mil-waa-kee. In this band there are only about 30 men. 

The Kee kaa-poos are divided into three bands : Pamawatans, consisting of about 
100 men, exclusive of those at the Prophet's, are now making their village on 
Peoria Lake, three leagues from Peoria. The Little Deer has also abandoned their 
great village, and is now forming his village opposite to Gomo's. His band consists 
of about 70 men. Of this band there are also about 50 men, and the same number of 
Pottawottamies with the Prophet. At the Little Makina, a river on the south side 
of the Illinois River, is a band, headed by no particular chief, but generally by 
warriors. Le Bourse Sulky is generally regarded as the main chief This tribe con- 
sists of Kees, Chippeways, Ottaways and Pons, and number about 60. 

At the camping place of Chicago, three leagues from the lake, is a village of 
about 30 men, of Pottawottamies, Chippeways and Ottaways, having for their chief 
Co-wa-bee-raay. 

The distance from Peoria to the Rock River on the Mississippi, is about twenty 
leagues by land, and can be traveled in two days on foot and in one on horseback. 
The country is mostly prairie and very fine open woodland. Opposite to the River 
Vermilion, which is nearly thirty leagues above Peoria, by cutting across the land, 
one would reach Rock River near Milwaakee. The whole country between the 
Illinois and Mississippi Rivers is a fine open country, easy to travel through, chiefly 
prairie, but high land. The Winnebago village on Rock River is about thirty or 
forty leagues from the mouth and within one day's mai ch of their old village on the 
Lake Ap Quay, in the Fox River, that comes from Green Bay. The distance from 
the Winnebago River to Milwaakee can be traveled in one and half days. 

Leaving Chicago to go to Makina, on the south side of Lake Michigan, the first 
river you reach is the Little Calumick, about five leagues from Chicago. There is 
on this river a village consisting of about one hundred men, of Pons, Chippeways 
and Ottaways. Old Camp-pignan is their chief. He has a burnt hand and broken 
nose. It was reported this spring that he was killed, on his way from Niagara to 
Detroit. Man-mon-qai, who was his second, will probably be their next chief. 

About ten leagues up the St. Joseph, a river about thirty leagues from Chicago, 
there is a village of about 10 men, of Pottawottamies, with no particular chief to 



LIFE AND TIMES OP NINIAN EDWARDS. 97 

head them. On the Terre-coupee, a small river that empties into the St. Joseph, 
there is a village of 100 men, of Pous, headed by Mock-kua gon, about ten leagues 
on a straight line from the lake and about thirty leagues by land, to Chicago. The 
roads from this place to the lake and to Chicago are very fine, and pass through an 
open country. 

There is another village on the St. Joseph, about forty leagues above the mouth, 
of Pottawottamies, the number of whom is not known. This village is situated at 
the entrance of a small river called La Reviere Pirette, or Speckled River. The 
chief of this band is named Mou-neck-quai-bee. 

On the Stagheart, a small river, which also empties into the St. Joseph, there is 
a village of Pous, the number of whom is not known. Their chief is Nan-quee-sai. 

At the entrance of .the Keck-kaa-ne ma-zo River into the lake, about fifteen 
leagues north of the St. Joseph, there is a small village of 7 or 8 men, without any 
chief and about twenty five leagues up the river there is a village of Pous and 
Ottaways, of about 60 or 70 men. Their chief is unknown. 

On the Grand River, ten leagues beyond the Keck-kaa-ne-ma-zo, there are four 
villages of Ottaways, containing in all about 200 men. The first village is about 
three leagues, the second about fifteen, the third about twenty-five, and the fourth 
about forty leagues from the entrance, on a small river called Riviere de Plaines. 
This grand river extends very nearly to Detroit. 

Four leagues beyond the Grand River is the Mash-kee-gon, on which there are 
two villages of Ottaways — the first about fifteen and the second about thirty leagues 
from the mouth. The chief of the first is Peck-kwa-uai, or Smoke; of the second, 
Wampum. 

Four leagues beyond the Wash-kee-gon is White River, one league beyond which, 
on the bluffs, is a village called the Bluffs of Ottawa, of about 70 or 80 men, 
whose chief is not known. Twelve leagues beyond the White River is the River 
Pere Marquette, on which there is a small village of Ottaways, chief unknown. 

NAMES OF THE RIVERS EMPTYING INTO THE ILLINOIS RIVER. 

The first river, in going up the Illinois River, is the Fouchai River, on the south 
side and about six miles from the mouth of the Illinois River. The River Ma-ka- 
pinn is two miles above the Fouchai and on the same side of the Illinois. On the 
south side and three leagues above is the Lionoise. On the same side and two 
leagues above is La Pomme, or Apple River. On the north side and two leagues 
above Apple River is River Chabot. Mouse River, on the south side, is three 
leagues higher, and from this river it iS one day's march to the Mississippi. Two 
and a half leagues higher, on the north side, is Blue River. Two leagues above 
Blue River, on the north side, is Pierre a la Fleche, or Arrowstone Riv^r. On the 
south side, two leagues above Pierre a la Fleche, is Negro River. Mauvaise-terre 
River is one and half leagues higher. Labellansine, on the south side, is four 
leagues above. Mine River, on the north side, is two leagues above, and from this 
river it is one and half daj's march to the Mississippi. Four leagues above, on the 
north side, is La Riviere a Bordelle, or Brothel River. On the south side, one and 
half leagues above, U Sain-quee-mon River. This river extends to Wecas, near Vin- 
cennes, and on its branches were formerly Kee-ka-poo villages. On the south side, 
about ten leagues above the Sain-quee-mon, is the River Meequen, which keeps a 
direct line with the Illinois River for a long distance. Little Shwaa-yan, on the 
north side, is three leagues higher. Shee-shee-quen on the north side isfour leagues 
higher. Little Makiua is five leagues higher, on the south side ; the Kickapoos 

—13 



&8 HISTORY OF ILLINOIS. 



have a village here. The river is four leagues higher on the north side and one 
league below Peoria. Lake Peoria is seven leagues long, at the end of which is 
Gomo's village and a river called Moran's River. Little Deer's village is opposite 
to Gomo's. Eight leagues higher is Corbeau River, or Blackbird River, on the 
south side. Bureau River is six leagues higher, on the north side. Vermillion 
River, on the south side, is nine leagues higher. Fox River, on the north side, ia 
four leagues higher. River Massan is about nine leagues higher, on the south side. 
From here we can get to the Wabash, through a fine open country. Sand River, 
on the north side, is three leagues higher. One and a half leagues higher is the 
forks of the Quin-que-que. On the south side at this place the Illinois loses its 
name, and is called from here Chicago River, to the lake, a d'stance of about twenty 
leagues. On the north side of Lake Michigan, about thirty leagues from Chicago, 
is River Mill-waa-kee, where may be found villages of Pottawottamies and Nolles- 
awanes. At the Sauk River, on the same side, is a village of Ottaways and Cbippe- 
ways, and from this river it is but twelve miles to Green Bay. 

The description of the several routes, villages, tribes and country is 
taken from notes and maps furnished to Gov. Edwards, in 1812, by Mr. 
John Hays and Mr. John Hay, both of whom filled important offices and 
were intelligent Frenchmen. The latter was, for many years, clerk of all 
the courts, and judge of probate of the county of St. Clair, in the State 
of Illinois. I extract the following from a letter of John Hays to Gov. 
Edwards, of August 20, 1812 : 

The route from Montreal to Michilimakanac, by the Grand River, is called 900 
miles, the most difficult route perhaps in the world. There are 36 carrying places, 
where all the goods are carried on men's backs over these portages, and in most of 
those places the bark canoes are likewise carried on men's shorn ders. There are 
also 36 placf s where half canoe loads are carried, owing to the great rapids The 
canoe starts half loaded and deposits the half load at a certain pi ice, and then 
returns for the other half load. No boats of any kind cun ascend this river — only 
bark canoes which carry seventy pieces, weighing one hundred pounds each ; 
every man carries two of those pieces over each carrying place. The canoes are 
navigated by ten or eleven men, with paddles. By this route all the merchandise 
from Montreal is carried to the Grand Portage, Nippegand Arthateaska, and all 
the other wintering places on Lake Superior, and the peltries return by the same 
route. A few years p:ist all the merchandise from Montreal to Mackanac was taken 
by the same route. The fort St. Joseph is about seventeen leagues from Mackanac. 
Goods may be brought from St. Joseph along the main land and by the Island of 
Mackanac. Those brought the last fall into the Mississippi, by Mr. Dickson and 
others, were brought by this route. 

The following description of Prairie du Chien is taken from a letter of 
N. Boilvine to the Secretary of War, of the 2d of February, 1811 : 

Prairie du Chien is an old Indian town, which was sold by the Indians to the 
Canadian traders about thirty years ago, where they have ever since taken their 
merchandise, from which place it was sent in various directions. The Indians also 
sold to them, at the same time, a tract of land measuring six leagues up and down 
the river iind six leagues back of it — the village between thirty and forty houses, 
and the tract just mentioned about thirty-two families — so that the whole settle- 



LIFE AND TIMES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 99 

ment contains about 100 families. These men are generally French Canadians, most 
of whom have married Indian wives ; very few white females are to be found in the 
settlement. These people attend to the cultivation of their land, which is extremely 
fertile ; they raise considerable quantity of surplus produce, particularly wheat and 
corn ; they annually dispose of eighty thousand pounds of flour to the traders and 
Indians, besides a great quantity of meal, and the quantity of produce would be 
greatly increased if a suitable demand existed for it. Such is the beauty of the 
climate, that the country begins to attract the attention of settlers. A variety of 
fruit trees have lately been planted and promise to grow well. Prairie du Chien is 
surrounded by numerous Indians, who wholly depend on it for their supplies. 
Great danger, both to individuals and the Government, is to be apprehended from 
the Canadian traders, who endeavor to incite the Indians against us, partly to mon- 
opolize their trade, and partly to secure their friendship in case a war should 
break out between us and England, They are continually making large presents to 
the Indians. 

The United States, by the adoption of one simple measure, can secure this trade 
and put an end to the intercourse between the Canadian traders and the Indians. 
Prairie du Chien, from its central position, is well calculated for a garrison and 
factory. It. affords health, plenty of fine timber and good water. The Indians have 
turned their attention to the manufacture of lead, from a mine about 60 miles below 
Prairie du Chien. During the last season they exchanged four hundred thousand 
. pounds of that article for goods. They might be prevailed upon to open more mines, 
as the profits from the manufacture of lead are much greater than from the labo- 
rious pursuit of peltries. A few tools will be necessary for them, and perhaps a 
blacksmith to repair them. As soon as the Indians turn their attention to lead, 
the Canadian traders, who have no use for that article, in the way of commerce, 
woul I abandon the country. The factory ought to be well supplied with goods to 
be exchanged for lead. This trade would be more valuable to the United States than 
peltries, as lead is not a perishable article and is easily transported, whereas peltries 
are bulky and large quantities are annually spoiled before they reach market. 

After the war, and in connection with Gov. Clark and Col. A. Choteau 
of St. Louis, Gov. Edwards was appointed by the General Government to 
hold a treaty with the Indian tribes that had been concerned in the war. 
This treaty was of vital importance to the future interests of Illinois and 
Missouri, and no small portion of its advantages may be attributed to the 
forecast of Gov. Edwards. In one of his communications to the Legisla- 
ture, he thus refers to one of the objects he had in making this treaty : 

In 1816 a tract of land bounded by Lake Michigan, including Chicago, and extend- 
ing to tlie Illinois River, was obtained from the Indians, for the purpose of opening 
a canal communication between the lake and river. Having been one of the Commis- 
sioners who treated for this land, I person;illy know that the Indians were induced to 
believe that the opening of the canal would be very advantageous to them, and that, 
under authorized expectations that this would be done, they ceded the laud for a 
Iritte. Good faitli, therefore, towards these Indians, as well as the concurring inter- 
est of the State and of the Union, seems to require that the execution of this truly 
national object should not be unnecessarily delayed ; and nothing is more reasonable 
than that the expenses should be defrayed out of the proceeds of the very property 
which was su ceded for the express purpose of having it done. 



100 HISTORY OP ILLINOIS. 



The replies to his communications, both from the Territorial Legislature 
and the Chiefs of the Departments at Washington, show in what high es- 
timation his opinions in relation to the Indians, the salines, and his pub- 
lic services, were held. His intimate knowledge of the character of the 
Indian tribes enabled him, when requested by the General Government, 
to give important advice in the adoption of measures relative to our inter- 
course and trade with them ; and in every instance, without an exception, 
his views were adopted by the Government. Wm. H. Crawford, who was 
Secretary of War in 1816, refers to Gov. Edwards' views on the subject 
of the Indian trade in a highly complimentary manner. He says, "his 
view of the subject, as well as several other important ideas, are more fully 
developed in the communication of Gov. Edwards;" and in a letter to 
Gov. Edwards, he says, "the Department has the fullest confidence in the 
rectitude with which your superintendence has been exercised." The 
same may be said of the views entertained and the opinions communicated 
by him in relation to the U. S. saline and lead mines, as will appear from 
his extensive correspondence on those subjects. 

"Owing to his knowledge and experience with the Indian character and 
affairs," he was called upon by Mr. Calhoun, Secretary of War in 1818, 
for his views in relation to the Indian trade, and for his ideas, also, on the 
"relative merits of the system as it then was or with the improvements of 
which it was susceptible, and the one proposed to be substituted by Con- 
gress." 

In the year 1817, he received a letter from a very distinguished gentle- 
man, stating that his friends in Washington City were urging his appoint- 
ment as Secretary of the War Department. The editor of the "National 
Register," in Washington, and one of the most influential papers of the 
city of Baltimore, also presented his claims for that office. 



CHAPTEK VII. 

Organization of the State Government and Gov. Edwards^ election to Uni- 
ted States Senate — Speech on the Public Land Question — United States 
Mineral Land — The Illinois Question — Letter of Mr. Wirt in reference 
to his Retiring from Public Life — Mr. Calhoun's Letters in reference to 
his Advancement — Graduation of the Price of the Government Lands. 

The State Government was organized in 1818, by the election of Shad- 
rack Bond, Governor, and Pierre Menard, Lieut. Governor. Elias K. Kane, 
who was afterwards elected Senator in Congress, was appointed Secretary of 
State, and Daniel P. Cook was elected the first Attorney General of the 
State. Gov. Bond had been a delegate in Congress from the Territory 
from 1811 to 1815, at which time he was appointed Keceiver of the Land 
Ofiice, which office he held at the time of his election as Governor of the 
State. He had made himself deservedly very popular by his efforts in 
Congress to secure the payment of the troops during war, and for his sup- 
port of the measures having for their object the protection of our frontier 
settlements. 

Gov. Edwards and Jesse B. Thomas were chosen by the Legislature to 
represent them in the Senate of the United States. In this conspicious 
station, and one of the highest to which an American citizen can aspire, 
while the great and complicated interests of the whole country came under 
his eye. Gov. Edwards relaxed not his accustomed vigilance for the rights 
and interests of his more immediate constituents. 

During the time he was Senator in Congress, no one had a higher stand- 
ing as a debater or statesman. His policy in relation to the Indian trade, 
the management of the lead mines and the U. S. salt works, had been pre- 
viously adopted by the General Government. Among the first of his 
speeches delivered in the TJ. S. Senate was one on the subject of the ad- 
mission of the State of Missouri into the Union. Though from a free 
State, and opposed to slavery, and especially to its introduction into his 
own State, he ably contended for the right of the people of each State to 
have such a constitution and institutions as they might adopt for themselves 
provided their form of government was republican and not in violation of 
the constitution of the United States. His speech, on a resolution of Sen- 



102 HISTORY OP ILLINOIS. 



ator Lloyd of Maryland, proposing to give to each of the old States, for 
the purpose of education, a portion of the public lands equal to the amount 
granted for the same purpose to the new States, contains, among other 
things, an able exposition of the powers of the General Government on 
the subject of appropriating the lands or funds of the Government for mere 
local purposes. It places the right of the new States to the land, for those 
purposes, on the ground which was afterwards adopted : that the land ap- 
propriated for such objects would tend to enhance the value of the re- 
mainder, and bring into market a vast quantity so much earlier, that the 
Government would actually gain by the appropriation to the new States. 
On the publication of this speech, Mr. Edwards received the following 
letter from Mr. Blair, who was a member of Congress : 

April 12, 1822. 

Mr. Blair's most kind respects to Gov. Edwards of Illinois, and begs leave to present 
his best thanks for the speech (in pamphlet form) on the resolution proposing to give 
the old States lands for the purposes of education, &c. 

At the same time he cannot refrain from assuring Mr. E. that this very able speech 
has probably saved him from giving an erroneous vote. Mr. B. had thought it reason- 
able that the old States should participate in the benefit of the public lands equally 
with the new States, without considering that the school donations of land were made 
to the new States as a bonus for settling in a wilderness, &c. Mr. B. also begs leave 
to assure Mr. E. that, in his opinion, tliis speech is equally creditable to the head and 
to the heart. While it breathes the purest spirit of philanthrophy and benevolence, 
it, in point of reasoning, "leaves no stone unturned." 

I have also before me a letter from Hon. John Crowell, a member of 
Congress from North Carolina, dated April 27, 1822, in which he says 
that "Gov. Branch, of that State, has read your speech on the Maryland 
proposition, and says you have changed his opinion, and that your argu- 
ments are unanswerable." The following extract from that speech shows 
how well he understood, at this early day, the questions in relation to the 
powers which respectively belonged to the General and State Governments : 

The appropriation which we are asked to make is avowed to be for a mere State 
purpose. The question then is, can the resources of this nation be thus applied ? In 
discussing this subject, I may, I presume, safely premise that the powers, duties and 
objects of the Federal and State Governments are separate and distinct, and the pros- 
perity and happiness of this nation depend upon the fidelity and wisdom with which 
those governments, respectively, discharge their appropriate functions. Each gov- 
ernment has, for those important purposes, and as necessary thereto, its own partic- 
ular resources, which cannot be yielded up or misapplied, without impairing its capac- 
ity to fulfil the objects of its institution ; for nothing could be more nugatory than a 
grant of powers without the means of executing them. But, sir, whether the national 
domain has been acquired by conquest, cessions from particular states, purchases from 
foreign powers, one thing is undeniable — it has, doubtless, been acquired by and ex- 
clusively belongs to the Confederation or Union. It must, therefore, be considered 
as National and not State property, and, by fair inference, is applicable only to Na- 



LIFE AND TIMES OP NINIAN EDWAKDS. 103 

tional and not State objects. It is true that it is a common fund in which all the 
States are interested. So, sir, is the revenue and every other species of property be- 
longing to the United States ; in relation to all of which the interest of the States is 
precisely the same. Being a connnon fund, applicable to the use and support of tlie 
General Government, the States can enjoy the benefits of it only in its just and ligiti- 
mate application to National purposes. I hold, therefore, that no State can right- 
fully claim, and, of course, to none can be granted the separate and distinct use and 
enjoyment of the property or funds of the nation, in consequence of a right to a com- 
mon participation therein. 

In this speech he further argues that Congress, having bound them- 
selves, by solemn compact, to dispose of those lands for the use and benefit 
of the Union, "and for no other use or purpose whatsoever," cannot with- 
draw any part from the use of the Union; that it was an acquisition in 
their Federal character, in which character only could the States partici- 
pate in the benefits of it j that, with the same propriety, the common funds 
of the nation may be appropriated to objects to which the powers of Fed- 
eral legislation are not pretended to extend, and that if the States have no 
right to the separate and distinct use and enjoyment of the common pro- 
perty and funds of the nation, the Congress has no power to confer such a 
right over them ; that Congress could have no pretence of power to enforce 
the application ; and that Congress has no more right to grant away the 
funds of the nation than the powers of the Government. This argument 
is conclusive against the power to appropriate the funds of the nation to 
internal improvements, except for works of national character, or to divide 
the proceeds of the public lands among the States. But the grants to the 
State lose all their character as donations, because the increased \tilue of 
the reserved alternate sections will increase the national fund. 

The "National Intelligencer" thus alludes to this speech : "We omit 
several articles to-day for the purpose of presenting entire, in one paper, 
the speech of Mr. Edwards of Illinois, in the Senate of the United States, 
delivered at the last session of Congress, on the proposition to grant to the 
old States portions of the public lands for the purposes of education. Cir- 
cumstances, which it is unnecessary to mention, have interfered to prevent 
an earlier publication of this speech, which, though it is in opposition to 
the policy we ourselves deem wise and have uniformly advocated, we must 
confess is an argument of great ability, and so strong as to be calculated 
to weaken in some degree the confidence of those who have been most 
zealous and conscientious in maintaining the opposite doctrine." 

Not only the people of Illinois, but those of all the United States, are 
indebted to him for having defeated a policy which, had it prevailed, would 
have resulted in a division of the public lands, or the proceeds arising from 
their sale, among all the States of the Union, which would have prevented 
those grants of land within their limits to the new States, for the purpose 
of internal improvements. It would have also prevented the reduction of 



104 HISTORY OF ILLINOIS. 

the price, and consequently retarded their settlement. It was conceded 
by all parties, at Washington, that the efforts of Gov. Edwards on this occa- 
sion defeated the passage of those resolutions. His policy in relation to 
the public lands was, to facilitate every one in acquiring a home. In a 
speech which he delivered as early as 1806, in Kentucky, he said: "My 
wish was that every man might have an opportunity of procuring a free- 
hold of his own ; that there might be as few tenants as possible. I have 
always considered tenants too subject to the influence of their landlords, 
and landlords in general so much disposed to abuse that influence as to 
render it dangerous and highly inimical to republicanism. With these 
views I have zealously persevered in exerting the small portion of influence 
I possessed to ameliorate the situation of the citizens of the district, and 
to promote the general prosperity of the State." 

In his message to the Legislature, in 1826, he says the course of policy 
adopted by the General Government "is so restrictive of natural- rights, 
and at the same time so unexampled, that it is only to be justified by urgent 
necessity, and should no longer be pursued after that necessity has ceased 
to operate. Acknowledged authorities on the law of nature recognize to 
all men a natural right, according to the beneficent intentions of the Crea- 
tor of the world, to a portion of the land which He has made for their 
benefit ; and although this right, like all others, may be modified by the 
institutions of civil society, yet, these should conform, as far as possible, to 
natural rights. It would seem that no government, holding immense tracts 
of waste and unappropriated lands, can, without acting contrary to Divine 
intention and will, refuse to permit its own citizens to occupy a reasonable 
portion of these lands, but for a price which many thousands of them are 
unable to pay. Why, then, should this policy be continued ? Justice, 
sound policy, the beneficent intentions of the Creator of the world — who 
made the land for the common benefit of all mankind, and conferred upon 
every human being a right to a portion of it — will forbid it. The system, 
therefore, sooner or later, must and will be abandoned." 

These were not, however, the only grievances which he pointed out and 
used his efforts to have remedied. There were other measures assumed, 
by the General Government, in relation to the public lands, which threat- 
ened to undermine the foundations of the sovereignty and independence of 
the States, and to subvert both our civil and political liberties. Declining 
to sell, the United States claimed and exercised the power of leasing out 
the whole of the mineral lands of the State, thereby establishing the rela- 
tion of landlord and tenant between the United States and the citizens of 
the State, and introducing a population among us dependent upon them- 
selves, and at that time numerous enough to decide all our general elections 
and to control our most important municipal affairs. At the session of 



LIFE AND TIMES OP NINIAN EDWARDS. 105 

Congress in 1829 a bill was pending, in the House of Representatives, "to 
authorize the President of the United States to appoint a Superintendent 
and Receiver at the Fever River Lead Mines, and for other purposes," 
which, among other things, required those officers to report to the President 
"such alterations in the manner of governing and leasing said mines as 
may to them appear necessary for the better security of the interest of the 
Government," and empowered the President to prescribe such rules and 
regulations for the government of said officers and mines, leasing and sur- 
veying the mineral grounds, licensing smelters, and for preserving the 
property of the United States, as to him may appear necessary and proper. 
Gov. Edwards, in calling the attention of the Legislature to this subject, 
said, " this project, by the concentration of so much power in the hands 
of any one man, violates all the acknowledged principles of well regulated 
liberty, and had not its parallel in the United States, nor even in Great 
Britain since their emancipation from the misrule of the Stuarts ; that, 
divided as we had been upon the great question of slavery, its exercise 
might have given the population of the mineral country a decided prepon- 
derance to the one side or the other ; and that, with such means at the 
command of the General Government, there was nothing to prevent its 
deciding for us any other great question of national or state policy, upon 
which an ordinary division of public opinion prevailed. A further exercise 
of this power (he said) might subject our property, liberties and lives to 
the uncontrolled domination of the mere dependents and tenants at will of 
a government that never was intended to have any agency in our local 
affairs." He called upon the Legislature to prevent its exercise by their 
timely interposition; for, said he, "there is the same authority to lease the 
whole as a part of the public domain within the limits of the State." 

1 give further extracts from his messages to the State Legislature on the 
subject of the public lands, as follows : 

Adverse to our interest and welfare as has been the policy which the General Gov- 
ernment has long pursued in relation to the public lands, there has been nothing so 
well calculated to awaken our apprehension as certain principles which it has recent- 
ly avowed and acted upon. Seriously injured by a system which prohibits settlement 
and cultivation without previous purchase — refusing to sell, but upon terms far more 
exorbitant than have ever been demanded by any State in the Union, or any of the 
powers of Europe that have held land on this continent, and which exacts the same 
price for lands, good, bad and indifferent — we have, year after year, implored Congress 
to discontinue the grievances thus produced, by granting small donations out of the 
vast public domain, to poor but meritorious and useful citizens who are unable to 
buy; and by reducing the. price, and apportioning it to the quality of the land. Rea- 
sonable as were these petitions, they have, however, not only been utterly fruitless 
but an aggravation of the evils, already so severely felt, is seriously threatened. A 
high functionary of the Government, sensible of the magnitude of the interests at 

—14 



106 HISTORY OP ILLINOIS. 



stake, but unappalled by it, in an elaborate and eloquent official report to Congress, 
at the last session, in glowing colors, depicts even the present poor encouragement 
afforded to the settlement and cultivation of the public lands as an evil to the nation, 
and, with uncalculating intrepidity, powerfully urges the means of lessening "its ab- 
sorbing force." 

In this report, the Secretary of the Treasury says : "It cannot be overlooked that 
the prices at which fertile bodies of land may be bought of the Government, under 
this system, operate as a perpetual allurement to their purchase. It has served, and 
still serves to draw, in an annual stream, the inhabitants of a majority of the States, 
including amongst them, at this day, a portion, not small, of the Western States, into 
the settlement of fresh lands lying still farther and farther off. If the population of 
these States, not yet redundant in fact, though appearing to be so under this legisla- 
tive excitement to emigrate, remained fixed in more instances, as it probably would by 
extending the motives to manufacturing labor, it is believed the nation at large would 
gain in two ways : First, by the more rapid accumulation of capital ; and next, by 
the gradual reduction of the excess of agricultural population over that engaged in 
other vocations." Referring to the public domain itself, he remarks, that "its very 
possession is conceived to furnish paramount inducements, under all views, lor quick- 
ening, by fresh legislative countenance, manufacturing labor throughout other parts 
of the Union. It is a power to be turned to the account of manifold and transcendant 
blessings, rather than reposed upon for aggrandizing too exclusively the interest of 
agriculture, fundamental as that must ever be in the State. Agriculture itself would 
be essentially benefited ; the price of lands, in all the existing States, would soon 
become enhanced, as well as the produce from them, by a policy that would, in any- 
wise, tend to render portions of the present population more stationary, bv supplying 
new and adequate motives to their becoming so. And, as it is, the laws that have 
legally, in effect, throughout a long course of time, superinduced disinclinations to 
manufacturing labor, by their overpowering calls to rural labor in the mode of selling 
off the public domain, the claim of further legal protection to the former kind of labor, 
at this day, seems to wear an aspect of justice, no less than of expediency." 

Without stopping to contest the wisdom and necessity of legislative enactments to 
check a great and acknowledged excess of agricultural labor, in a free and enlightened 
country, where every one is left to pursue his own interests, consult his own inclina- 
tion, and choose his own vocation, or to inquire how agriculture could be "essentially 
benefited" by increasing the price of lands, or manufiictures advanced by enhancing 
the value of the products of agriculture — and without denying the advantages of a 
wise and judicious division of labor, properly and fairly effected — I may be permit- 
ted to say, that it seems to nie a new discovery that, iYi a nation abounding with 
vast regions of waste lands of unparalleled fertility, any vocation is better calculated 
to increase its capital or promote its welfare than agriculture, or that, under such 
circumstances, legislative discountenance should ever be interposed to bind or check 
it for the sake of promoting any other interest. This is believed to be an assumption, 
which is contradicted by all the records of experience and observation, and the policy 
which the Secretary predicates upon it, and which Congress seems to have adopted, 
is as clearly inconsistent with the universally acknowledged and most solpmn obliga- 
tions of a nation. Vattel declares the cultivation of the earth to be the natural em- 
ployment of man. In pages 91, 92 and 129, he says : "Of all the arts, tillage or agri- 
culture is doubtless the most useful and necessary. It is the nursing father of the 
State. The cultivation of the earth causes it to produce an infinite increase ; it 



LIFE AND TIMES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 107 

forms the surest resource and the most solid funds of rich commerce for the people 
who enjoy a happy climate." 

"This affair, then, deserves the utmost attention of the Governmeut: The sover- 
eign ought to neglect no means of rendering the land under his obedience as well cul- 
tivated as possible." 

"The government ought carefully to avoid everything capable of discouraging the 
husbandman, or of diverting him from the labors of agriculture." 

"The cultivation of the soil is not only to be recommended by government on ac- 
count of the advantages that flow from it, but from its being an obligation imposed by 
nature on mankind. The whole earth is appointed for the nourishment of its inhabi- 
tants ; but it would be incapable of doing it, was it uncultivated." 

Referring to desert places not necessary as such to the safety of a nation, and which 
it is unable to cultivate, he says: "It is equally agreeable to the dictates of humanity 
and to the particular advantages of the State, to give these desert places to strangers 
who are able to clear the land and render it valuable. The beneficence of the State 
thus turns to its own advantage ; it acquires new subjects, and augments its riches 
and powers. This is the practice in America. The English have carried their settle- 
ments in the new world to a degree of power which has considerably increased that 
of the nation. Thus the King of Prussia also endeavors to repeople his States, laid 
waste by the calamities of ancient wars." 

The title of this nation to the public domain is primarily derived from these princi- 
ples, and must forever remain subject to the obligations they impose. America, when 
first discovered by the European nations, was inhabited by a people thinly scattered 
over its surface, who neither would nor could cultivate it, ,and who consequently 
could not lawfully claim the whole of it ; and hence those under whom the nation 
claims, as against the aborigines, lawfully took possession and acquired title. Admit- 
ting, then, the public lands belong to the United States, is not the government there- 
of bound, by the eternal principles of justice, and by a just regard to the laws of 
nature, which is the Divine will, not only to permit, but to encourage the settlement 
and cultivation of those lands, wherever it can do so without endangering the gene- 
ral welfare ? And, if the dictates of humanity imposes on any nation an obligation, 
as is said by the author above quoted, to give desert places "to strangers who are 
able to clear the land and to render it valuable," how can a government like ours, so 
emphatically relying for its support upon the virtue and affections of the people, and 
professing to be actuated by sentiments of justice and philanthropy, refuse a similar 
boon to a poor and dependent, but faithful and useful citizen ? All civilized nations 
acknowledge the justice of the principles I have quoted. Virtuous and enlightened 
ones recognize, and, as far as circumstances admit, respect the obligations they impose. 
The monarchies of Europe which have held territory on this continent, have conformed 
to tliem with a beneficence and liberality which does them honor, and is particularly 
worthy of the imitation of this nation, since no little of its present wealth, and power, 
and prosperity is justly attributable to that source. Why, it may be asked, should not 
the Government of the United States be as liberal in this respect as those of Great 
Britain, France or Spain, which it has succeeded ? Is it that the public lands, hav- 
ing been obtained by the common eiforts of all the States, should be disposed of for 
their common benefit, and therefore cannot be rightfully transferred for the encourage- 
ment of agriculture ? Were not those very lands originally obtained by the common 
efforts of those nations? How then did their governments acquire the right to give 
them away for the encouragement of agriculture ? And why were they not equally 
bound to exact for them the highest price in cash that could be obtained for the benefit 



108 HISTORY OP ILLINOIS. 



of their respective nations? A monarch has no more right to disregard the interest and 
welfare of his nation, than the constituted autliorities of a republic. It was not with- 
out incurring vast expenses and sacrifice of much property and many valuable things, 
that those nations discovered and possessed themselves of their respective domains 
on this continent. Nor did any of them escape the necessity of bloody and expensive 
wars to maintain them. And if the acquisition of our public domain from Great Bri- 
tain, by the common blood and treasure of the nation, marks such a right of property 
in it as prohibits the Government of the United States from disposing of it, but for 
pecuniary considerations, it would seem that nothing could have more imperiously 
imposed a similar restriction upon the government of that nation, than the immense 
expenditure of her blood and treasure, not only in numerous conflicts with the natives, 
but in her ever memorable war of '56, with France, to maintain and preserve it. 

The people of Virginia sufficiently participated in the cost of the very lands in 
question, to impose an obligation on the Government of the State, not less than 
that of the Union, to dispose of them for the common benefit of all her citizens : 
yet Great Britain and Virginia never thought themselves restricted from the right 
of giving desert places even to strangers who were able to clear the land, and ren- 
der it valuable ; nor absolved from the duty of employing all means of rendering 
the land under their obedience as well cultivated as possible, and of avoiding 
everything capable of discouraging the husbandman, or of diverting him from the 
labors of agriculture. No nation but our own, however it may have acquired its 
public domain, whether by discovery, concessions, purchases, or conquests, has 
ever avowed or acted upon such principles in regard to it. None could do so with- 
out neglecting its duties to itself, violating its obligations to others, and disregard- 
ing the intention and will of the Divine Creator and Governor of the Universe. 
The whole world, physical and moral, is governed by laws. Nations as well as indi- 
viduals are subject to established rules of conduct. The former owe the same 
respect and obedience to the law of nature, that the latter do to any lawfully pre- 
scribed rule of civil action. In its application to nations, it is emphatically termed 
the necessary law of nations, because they are all obliged to conform to the pre- 
cepts it prescribes. And, indeed, so deep and solid, so sacred and eternal, are its 
foundations, that they have neither the right to change it, nor dispense with the 
duties it enjoins. So far from countenancing the restricted obligations that have 
been supposed, it expressly declares that the sovereign ought not even "to allow 
either communities or private persons to acquire large tracts of land in order to 
leave it uncultivated ;" that "every nation is obliged, by the law of nature, to culti- 
vate the ground that has fallen to its share ;" that nations who, by retaining an idle 
life, "usurp more extensive territories than they would have occasion for, were 
they to use honest labor, have no reason to complain if other nations, more labo- 
rious and too closely confined, come to possess a part ;" and that "no nation can 
lawfully appropriate to itself a too disproportioued extensive country, and reduce 
other nations to want subsistence and a place of abode." 

Great Britain acquired and held the lands in question subject to those obligations, 
and not only apportioned the price of them to their qualities and descriptions, and 
granted them on terms calculated to invite population, but actually made settle- 
ment, cultivation and other improvements, conditions of her grants. France and 
Spain did the same with their Territories, so long as they remained in their posses- 
sion. This practice still prevails in the Canadaa, Mexico, and all the South Amer- 
ican Governments. Virginia, under whom the United States claim, followed the 



LIFE AND TIMES OP NINIAN EDWARDS. 109 

example of Great Britain, and consulting both her power and her duty, made sales 
at a very moderate price, and liberally granted pure donations to actual settlers. 

Had, then, the right of property of the United States in that part of the public 
domain which is included within this State, been derived from its acquisition, at 
their joint expense, not only in treasure but in blood, it is evident from the law of 
nature, and the immutable laws and universal practices of nations, that it should 
have been held subject to all those rights, obligations and duties, in the same man- 
ner as if it had been in the hands of any other nation in the world. But this 
assumption of the derivation of title is not less contradicted by reiterated admissions 
and acknowledgments, and various solemn official acts of the Union, than repugnant 
to the deliberate and well defined agreement under which all the States united their 
common efforts for independence ; for the Articles of Confederation not only affirmed 
the right of every State to all the lands within its limits, but expressly declared 
that "no State shall be deprived of Territory for the benefit of the United States." 
Virginia, therefore, acquired as much right, and the United States as little, by the 
issue of that glorious contest, to those lands, as to the capital of the State itself. 
The title of the United States was, therefore, exclusively derived from the cession 
so liberally and magnanimously made by Virginia. In making it, she could not 
exempt those lands from any conditions to which they were subjected by the law of 
nature in her own hands, nor absolve the United States from any obligations or 
duties which their tenure so imposed upon herself. Nations have no more right 
than individuals to violate the law of nature ; and all treaties, conventions, cus- 
t'bms, and practices, contrary to the precepts it prescribes, or that are such as it 
forbids, are unlawful and invalid. Virginia, therefore, could neither have required, 
authorized, nor justified, any policy contrary to the law of nature, which has for its 
object the advancement of the welfare of the original States, at the expense of that 
of the new ones, by encouraging manufactures to raise the price of public lands in 
the former, and prevent settlement and cultivation in the latter. Nor does her 
cession afford the least countenance to doctrines so extraordinary, or objects so 
inconsistent with the equal rights of the new States. On the contrary, it clearly 
prohibits them; for while it absolutely requires that the lands shall be disposed of 
this policy is calculated to prevent and defeat that very disposition of them which 
was contemplated by both parties. Admit, as has been too long contemplated, that 
this stipulation means that they should be sold for the highest price that can possi- 
bly be got for them in cash ; still it is doubtless a stipulation that binds the United 
States to sell them. Would not, then, any plan, deliberately adopted with a view 
to lessen the inducements to agricultural labor, and to prevent purchases, involve 
such a palpable violation of good faith as no nation ought to be guilty of ? 

The stipulation for the division of the territory into distinct States, and for their 
admission into the Union on an equal footing with the original States, would seem 
to forbid everything on the part of either of the contracting parties calculated to 
retard or defeat these objects, and evidently contemplated, if it did not absolutely 
require, all usual and ordinary inducements to settlement and cultivati n as means 
of their accomplishment within a reasonable period. 

The stipulation that the lands should be disposed of for the common benefit of 
all the States, imposed no other obligation, except in so far as it prohibited their 
being retained in a waste and uncultivated state, than would have existed without 
it ; for had they been acquired by conquest, or in any other way, they could not 
rightfully have been disposed of, but for the common benefit of the whole nation. 



110 HISTORY OP ILLINOIS. 



As the citizens of Virginiii had tlie same riglit to participate in all the advantages 
of these lands, while they remained in her hands, that the State had, after tlieir 
traiLsfer to the Union, it is not to be presumed that she either wished or intended, 
by this stipulation, to restrict the United States in the right to dispose of them in 
the same manner, and upon the same terms, which she herself had done, since she 
could not have done so, without an acknowledgment of having committed injustice 
to her own citizens. Nor is there anything in the whole history of her conduct, 
from that day to this, to warrant the belief that she ever would have consented that 
their sett ement and cultivation sh-ould be discountenanced by legislative enact- 
ments, for the sake of promoting domestic manufactures. However allowable or 
expedient such a policy may be in regard to the Territories of the United States, 
nolliing could be more unreasonable and unjust than its application to that part of 
the public domain which lies within the new States, The admission of the State 
into the Union ought to conclude all question as to the expediency or duty of per- 
mitting, if not encouraging, settlements co-extensive with its limits. Yet even 
these, it appears, are to be discountenanced and checked, upon theoretical calcula- 
tions of increasing the capital of the nation by some more prolific means than agri- 
culture, which are known to have utterly failed in the most distinguished, if not 
the only, experiment that has been made upon them by any enlightened nation. 
Nothiug could be supposed capable of producing "a more rapid accumulation of 
capital" than the rich and inexhaustable mines of Spain and her colonies, yet 
though the most fertile, she has become, by encouraging the manufacture of bullion 
and coin, and by neglecting agriculture, the poorest country in Europe. 

It is not intended by these remarks to make any complaint, individually, against 
the distinguished gentleman who has been named, and for whose talents, integrity, 
and patriotism, the highest respect is entertained ; nor will it be denied that the 
present administration of the General Government have fully equalled, if not 
exceeded, any of their predecessors in the manifestation of a friendly disposition 
towards our interests. The views disclosed by the remarks that have been quoted 
from the Secretary's Report, are only alarming from an abundance of concurring 
proof, afforded by other acts of the Government, that they are not individual, but 
common to a majority of the nation, and from a just apprehension, thence arising, 
that they will continue to influence the Government. And even in this point of 
view, though the experience of their deleteiious effects warns us of our duty to use 
all reasonable means of averting them, or at least of mitigating their severity, it 
should not betray us into a hasty and uncharitable conclusion that our brethren of 
other States have been influenced by a deliberate wish or intention to oppress us, 
or withhold from us any just right. Bound by our honor, duty, and interest, to 
cherish the utmost cordiality, in all our social and political relations and intercourse 
with them, the imputation of dishonorable motives would be discreditable to our- 
selves, and equally betray a want of confidence in the intrinsic merits of our cause. 
Great allowances are due to a habit of thinking in regard to those lands, which has 
been so naturally produced by the peculiar circumstances under which they were 
obtained, and the correctness of which, in its present application to them, has 
probably never been sufiicieutly inquired into, investigated, and tested by principle. 

When these lands were originally acquired by the United States, they were with- 
out the limits of all of them, and all having then precisely the same interest, they 
wee at liberty to dispose of them in any manner whatever that might be thought 
most to their advantage — since theie was no other State to object whose welfare 
could be checked, or whose sovereignty, freedom, independence or jurisdiction 



LIFE AND TIMES OP NINIAN EDWARDS. Ill 

could be vi .Jated or impaired by any disposition of wliich they were susceptible. 
Tlie old States appear still to think that the admission of the new ones into the 
Union, which contain within their limits considerable portions of the public dumain, 
confers no rights that create any restriction or impose any new duties or obliga- 
tions in reference to the original power and objects of disposing of those parts of 
the domain. We think differently. The Government appears to think itself under 
no obligation to encourage their settlement and cultivation ; that, it is only bound 
to sell them for the payment of the public debt; that, in reference to every other 
object, it may or may not dispose of them, as the particular interest of a majority 
of the States may seem to require. On the contrary, we contend that our admis- 
sion into the Union involved an obligation on the part of the Government to per- 
mit, if not encourage, the settlement and cultivation, upon reasonable terms, of all 
lands within our limits. And while we should treat the opinions of our brethren 
throughout every part of the Union with the utmost deference, we should be want- 
ing in duty to ourselves by forbearing, temperately, firmly, and perseveringly, to . 
insist that these, and all other questions, growing out of our federal relation to the 
Government, should be decided, not arbitrarily, but upon principle. It is not to be 
supposed that the Government will not, ultimately, yield to the combined authority 
of the laws of nature, and of nations, and of the Federal constitution ; and if the 
rights for which we contend cannot be sustained upon principles which they all 
recognize, we ought to submit, and doubtless will do so cheerfully. 

It is contended, on our part, that the Government of the Union is bound, from its 
nature and objects, as far as its authority legitimately extends, to act upon national 
principles ; to look to the general welfare of the whole Union as a unit ; to explore 
and cultiv.ite every resource of general wealth, power and happiness; to extend the 
blessings of freedom and independence to all its citizens in whatever part of its 
territory they may reside ; to fulfil all the obligations imposed upon it by the laws 
of nature and of nations ; to provide for its own interests, and leave the States to 
manage theirs ; to respect the just claims of every State without regard to any con- 
sequences that are not of Federal cognizance; and to do injustice to none, with a 
view to promote the interest of others. 

If these principles be correct, and they are believed to be undeniable, it follows 
that the duties they enjoin cannot be neglected or disregarded, to the injury of any 
State, without violating the essential principles of the Union, and furnishing just 
cause of complaint. As they necessarily exclude all jurisdiction of the particular 
interests of all the States, the Government has no authority to provide for or act 
upon them — no right to be influenced by them. And hence it is no legitimate con- 
sideration, that any warranted encouragement to the settlement and cultivation of 
lands in the new States, might "draw, in an annual stream," inhibitants from the 
old ones Suppose it should do so, no right is violated ; such emigrants generally 
better their condition, increase their property, render the public lands more valuable, 
augment the resources and power of the Union, and still continue as much its citi- 
zens as before their emigration. Is, then, the Government to withhold from ics 
own free citizens means of pursuing their interest and happiness, to which they are 
justly entitled, and to forego such benefits to the nation, merely to afiford to ceitain 
States a protection which they have no right to claim, and which it has as little right 
to grant. This would indeed be to descend from the elevated objects of its institu- 
tion, and to degrade itself into a n)ere guardian of the particular interests of Slates, 
and this, too, in direct opposition to those most sacredly committed to its charge. 



112 HISTORY OF ILLINOIS. 



It would be still less justifiable, and more impolitic and cruel, to withhold such 
rights from its citizens, and forego such benefits to itself, with a view "to enhance 
the price of lands "in the old States, since this would be to favor a particular 
class of citizens only, and would tend to render the multitudes who are without 
lands, less able to acquire them, and thus make the rich richer, and the poor poorer. 

As, however, the measures recommended by the Secretary, with a view to these 
results, have been adopted by Congress, "our gravest attention may, on this account, 
be but the more wisely summoned to tlie consideration of correlative duties, which 
the existence of such a system, in the heart of the State, imposes." And with this 
view, let us, with a due consideration "of the magnitude of the interests at stake," 
and with an "earnest desire to arrive at correct opinions," endeavor to ascertain 
what right the United States have to the public lands within the limits of this State. 

In considering this question, the nature of the Federal and State governments, 
and their relation to each other and to the people of the United States, should be 
constantly kept in view. Sovereignty, with all its attributes, being an essential and 
inherent right of the people, which they may either retain in their own hands or 
confide to agents, and governments deriving their existence from the will of the 
people only, it follows that no government can rightfully claim or exercise any 
powers whatever but such as have been granted it. The Federal and State govern- 
ments, as essential parts of a great system, and with distinct power which marks the 
limits of their respective duties, having therefore been instituted by the people, for 
their common security and welfare, they both derive all their authority to act from 
the same source, and consequently must, from the nature of things, be, within the 
respective limits assigned them, as independent of the control of each other, as 
though they were distinct independent nations — as power which is not inherent, but 
depends on delegation, can no more exceed the authority given in political than 
civil affairs. Both are agents, and but agents, of the people, with separate functions 
equally important and essential to the common safety and happiness. Each possesses 
the sovereign authority within its own sphere, and none whatever out of it. Neither, 
therefore, can transcend the limits prescribed for it, nor invade the province of the 
other, without being guilty of an usurpation, which it would not be less criminal to 
acquiesce in than to perpetrate. And it should not be forgotten that a State has an 
equal right with the United States to judge of all such matters — right which, though it 
should be exercised with great moderation and discretion, can never be surrendered 
without endangering our liberties. The Constitution of the United States is, at the 
same time, the evidence of the terms on which they agreed to form their present 
union, and the instrument by which it was effected; and as it contains the only 
grants of power to the Federal Government, so it must decide all questions of Fed- 
eral rights. It miglit be sufiicient to rely upon general principles, and its specific 
and limited objects, as declared in the Constitution, to show that the Federal Gov- 
ernment has no powers but those that have been granted to it. This, however 
happily, is not left to construction, for the jealous caution of the States, not content 
with an enumeration of the powers actually granted, but with a determination to 
prevent, by securing all others of every description in other hands, the possibility of 
its acquiring any more, insisted on and carried the following amendment to the 
Constitution, viz : "The powers not delegated to the United States by the Consti- 
tution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States, respectively, 
or to the people." 

As, then, every State in the Union, however it may have got there, may, within 
its own limits, exercise all the powers of sovereignty that have not been delegated 



LIFE AND TIMES OF N1;NIAN EDWARDS. 113 

to thp United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to itself, so the Uni- 
ted States can neither possess nor exercise the powers of sovereignty over nineteen- 
twentieths of the territory within the limits of a sovereign and independent State, 
(as is attempted in this) without being able to show the delegation of such powers 
to themselves and their prohibition to the State. These must be shown by the 
Constitution alone — for that being the fundamental law, all the powers of the State 
and Federal Governments combined are incompetent to change it. All bargains, 
agreements, compacts or treaties, to abridge the powers thus secured by the Consti- 
tution to every State, or to lessen the restriction imposed by it upon those of the 
United States, are therefore perfect nullities. Nor are they less opposed to the 
spirit than to the letter of the Constitution. It evidently contemplates a union of 
co-ordinate, sovereign and independent States, in which each yields and retains 
precisely the same powers, and in authorizing the admission into the Union of new 
States, could not have intended that they should be admitted upon any other than 
terms of perfect equality — since nothing could have been more averse to the princi- 
ples of the Union, or dangerous to the liberties of the States, than to have permitted 
the Government of the United States to acquire an undue influence, by peopling at 
pleasure its immense domain, dividing it into nominal States, introducing into the 
Union a host of dependent communities, and overruling the original States by those 
who were not their equals. Nor could the equilibrium of powers, thus established 
between the State and Federal governments, be altered or destroyed in any other 
way, without changing the nature of the Union and violating the Constitution. If, 
then, ii does not permit the admission of new States into the Union but upon terms 
of eciuality, as to every natural, political and fundamental right, with the old ones, 
it follows that no bargain, whatever its consideration, or by whomsoever made, can 
80 far change this great fundamental law as to reduce them to a condition of infe- 
riority. The admission of a State into the Union imposes duties as well as confers 
rights. At the same time that it secures to the new States an equality of powers 
with the original States, it imposes upon them the same restrictions, obligations and 
duties, and therefore the Federal Government can no more increase the powers to 
which the Constitution has restricted it, by a bargain with a new than with an old 
State ; for, as no old State could confer upon that Government any part of the 
powers "reserved to the States respectively" by the Constitution, so a new State is 
equally bound to withhold, retain and exercise all its powers. And if the Govern- 
ment of the United States can make no bargain with a State in the Union for a part 
of its sovereign rights, it can make no such bargain with a State out of the Union, 
to be executed after its admission into it; for the moment of admission terminates 
the power of the Government to enforce and the ability of the State to fulfil it, as no 
State, all of whose officers are sworn to support the Constitution, could permit the 
Federal Government to usurp and exercise, within its limits, any of the powers of 
sovereignty not only not delegated but prohibited by that sacred instrument. All 
bargains, therefore, with the people of a Territory, or other communitie-(, not au- 
thorized by the Constitution, or restrictive of the equal rights of a sovereign and 
independent member of the Union, are, after admission, not only voidable, like civil 
contracts made during infancy, but absolutely null and void as being incompatible 
with and repugnant to the fundamental law. Had this State, then, been simply 
admitted into the Union without any declaration of its equality, the United States 
could have had no more power to hold lands within its limits than within those of 
any other State in the Union, and could only then hold them for the same purposes. 

—15 



114 HISTORY OF ILLINOIS. 



Its equality, however, has not been left to encounter the dangers of construction, for 
on the 3d December, 1818, Congress adopted a resolution, declaratory of its admis- 
sion into the Union, in the following words: 

'■'■Reaolved by the Senate and House of JRejn-esentatives of the United States of America, 
in Congress assembled, That the State of Illinois shall be one and is hereby declared 
to be one of the United States of America, and admitted into the Union on an equal 
footing with the original States in all respects whatever." 

Human language does not admit of terms more comprehensive or better adapted to 
include and secure to the State every right, privilege, power and exemption that 
could be claimed, in any respect whatever, by an original State, since "equal footing 
in all respects whatever" necessarily excludes inequality in any respect whatever. 
And this being an act for the release of the people from the thraldom of a Territorial 
Government, and investing them with all the rights of free citizens, in pursuance of 
both the letter and spirit of the Constitution, it is entitled, like all statutes made for 
the public good, to the most liberal and enlarged interpretation. And hence the pre- 
amble to this resolution has no controlling or restraining influence upon it, and ought 
to be discarded from all consideration in the investigation of this subject. 

It is a general rule of construction, that where any doubt arises on the words of an 
enacting part of a statute, the preamble may be resorted to to explain it ; but if it be 
expressed in clear and unambiguous terms, the preamble cannot control it. Referring 
to the rule of construing statutes by their preamble, it is declared by the highest le- 
gal authority "that this rule must not be carried so far as to restrain the general 
words of an enacting clause, by the particular words of the preamble — and that the 
general enacting words of a statute are not to be restrained by any words introductory 
to the enacting words." (6 Wilson's Ba. Abr. 380 — 1.) If such be the rules in regard 
to a common act of legislation, which may affect only the civil rightsof an individual, 
they are much more essential and important, and cannot be less applicable to a great 
national act, affecting the entire natural, and political, and fundamental rights of a 
whole community. 

If, however, the preamble to this resolution were not inefficient on this account, 
there are other considerations that should render it utterly so. The constitution hav- 
ing determined the powers that accrue to a. State on admission into the Union, they 
can neither be increased nor diminished by any subordinate instrument or authority, 
and, therefore, as no declaration of the terms of admission could increase the powers 
of a State, so no preamble to an act of admission can restrict or diminish them. As, 
then, this preamble could not invalidate or repeal the Constitution of the United 
States, its reference to that of the State, as having been formed in pursuance of the 
law of Congress and in conformity with the ordinance of '87, should not be considered 
as a recognition of them, any further than they are consistent with the Constitution of 
the United States, and, at all events, can give no validity to such parts of them as 
are repugnant to that paramount authority. 

It seems pretty evident, therefore, that this State should be considered as having, 
in fact, been admitted into the Union on "an equal footing with the original States in 
all respects whatever," and this having been done by Congress, must, thenceforward, 
operate as a release of the State from all obligations to the United States, inconsist- 
ent with its new political condition. It would not, however, be on an equal footing 
with the original States in a very important respect, if the United States could hold 
more lands, or hold them for different purposes, within its limits, than theirs, since 
this would be to subject it to a danger from which they have very prudently 
exempted themselves. But vastly different and unequal, indeed, would be the 



LIFE AND TIMES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 115 

footing on which it would be placed, if, while the United States cannot, with- 
out the consent of those States, exercise any jurisdiction over or hold one foot of 
land, for any purpose whatever, within tlieir limits, and even, with their consent, can 
hold no more than may be necessary "for the erection of forts, magazines, arsenals, 
dockyards and other needful buildings," they may hold and exercise sovereignty over 
nineteen-twentieths of all the lands within this State, not only without its consent, 
but in direct opposition to its wishes. But let us see what power has been delegated 
to Congress in this respect. 

By the eighth section of the first article of the Constitution of the United States, 
it is declared that Congress shall have power "to exercise exclusive legislation in all 
cases whatsoever, over such district (not exceeding ten miles square) as may, by ces- 
sion of particular States and the acceptance of Congress, become the seat of govern- 
ment of the United States, and to exercise like authority over all places purchased, 
by the consent of the Legislature of the State in which the same shall be, for the 
erection of forts, magazines, arsenals, dockyards, and other needful buildings." 

Now, this being the only delegation of power to the United States, in respect to 
the acquisition of lands within a State, or in respect to the exercise of sovereignty 
over lands so situated, it could only authorize the acquisition of the one or the exer- 
cise of the other, in the cases specified and for the objects declared — even if the 
amendment of the Constitution, before noticed, had not expressly reserved all powers 
not granted ; for as no such rights could exist without delegated authority to acquii-e 
them, they can exist only to the extent of the authority conferred. 

And hence it seems clear, that as the United States cannot acquire or hold any 
lands in an original State, even with its consent, except such as may be necessary 
"for the erection of forts, magazines, arsenals, dockyards, and other needful build- 
ings," they can hold no more in this State. For, besides its declared equality, it is 
not less evident from the spirit than the letter of the Constitution, that it is entitled 
to be on an equal footing, in this particular respect, with each and all of the original 
States ; since, whatever may have been the pecuniary considerations which imposed 
this restriction upon the power of the United States, they can scarcely be considered 
less necessary or applicable to a new than to an old State — to a young and feeble, thau 
to an old and powerful member of the Union. 

But even for those purposes, the United States never having obtained "the consent 
of the Legislature of the State," are not, at present, authorized to hold lands within 
its limits ; for as the right to do so has been made to d'epend upon such consent, it 
cannot exist without it. And here I do not deem it important to insist upon the dis- 
tinction between a Territorial Legislature or Convention, and the Legislature of a 
State, further than as it obviously shows that the Constitution requiring the consent 
of the Legislature of the State, must have contemplated the consent of a State after 
its admission into the Union as a member thereof. Indeed, it would seem impossible 
to doubt that this was the intention, whatever phraseology had been used. For, till 
admission into the Union, this State was but a Territory of the United States, with- 
out any right to object to their acquiring or holding lands wherever they pleased, and 
whose consent or refusal w.as equally indifferent. It was only by first becoming a 
member of the Union and thereby acquiring the right of refusing, that its consent, as 
a State, in any case, could be obligatory upon itself or of the slightest advantage to 
others. Till its admission into the Union it had no right as a State, under the Con- 
stitution, and consequently no competency to act in that character. It was then, for 
the first time, that it became a party to the compact or contract of union, and from 
thenceforward, being bound by its provisions, became entitled to all its benefits with- 



116 HISTORY OP ILLINOIS. 



out any oifset in consequence of or reference to anything which it might have pre- 
viously done in a different character or during its political minority. It cannot, 
therefore, be said that this State, whatever the dependent people of the late Territory 
may have done, has ever consented, in the meaning of the Constitution, that the Uni- 
ted States should hold lands within its limits, for any purpose whatever. It will 
hardly be contended that they may, notwithstanding the section of the Constitution 
above quoted, purchase, without the consent of the Legislature of this State, lands 
lying within it, "for the erection of forts, magazines, arsenals, dockyards, and other 
needful buildings ;" and if they cannot, without such consent, acquire and hold a small 
quantity of land for purposes so legitimate and so essential to the conmion preserva- 
tion and general welfare, it would, indeed, be a singular anomaly, if they could, against 
its will, hold millions and millions of acres within the State, for almost every other 
conceivable purpose. It is therefore contended that, in both these respects, they 
being necessarily included in "all respects whatever," this State has been admitted 
into the Union "on an equal footing with the original States." 

We will now endeavor, briefly, to consider this subject in reference to the cession 
made by Virginia — and the terms on which it was accepted by Congress. 

On the 10th of October, 1*780, the old Congress adopted the following resolution, 
viz : ^'■Resolved, That the unappropriated lands that may be ceded or relinquished to 
the United States by any particular State, pursuant to the recommendation of Con- 
gress, on the sixth day of September last, shall be disposed of for the common ben- 
efit of the United States, and be settled and formed into distinct republican States, 
which shall become members of the Union, and have the same rights of sovereignty, 
freedom, and independence, as the original States, &c." 

Thus invited by Congress and influenced by elevated sentiments of patriotism and 
magnanimity, Virginia, on the 1st of March, 1784, ceded to tlie United States the 
lands in question, on the following, among other terms and conditions, not necessary 
here to be noticed : 

1st. "That the Territory so ceded shall be laid out and formed into States, con- 
taining, &c., and that the States so formed shall be distinct republican States, and ad- 
mitted members of the Federal Union, having the same rights of sovereignty, freedom, 
and independence as the other States." 

2d. "That the French and Canadian inhabitants, and other settlers of the Kaskas- 
kias, St. Vincents and the neighboring villages, who have professed themselves citi- 
zens of Virginia, shall have their possessions and titles confirmed to them, and be 
protected in the enjoyment of their rights and liberties." 

3d. And "that the lands so ceded shall be considered as a common fund for the 
use and benefit of such of the United States as' have become or shall become membei s 
of the Confederation or Federal alliance of the said States, Virginia inclusive, accord- 
ing to their usual respective proportions in the general charge and expenditure, and 
shall be faithfully and bona fide disposed of for that purpose and for no other use or 
purpose whatever." 

Upon these terms the cession was accepted by Congress ; and thus was a compact 
formed, in relation to the rights of Virginia, the United States, and the then inhabi- 
tants of the ceded Territory, obligatory upon the two former by express agreement, 
and upon the latter by tacit consent. For, as a people transferred by the sovereign 
authority of a country are not obliged to submit to the new sovereign, but are en- 
titled to the privileges of selling their lands, and removing with their other property 
elsewhere, so their declining to exercise that privilege implies their consent to the 



LIFE AND TIMES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 117 

transfer, makes them parties to the compact, and entitles them to the benefit of all 
its provisions in their favor. There were, then, three parties to this compact. The 
moment it became obligatory upon them, each acquired vested rights by it, and no al- 
teration, enlargement or diminution of its terms or conditions could, afterwards, be 
made but by common consent. The inhabitants of the Territory were, at that time, 
not less numerous, and, it is believed, were much more so than at the period of the 
establishment of the temporary government for the "Territory of Illinois." It was 
those inhabitants that were entitled to the benefits of this compact ; and, being so 
entitled, they cannot, in reason or justice, be considered as losing a particle of their 
rights, or as coming under any new obligations, in consequence of a constructive 
agreement with future emigrants, resulting from a supposed acquiescence in any law 
or ordinance of Congress, not warranted by the terms of the original compact. 

Admitting, for argument's sake, the power of Congress to impose conditions upon 
the settlement of the public lands, still, none could be bound by them, but those 
who, by settling after they were prescribed, might be presumed to have consented to 
them •, and consequently, they could not impair the vested rights of those who had 
previously settled under an entirely different state of things. 

The inhabitants of the territory, on the Ist of March, 1784, and their descendants, 
having, therefore, acquired rights by the compact then made, cannot have lost or 
forfeited them by any implied or even expressed consent of others. Nor could Con- 
gress make any agreement with future emigrants or settlers, inconsistent with the 
rights thus secured or provided for. And hence subsequent settlers, as well as the 
inhabitants of 1784, are entitled to every political right which that compact 
authorizes, and are equally free from all restrictions repugnant thereto, since these 
could not be insisted on, or enforced, without a violation of the political rights of 
those who had never consented, and were not bound to submit to them. And there 
fore, all restrictions or limitations prescribed by the ordinance of 1787, not author- 
ized by the compact, ought to be wholly disregarded. 

Although none but the civil rights of the inhabitants of 1784 are specially named 
and provided for, they are not the less entitled, on that account, to every political 
right and privilege contemplated by the compact ; for, had those rights been wholly 
omitted, and nothing affecting these people included but the single political right 
of admission into the Union, at a future day, on the terms proposed, it might, 
indeed, have lessened their motives for submitting to the new sovereign, but not 
their right of free acceptance or rejection, nor the obligations imposed upon the 
government by their consent to remain and submit to its authority, on the terms 
submitted to their decision. They, therefore, had an unqualified right, which the 
consent of no other persons in the world could impair, to admission into the Union 
on an equal footing with the original States, and unrestricted by any conditions or 
limitations to which they themselves had not given their free assent. 

If it be said that the stipulation in favor of the new States, as above contended 
for, is repugnant to that for disposing of the lands for the common benefit of the 
United States, let it be conceded — and what does it prove ? Why, nothing more 
than that the latter is repugnant to the former also. And which should a great 
and magnanimous nation prefer ? The one involves the most important natural and 
political rights of millions of freemen, and the peace and harmony of the whole 
Union. The other presents a mere question of dollars and cents. The former 
offers no violation to the spirit or letter of the Constitution, and is calculated to 
maintain and strengthen the vital principles of the Union, which, like gravitation 
in the material world, are intended to confine the State and Federal Govenunente 



118 HISTORY OP ILLINOIS. 



in their respective spheres. The latter is calculated to sap the foundations of the 
present system of government, destroying the equilibrium of powers, established by 
the Constitution, between the State and Federal autliorities ; and by bringing into 
the Union dependent States, liable to undue influence, and fit instruments in the 
hands of the latter for increasing its powers, and usurping the rights of the States. 
The surrender of the public lands to the States in which they lie, for the purpose of 
promoting their settlement and cultivation, though possibly not the most profitable 
mode of disposing of them, would, nevertheless, be a disposition of them for the 
common benefit of the nation ; since, as has been already shown, this would be a 
means of multiplying its commercial resources and augmenting its power, and, there- 
fore, would not, in fact, amount to a violation of the compact. On the other hand, 
to deny the new States a perfect equality with the old ones, would equally violate 
the letter of the compact, and the fundamental principles of the Government. It 
cannot, then, be doubtful which ought to be preferred. 

But whatever difficulties ingenuity, or the love of property, may suggest, the 
case itself presents none. Neither party has a right to insist upon one of these 
stipulations, to the exclusion of the other. Both were clearly within the intentions 
of the contracting parties, and equally derive all obligatory force from their will. 
They should, therefore, according to an established rule of construction, which has 
never been questioned by any enlightened individual, receive such an interpreta- 
tion as to render them consistent with each other. And this can only be done by 
limiting the dominion of the United States over those lands, or the power of dis- 
posing of them, to all that period of time preceding the admission of the State into 
the Union; in other words, to its political minority. And this would, from the 
very nature of things, seem to be the case, had simple admission been provided for, 
without any express agreement as to its terms, or the rights to be conferred by it. 
But seeing that it is expressly declared, that the new States shall be "admitted 
members of the Federal Union, having the same rights of sovereignty, freedom and 
independence, as the other States, ' it is difficult to conceive any plausible ground 
to contend that an undefined discretionary power of disposing of the lands, and 
which has been exercised with great latitude, authorizes a restriction of these 
States to inferior or fewer rights of sovereignty, freedom and independence, than 
those of the original States. 

As, then, this State is clearly entitled, by the compact, to this equality of rights, 
with the original States, it can only be necessary to show that their complete and 
exclusive dominion over all public lands within their limits, is a right of their sov- 
ereignty, freedom and independence, to entitle this State to the same right to all 
the public lands within its limits. For this purpose, then, let us inquire a little into 
the nature and objects of those rights. And here it may not be altogether useless 
to notice a strange misconception, which has regarded the stipulation embracing 
them as securing the civil rights of the people of the late Territory and present 
State, when, in fact, they are only political rights, which, instead of aftbrdiug the 
supposed protection, include as well the power of destroying as protecting civil 
rights. Being applicable only to communities, and not to individuals, they will be 
considered in that point of view exclusively. 

The sovereignty of a State includes the right to exercise supreme and exclusive 
control over all lands within it. The freedom of a State is the right to do what- 
ever may be done by any nation, and particularly, includes the right to dispose of 
all public lands within its limits, according to its own will and pleasure. The iude- 



LIFE AND TIMES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 119 

pendence of a State includes au exemption from all control by any other State or 
Nation over its will, or action, within its own territory. Now, just so much and so 
many of these rights as any of the States of the Union possess, this State is entitled 
to, by express agreement. How, then, did Virginia acquire her right to the very 
lands in question ? She never bought, or paid a cent for them ; cannot be said to 
have obtained them by conquest ; and had no other title to them than such as 
resulted from her sovereignty, freedom and iildependence. The right of any State 
or Nation to the public lands that lie within it, is not only a right of independence, 
but is iuseparable from it; for complete independence cannot exist without it. 
And this right is always the same, by whatsoever means independence may have 
been effected. 

But let us hear Vattel on the subject. He says, " the whole space over which 
a nation extends its government, is the seat of its jurisdiction, and called its terri- 
tory." (p. 157.) 

"Everything susceptible of property is considered as belonging to the nation that 
possesses the country, and as forming the entire mass of its wealth." (p. 168.) 

" The right which belongs to the society, or to the sovereign, of disposing, in 
case of necessity, and for the public safety, of all the wealth contained in the 
State, is called the eminent domain" (p. 171.) "which is nothing but the domain of 
the body of the nation, or of the sovereign who represents it ; (and) is everywhere 
considered inseparable from the sovereignty." (p. 226.) 

"The general domain of the nation over the lands it inhabits is naturally con- 
nected with the empire. Thus we have already observed that in possessing a country, 
the nation is presumed to possess at the same time its government. We shall here 
proceed farther, and show the natural connection of these two rights in an inde- 
pendent nation. How should it govern itself, at its pleasure, in the country it 
inhabits, if it cannot truly and absolutely dispose of it ? And how shall it have 
full and absolute dominion of the place, in which it has no command ? Another's 
sovereignty, and the right it comprehends, must take away its freedom of dis- 
posal." (p. 226.) 

"Sovereignty is that public authority which commands in civil society, and 
directs what each is to perform to obtain the ends of its institution. It is solely 
established for the safety and advantage of society, (p.69.) Every sovereignty, 
properly so called, is in its nature one and indivisible." (p. 83.) 

"The empire united to the domain establishes the jurisdiction of the nation in its 
territories, or the country that belongs to it. It is that, or its sovereign, who is to 
exercise justice in all the places under his obedience, to take cognizance of the 
crimes committed, and the differences that arise in the country." (p. 226 ) 

"Every nation that governs itself, without any dependence on foreign power, is a 
sovereign State. To give a nation a right, to make an immediate figure in this 
grand society (of nations) it is sufficient if it be really sovereign and independent, 
that is, it must govern itself by its own authority and laws." (p. 58.) 

It would be a waste of time to attempt to enlarge upon these clear and well 
defined rights of a sovereign and independent State. The several States of the 
Union would possess them absolutely and unconditionally, but for the grant of a 
part of them to the United States. They should, therefore, be considered as retain- 
ing all that they have not so parted with. They have, however, an additional 
security for their enjoyment, in an expressed exclusion of the United States from 
all interference with them. Besides the right of this State to the equality con- 
tended for, upon those general principles, the express agreement that it should have 



120 HISTORY OF ILLINOIS. 



the same rights of sovereignty, ireedom and independence, with other States, will 
not admit of a doubt that it is entitled to hold the same relation to the United 
Stales ; to be equally independent of their control ; to have the same exclusive 
jurisdiction, the same tight to govern itself, and the same freedom of disposing 
of the public lands within its limits. For, if it have not these, what rights of sov- 
ereignty, freedom and independence has it ? And how are they to be ascertained ? 

Having.thus endeavored to show, from the Constitution of the United States, the 
resolution of admission into the Union, the compact with Virginia, and the laws 
of nations, that this State is entitled to all the public lands within its limits, I pro- 
ceed to notice the only section of the Constitution of the United States that is sup- 
posed to afford the least countenance to their claim to or authority over these lands. 
This is the third section of the fourth article, and is in the following words : 

"Congress shall have power to dispose of and make all needful rules and regula- 
tions respecting the terrritory, or other property belonging to the United States ; 
and nothing in this Constitution shall be so construed as to prejudice any claims of 
the United States or of any particular State." 

It might be a sufficient answer to every argument that has been or can bie pre- 
dicated upon this section, to show, that one of the most enlightened tribunals in 
this or any other country has, on mature consideration, decided that it has no appli- 
cation to the case in question, but that it "is clearly adapted to the territorial 
rights of the United States, beyond the limits or boundaries of any of the States, 
and to their chattel interests." (17 Johnson's Reports, 223.) 

But, if I have been fortunate enough to establish my positions, it follows, that 
Congress, by admitting the State into the Union, have released the claim of the 
United States to all lands that lie within it, as effectually as could have been done 
by any deed of release or conveyance whatever ; and, consequently, that nothing is 
left for this section to operate upon. 

It has been shown, that the whole space over which the Government of the State 
is extended, is technically called and legally considered its territory and the seat 
of its jurisdiction; consequently no part of this space can be the territory of the 
United States — since, as the right of the one necessarily excludes that of the other, 
it cannot belong to both at the same time. And therefore, as everything else in this 
section relates to mere chattels, it has no relevancy to the preseot question — the 
right of the United States to hold lands, with jurisdiction over them, within the 
limits of a sovereign and independent State. 

Involving no question as to the means of acquiring, or the right to hold, territory 
anywhere, but assuming the right, the power thus granted simply authorizes Con- 
gress to dispose of and make all needful rules and regulations concerning territory 
to which the United States are entitled. Although it neither decides nor affords 
any means of ascertaining what shall be so considered, it may, nevertheless, assist 
to demonstrate, that the United States have no right to claim, as their own, any 
part of the Territory of this State, for as this power applies to all territory of the 
United States, without exception, none can be claimed as such that is not as sub- 
ject to its operation as any other. "Whatever, therefore, terminates the power of 
Congress over any territory of the United States, must, at the same time, divest 
them of all right to it. This section has been long and uniformly considered as 
authorizing, and even rendering necessary, the establishment of Territorial Govern- 
ments. If, then, the United States have the right to the territory they claim in this 



LIFE AND TIMES OF NINIAN EDWARDS, 121 

State, Congress have a correspondent power to exercise the rights of sovereignty, 
and to establish a Territorial Government, co-extensive with it. And thus, instead 
of that equality with our sister States, with which we had flattered ourselves, we 
should be reduced to the twentieth part of a State, with little detatched spots of 
sovereignty, to be ascertained only by going to the Land Offices, and hunting for 
the quarter and half quarter sections of lands represented on the plats, with the 
letter "P" marked on them. As domain and empire are inseparable, so if the terri- 
tory in question belongs to the United States, they have the exclusive right to govern 
it, and if they have not this right, the territory cannot belong to them. Both rights 
must concur, or neither can exist. If this be not the case, what powers of sover- 
eignty may not the United States exercise over this domain ? Where is the limit ? 
And to what principle is it referable ? 'The full domain is necessarily a proper and 
exclusive right." (Vattel 225) "Sovereignty gives the empire, or right of com- 
manding in all places of the country belonging to the nation." (Vattel 172.) As 
this is, in its nature, an exclusive right, it cannot belong to the United States and 
to this State, at one and the same time. If it belong to them, they cannot confer 
it upon us. If we are entitled to it, we cannot surrender it to them ; for, it is not 
less true in political than civil laws, that delegated powers cannot be transferred. 
"Every true sovereignty is unalienable in its own nature." (Yattel 87.) Geort'ia 
did not, as has been said, alienate any part of her sovereignty to the United States • 
she did what it belongs to a sovereign and independent nation to do : she disposed 
of a part of her territory, and lessened her boundaries, but, as a State, remained 
as sovereign and independent as ever. And this is the only way by which Cono-ress 
can acquire a right to exercise any of the powers of sovereignty over the domain 
which lies within this State. We must exclude it from our boundaries, and limit 
them to the spots designated by the letter "P." 

If these positions be correct, and they are supported by the highest authorities 
they cannot be deliberately and duly considered, without presenting, in fearful 
array, consequences of vast importance in relation to the past, to every well informed 
intelligent and reflecting mind. Every future advance upon the principles that 
have hitherto prevailed, will increase and aggravate them ; and however much 
present power may be disposed to overlook or disregard them, the sagacious poli- 
tician will perceive that the time is rapidly advancing which will give a new tone 
to public sentiment in regard to such matters ; and that right, whatever it may be 
will ultimately be too vigorously and powerfully insisted on, to be safely resisted. 
But without looking to the past, for I shall not be the first to bring the subjects 
alluded to into view, let us inquire a little more particularly into the powers which 
Congress may exercise, if the United States still hold "all right, title and claim, as 
well of soil as jurisdiction," to the public lands within this State. In this case 
Congress has the power to deprive us of the poor privileges of feeding our flocks 
and hunting upon their lands, and of fishing and fowling upon their waters ; to erect 
highways, bridges, and causeways, exact heavy tolls for passing over them, and 
restrain us from passing any other way ; to build mills, and demand what toll they 
please, or to prevent their erection altogether ; to establish and regulate manufac- 
tories; to erect public granaries, regulate the price of provisions, monopolize the 
market, and manage everything with a mercantile spirit ; to prevent the settlement 
and cultivation of their lands, or rent them at pleasure ; to exempt their tenants 
from taxation, militia duty, serving on juries, working on the roads, and all other 
responsibility to our laws ; and, in short, to extend their exclusive authority over 

—16 



122 HISTORY OF ILLINOIS. 



all persons and things within their limits, and in certain cases, by virtue of inci- 
dental powers, even into our little spots of sovereignty. 

If they have not all these powers they have none, in virtue of the right of jurisdic- 
tion. The exercise of one is, therefore, a claim to all, and a claim to that demands a 
dispassionate and respectful, but fearless and scrutinizing investigation. Such a mon- 
strous anomaly could not have been intended by the enlightened statesmen and vene- 
rated patriots to whom we are indebted for our present system of government; nor 
is it to be readily believed that they have subjected us to it. And such would seem 
to be the opinion of the Supreme Court of New York, who, in a vei'y celebrated case, 
uses the following impressive language: "We regard it as a fundamental principle 
that the rights of sovereignty are never to be taken away by implication. We are of 
opinion that the right of exclusive legislation within the territorial limits of any State 
can be acquired by the United States only in the mode pointed out in the Constitu- 
tion : by purchase, by consent of the Legislature of the State in which the same shall 
be, for the erection of forts, magazines, arsenals, dockyards, and other needful build- 
ings." 

It is not denied that one state or nation may hold lands within the territories of 
another, and this is presumed to be the case with some of the States of this Union ; 
but lands so held are subject to the jurisdiction and all the rights of eminent domain 
that belong to the State in which tliey lie, and, therefore, may be appropriated to 
public use or taxed as the lands of an individuah Nor can they be even exempted 
from taxation, but in virtue of such stipulations as Congress has no power to enter 
into. According to Vattel, "the useful domain, or the domain reduced to the riglits 
that may belong to a particular person in the State, may be separated from the Em- 
pire — and nothing prevents the possibility of its belonging to a nation, in the places 
that are not under its obedience. Thus many sovereigns have fiefs and other proper- 
ties in the lands of another prince — they therefore possess them in the manner of in- 
dividuals." If, then, the United States could possess lands within the limits of any 
State, they would be subject to its sovereignty, not theirs. But as the Constitution does 
not permit them to hold land so situated, for any otlier purpose than the erection of 
forts, magazines, arsenals, dockyards, and other needful buildings, they cannot hold 
the lands in question, even in the manner of individuals. And if they could, they 
would be subject to taxation. Nor is there anything in our compact with them to 
prevent it, particularly if, as the law books say, the expression of one thing is the ex- 
clusion of another. The only stipulation in this compact that has any reference to 
that matter, is in the following words : "That every and eacli tract of land sold by 
the United States, from and after the first day of January, 1819, shall remain exempt 
from any tax laid by order or under any authority of the State, whether for State, 
county or township, or any other purpose whatever, for the term of five years, from 
and after the day of sale ; and further, that the bounty lands granted or hereafter to 
be granted for military services during the late war shall, while they continue to be 
held by the patentees or their heirs, remain exempt, as aforesaid, from all taxes for 
the term of three years, from and after the date of the patents respectively, and tliat 
all lands belonging to citizens of the United States, residing without the said State, 
shall never be taxed higher than lands belonging to persons residing therein." 

The exemptions thus provided for, apply, not to lands of the United States, but to 
such only as shall have ceased to be their property ; and if the domain actually belong 
to them, there would be nothing inconsistent in taxing it while in their hands, and 
exempting it from taxation for a limited period afterwards — for, while the latter might 
afford encouragement to purchase, the former would not be less efficient in producing 



LIFE AND TIMES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 123 

a willingness to sell, and thus, cooperating, they might be amongst the most eflfectual 
moans of promoting the settlement and cultivation of vast bodies of fertile lands, that 
now lie waste and useless. But though the power of taxation is one of the un- 
questionable rights of sovereignty, freedom and independence which belong to the 
State, and which Congress has no power to control, it is not to be believed that the 
State would ever exercise unjustly, even for the purpose of producing results so desi- 
rable. But I forbear to press this subject, from a perfect conviction that the United 
States have neither the right of soil nor of jurisdiction to the lands in question, nor 
to any part of them, but that they all belong to the State. 

* * The surrender of the lands to the States in which they lie is the only means 
of cifectually quieting the public mind. In this event the States would doubtless 
grant liberal donations to actual settlers, dispose of the balance on moderate terms, 
and appropriate the proceeds thereof to the making of internal improvements; and 
thus, the beneficence of the nation would be turned to its own advantage by provi- 
ding for and rendering most useful to itself its own poor citizens, facilitating inter- 
course between its various parts, strengthening the cords of union, and increasing 
its resources and power. * * Upon the whole subject of the public lands, it 
seems desirable that the General Assembly should transmit to Congress a respectful 
memorial, representing their views of the right of the State to those lands, and ask- 
ing their surrender upon equitable terms. Whatever strict legal right might give 
us, yet I do not think we ought to wish to obtain those lands but upon the principle 
of assuming the obligations of the United States to- the Indians and paying all the 
lands have cost. * * I honestly believe the State is entitled to all the public 
lands within its limits. My former message and this address, taken together, show 
my reasons for entertaining that opinion. I may be wrong; and shall always treat 
the opinion of others, who differ with me, with all the respect that becomes a gen- 
tleman. 

The Legislature almost unanimously sustained him in their memorial to 
Congress on the subject. Gov. Edwards was not, however, the first to 
assert this right. Gen. Smyth, an eminent statesman of Virginia, in a 
speech delivered in Congress, in 1823, asks, "is it certain that admitting a 
new State into the Union, on an equal footing, in all respects, with the 
original States, would not vest in the State the domain ? Would it not 
operate like an acknowledgment of a colony?" 

In May, 1826, Mr. Tazewell, Senator of Virginia, offered the following 
resolution : 

Resolved, That it is expedient for the United States to cede and surrender to the 
several States within whose limits the same may be situated, all the right, title and 
interest of the United States to any lands lying and being within the boundaries of 
such States, respectively, upon such terms and conditions as may be consistent with 
the due observance of the public faith and with the general interest of the United 
States. 

And in 1828, he (Mr. T.) proposed that the lands "remaining unsold 
after having been offered at twenty-five cents per acre, shall be ceded to 
the State in which the same may lie, to be applied by the Legislature 
thereof in support of education and the internal improvement of the State." 



124 HISTORY OP ILLINOIS, 



General Jackson, in liis message in 1833, recommended the reduction 
of the price of the public lands, and that the lands remaining unsold after 
having been offered for sale for a certain number of years, " shall be aban- 
doned to the States, and the machinery of our land system entirely with- 
drawn." The State of Indiana, through her Legislature, also instructed 
her Senators in Congress to assert her right to the lands within her limits. 
A Senator from Michigan, and also a Senator from Arkansas, as late as in 
1841, asserted the same right to the lands within the limits of their re- 
spective States; and Mr. Clay, in his speech (in 1842) on the preemption 
bill, says that Mr. Calhoun's bill to cede away, "without any just or 
certain equivalent, more than a billion of acres of public land" to the States 
in which the lands were situated, received the vote of seventeen Senators. 

It will be seen that the discussion of this question by Gov. Edwards, 
notwithstanding the statement of Gov. Ford that the claim was asserted 
without any confidence in its validity, has resulted in securing to the new 
States large grants of lands for internal improvements, and a surrender of 
the refuse — the swamp lands — to the States in which they were situated. 

Whilst making a speech on the Missouri question, in consequence of a 
very sore throat he was unable to proceed with his remarks — on which 
occasion he received a complimentary note from Mr. Randolph, in which 
he expressed great regret at his inability to finish his speech, which, from 
the commencement, promised to do him so much credit. He had a very 
important agency in bringing about the compromise which resulted in ter- 
minating the controversy in regard to the admission of Missouri into the 
Union. Although the pr6viso which passed was proposed by Jesse B. 
Thomas, his colleague in the Senate, it was the result of a conference of 
public men, before whom it was introduced by Senator Edwards in the 
form in which it finally passed. 

The following is a sketch of the remarks made by him on the bill for the 
admission of Missouri into the Union : 

Mr. President : Having long been out of the habit of public speaking, and find- 
ing myself unable to command that composure of mind and self-possession which 
are so essential to the investigation of a subject as important as the one now 
under consideration, I should leave the discussion of it to gentlemen who are infi- 
nitely more competent to do justice to it, were it not that my silence might seem 
to sanction the imputation of an honorable gentleman who has thought proper to 
express the opinion, that, by my vote of Friday last, which I thought it my duty to 
give, I had abandoned the interest of the non slave-holding States of the West. 

If such a suggestion be well founded, nothing can be more certain than that I 
have not been misled by personal considerations; for, ray permanent residence and 
the most of my property being in one of those States, and holding a seat in this 
house by the kind partiality of the citizens thereof, which I have also often expe- 
rienced on other occasions, and for which no one could be more thankful, I should 



LIFE AND TIMES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 125 



be unjust to myself, ungrateful to tiiem, and equally regardless of the dictates of 
interest and duty, were I not anxiously disposed to promote the best interest of the 
State which I have the honor in part to represent. 

Were I to consult my popularity only, I well know that it would be much easier 
to swim with, than to resist, the present popular current, which threatens to over- 
whelm all opposition, and to deluge the non slave-holding States of the West, with 
what I consider, with all due deference to the opinions of other gentlemen, political 
heresies, replete with mischiefs calculated to impair their present as well as future 
prosperity and happiness. 

Sir, I love popularity so well, that I would gladly retain it by the utmost devotion 
to the interests of my constituents ; but I would far rather surrender all preten 
sions to it, than preserve it at the expense of my conscience. I respect public sen- 
timent as much as any man, and should at all times derive the sincerest gratification 
from being able to discharge the trust confided to me, in strict conformity with the 
wishes of those whom I have the honor to represent — but never can I consent to 
shelter myself even from the tempest and hurricane of popular excitement, by a 
violation of that Constitution which I, as well as the gentlemen from New Hamp- 
shire, (Mr. Morrill,) have solemnly sworn to support. But more of this by and by. 
Were an attempt made to introduce slavery into the non slave-holding States of 
the West, then, indeed, might there be just cause of alarm ; and I can assure gentle- 
men that there is no man who would oppose such a proposition with more determined 
zeal than myself. But, taking for granted what I shall presently endeavor to prove, 
that neither the slave-holding States nor any of us who oppose the proposed restric- 
tion upon Missouri, are influenced by a desire to increase slavery in the United 
States, and that the proposed restriction is not necessary to prevent, nor its omis- 
sion calculated to augment the importation of fresh slaves, it is inconceivable 
to me how the interest of the non slave-holding States of the West can be compro. 
raised by the admission of domestic slaves into Missouri, more than to permit them 
to remain in the States where they now are ; for, if that portion of political power 
which, under the Constitution, arises from the slavery that now exists, is to be 
deprecated and dreaded at all, surely it cannot be worse for us, in the hands of 
those whose identity of interest with ourselves affords additional security against 
its influence being exerted to our disadvantage. As yet, we have had no cause to 
regret that a portion of such power has been transferred from some of the Southern 
States to Kentucky and Tennessee, whose sympathies, friendship and assistance 
have never been withheld from us in the hour of need. Our experience, therefore, 
furnishes nothing to cause us to dread the influence of a similar transfer of power 
to Missouri. 

For my part, considering every part of the Western country identified in interest, 
and that its domestic improvements, commercial prosperity, and political influence, 
cannot fail to be promoted by every increase of population, it does appear to me to 
be the interest of every State in the West, that fair and equal inducements to emi- 
gration thither should be afforded to the citizens of every section of the Union, 
whether slave-holding or non slave-holding. But, in opposition to this very obvious 
policy, with an extent of territory greatly beyond the demands of every description 
of emigrants, and affording infinitely more than sufficient accommodation for all, 
without any necessity for collisions of interest, feelings, or prejudices, between 
them, we are called upon to check the emigration of our Southern brethren, by 
those who dread our growth, and would gladly put an entire stop to emigration 
from every other quarter. And thus are we invited to let lay waste and uninhabited 



126 HISTORY OF ILLINOIS. 



an immense frontier of ouf country, rather than permit it to be occupied by our 
Southern brethren, who certainly would not be less our friends by becoming our 
neighbors. 

Tliere are other considerations of vital importance to the Union in general, and 
to the Western country in particular, which I purposely forbear to press, because I 
do rot wish to excite any unpleasant feelings, am anxious to cherish harmony, and 
most ardently hope that some compromise may take place which will satisfy the 
reasonable wishes of all parties. 

Mr. President, in attempting to discuss the present proposition, it is not my 
purpose to advocate slavery in any shape, or to deny that, in its mildest form, it is 
equally inconsistent with the inherent rights of man, and repugnant to every prin- 
ciple of humanity and philanthropy. On the contrary, I rejoice most sincerely, 
that an increasing sense of its moral injustice and turpitude, and the happy preva- 
lence of more enlightened and magnanimous views throughout every part of our 
common country, as well as in various other parts of the civilized world, are 
eliciting the most zealous efforts not only to prevent its extension, but to ameliorate 
its present condition, which, with the blessing of Divine Providence, I trust will, 
in due season, eventuate in its final extermination. 

The present subject of discussion surely is not the expediency of increasing 
slavery in the United States by importations from Africa or elsewhere — nor is it a 
question of slavery or freedom — and it does not appear to me to be consistent with 
candor, to attempt to give to it the imposing and delusive aspect of either. And how 
much soever such an artifice may be resorted to in other places, for the purpose of 
rendering popular feelings and prejudices subservient to political views, I felicitate 
myself in the firm conviction that sucli unworthy motives can receive no countenance 
from this honorable body, and that every member of the Senate would disdain to im- 
pute to others sentiments which he does not believe them to entertain. 

Were it, in fact, a question whether the further introduction of slavery into the 
United States, by importation from abroad, should be permitted, the universal abhor- 
rence in which a practice so disgraceful to liumanity is held by all classes of our fel- 
low-citizens, and the cordial cooperation of gentlemen from every section of the Union, 
particularly at the last session of Congress, in measures to prohibit it, forbid the be- 
lief that such a measure could find one advocate or friend in this house ; nor can (here 
be a doubt that we would all cheerfully unite in such further legitimate means as ex- 
perience may demonstrate to be necessary to render such prohibition complete and 
effectual, which I have no doubt is perfectly praticable. 

All of us, therefore, entertaining the same abhorrence and repugnance to the fur- 
ther introduction and increase of slavery, the only point of difference between us re- 
lates to the slaves that are now amongst us ; and as it is conceded, on all sides, that 
Congress possesses no power to abolish the slavery that now exists, it follows that 
the question of slavery or freedom is not involved in the present proposition, and that 
an opposition to the restriction that is attempted to be imposed upon the sovereignty 
and independence of a State, may well exist without any predilection for slavery — for 
should our opposition prevail, the new State, notwithstanding, like all others in this 
Union, would be left perfectly free to abolish slavery, and I am very ready to admit 
that she would consult her best interest by doing so. 

I have, Mr. President, viewed, with feelings of the deepest regret, attempts that 
have been made to excite local and sectional jealousies, particularly against the slave- 
holding States, upon this subject, in their nature but too well calculated to sap the 



LIFE AND TIMES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 127 

foundation of that spirit of conciliation which produced this great confederacy, and to 
interrupt that social harmony and mutual friendship and confidence, which are so es- 
sential to maintain and strengthen the bonds of our union. 

Experience teaches us that it is much more easy to produce popular discontent, 
than to limit its operation and influence to the first exciting causes ; and if the pro- 
posed restriction upon Missouri is to be carried by arraying popular prejudices in hos- 
tility to one principle of compromise, that contributed, in no small degree, to produce 
our present happy Union, is it not to be feared that it may be difiicult to limit that 
hostility by anything short of the powQr to assail that principle with success? And 
if an inequality in the apportionment of representatives in the other branch of the 
National Legislature, with a correspondent obligation to pay direct taxes in propor- 
tion thereto, is to be rendered obnoxious to our fellow-citizens, what security is there 
that the representation in this house, which, without any such correspondent obliga- 
tion and without regard to numbers, reduces the largest States in this Union to a 
level with the smallest, will share a better fate ? 

I confess, sir, that, while I cannot perceive that the present subject of deliberation 
furnishes any adequate motives for those attempts at popular excitement, I cannot 
contemplate them without being penetrated with the most awful apprehensions for 
the fate of that fair fabric of our freedom which has hitherto been not more our boast 
than the admiration of the civilized world. Upon wiiat ground, sir, are those jealous- 
ies of our brethren of the slave-holding States predicated ? Take, for example, if 
you please, the case of Virginia, the largest of those States. Does she wish the ex- 
tension of slavery ? Let her known conduct decide. 

While yet a colony of Great Britain she distinguished herself preeminently by a 
noble, magnanimous and persevering stand against it, and enumerated its toleration 
in the list of grievances, of which she so forcibly and eloquently complained against 
the mother country. True to the principles she professed, she was the first State in 
the Union to set the example of efiicient opposition to a traffic in human flesh, so dis- 
graceful to our country and so abhorrent to the principles for which we ourselves con- 
tended, by passing a law to prohibit it, by severe penalties, as early as the year 1778, 
in which she has steadfastly persevered from that time to the present day ; nor has 
she ever, on any occasion, been less prompt in assisting to interpose the shield of Fed- 
eral authority to protect the devoted sons of Africa from such ruthless oppression. 

Having thus, by the most unequivocal acts, so demonstrated the sincerity of her pro- 
fessions upon this subject, as to extort the highest commendation from the most dis- 
tinguished advocates of the proposed restriction, and deploring, as she must do, the 
evils of slavery, what reason have we to suppose that she is now disposed to relin- 
quish those principles and abandon a policy, which, to her honor, she has, for such a 
series of years, pursued with inflexible perseverence, and the wisdom of whicli is 
daily more and more developed ? No, sir, depend upon it, Virginia knows too well 
what she owes to her own character, ever to descend from the proud preeminence 
which she has acquired upon this subject. 

The rest of the slave-holding States have also given such proofs of their decided 
hostility to the further introduction of slavery among us, as to leave no ground for 
even the affectation of incredulity upon the subject. 

As then those States, equally with ourselves, are opposed to the further increase 
of slavery in the United States, so, with them as with us, the only subject of contro- 
versy which the proposed restriction presents, relates exclusively to the slaves that 
aie now among them. And can they have any motives for opposing that restriction 



128 HISTORY OF ILLINOIS. 



which are not truly national and strictly compatible with the principles of our confed- 
eration ? If they had heretofore desired to increase their political power, and aggran- 
dize tliemselves upon the basis of a slave population, would they themselves have vol- 
untarily inhibited the importation of slaves, and united in every means which the 
wisdom of the national councils has yet been able to devise, for its prevention ? Were 
they now even tenacious of that poi-tion of political power which they derive from the 
slavery that exists among them, would they be the advocates of a measure calculated 
to diminish that power, by its tendency to abstract from them and transfer to a differ- 
ent and distant section of the Union a large portion of their slaves ? And let it be 
remembered that to impute to them a desire merely to diminish the number of their 
slaves is to admit the most conclusive evidence of their opposition to the increase of 
slavery, which is the point I have endeavored to maintain. 

So far, therefore, from those States being actuated by the motives which, for par- 
ticular purposes, have been attributed to them, it must be evident that the principles 
for which they contend are calculated not only to diminish the power of their respec- 
tive States, but to promote the abolition of slavery itself— for in proportion as you 
permit the slaves now among us be disbursed, so do you diminish their relative num- 
bers to the white population in any one State, and to that extent, at least, increase 
their chances of emancipation, as is evinced by the experience of Massachusetts, New 
York, Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Delaware, &c., and which is also conceded by the 
supposition that the prohibition of the further admission of slaves into Missouri would 
be favorable to the emancipation of those who are now there, which seems to be a 
favorite sentiment with a gentleman (Mr. King of New York) of preeminent talents, 
who has distinguished himself by his zealous and able support of the proposed restric- 
tion, and who admits that a disposition more favorable to emancipation is gaining 
ground in the States where slavery exists, that the disproportionate increase of free 
people of color can be accounted for upon no other supposition, and that whatever 
would tend to provide more satisfactorily for the comfort and morals of emancipated 
slaves, would increase the practice of emancipation — to all which I yield the most 
hearty concurrence. 

It cannot, however, be denied that the difficulties and dangers attendant upon 
emancipation, in any Stiite, must be in proportion to the number of slaves therein; 
and it is well known that several of the States have considered emancipation so in- 
compatible with their domestic safety and tranquillity, as to feel the necessity of 
absolutely prohibiting it, which is a policy that it is not presumable they will abandon. 
While therefore, confining the slaves to those States is calculated to render their 
bondao-e perpetual, it must be acknowledged that their dispersion into different sec- 
tions of the Union would remove many of the most important objections to emanci- 
pation, at the same time that it would increase the means of providing more satis- 
factorily for the comfort and morals of those unhappy beings, and would cherish (by 
rendering more availing) that increasing disposition to emancipation which imparts 
so much consolation to every true philanthropist. 

The honorable gentleman from New Hampshire (Mr. Morrill), whose eloquent 
denunciations of slavery we heard on yesterday, and who portrayed its evils and 
injustice in the most appalling colors, suppgrta the proposed restriction on the ground 
that if those unhappy victims of oppression were permitted to be carried to Mis- 
souri, their natural increase would be greater — in consequence, I suppose, of the 
amelioration of their condition and the multiplication of their comforts. But, With- 
out pretending to analyze that species of philanthropy which would seek to terminate 



LIFE AND TIMES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 129 

oppression by the destruction of the oppressed — or that bleeds for suffering humanity, 
and yet recoils at any alleviation of such sufferings — I beg leave to express my doubts 
whether there are any known facts that will justify the gentleman's hypothesis itself. 
It is readily admitted that the condition of the slaves in the West would be im- 
proved; but at a time when, as all sides admit, the influence of our free institutions 
and the progress of public sentiment, have contributed, in an eminent degree, to 
mitigate the rigors of slavery in all parts of our country where it exists, it is hardly 
to be presumed that the difference of the treatment of slaves in the Western and 
Atlantic States would be such as to produce any material difference in their natural 
increase. Not only would the obvious interest of the Atlantic slave-holders forbid 
the practice of that severe and cruel treatment that would be necessary to produce 
such a result, but the abundance of subsistence which every part of our country 
aifords, and the well established fact that slaves increase faster than the white popu- 
lation, in slave-holding States, or free people of color anywhere, altogether negative 
such a supposition. Nor is it better supported by any calculation upon the relative 
increase of slave population in the Atlantic or Western States, which makes due 
allowances for the effects of emigration upon the latter. But were it otherwise, as 
it is fully demonstrated, by undeniable documents, that free people of color do not 
increase by pro-creation as fast as slaves, and as the dispersion of the latter over a 
greater surface would, under existing circumstances, multiply their chances of free- 
dom, it is but reasonable to suppose that, upon the whole, it would not only tend 
eventually to diminish slavery, but to check the increase of our black population 
generally. 

But, sir, the honorable gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Mellen), who has just 
resumed his seat, assuming the ground that wherever a market for domestic slaves 
exists, the introduction of foreign slaves cannot be prevented, has contended that, 
if the proposed restriction should not prevail, African slaves will be introduced 
into Missouri. In support of which, great reliance has been placed upon a few cases, 
much magnified however, of their unlawful introduction into certain parts of our 
country, which were principally, if not exclusively, attributable to causes merely 
temporary. 

In opposition to the conclusions he has drawn from a special case, we may with 
propriety recur to facts and experience better calculated to test the correctness of 
his general proposition. It will not, I presume, be denied, that as good a market 
for domestic slaves as is ever likely to recur has existed in Delaware, Maryland, Vir- 
ginia, North Carolina, etc., where the facilities of introducing foreign slaves are as 
great as could be desired ; and yet, it is believed that the experience of those States 
furnishes nothing to justify the inferences that have been so confidently insisted 
upon, or, at most, nothing more than a mere apology for such inferences. 

Cases, however, more analogous in all their circumstances to that of Missouri, as 
far as experience can be relied upon, are ample refutation of the argument I am 
endeavoring to combat. Slavery has never been prohibited in Kentucky or Tennes- 
see, where slaves have been in constant demand ; and yet, although I have lived 
many years in the former, and have long been intimately acquainted with both, I 
have never heard of the introduction of a single African into either, contrary to law, 
and hence I think it fair to infer that either the practice has never prevailed in 
those States, or that the instances of it have been so rare as rather to demonstrate 
the efficiency of the law to prohibit it, than to justify the apprehensions which the 
honorable gentleman seems to entertain. 

—17 






130 HISTORY OF ILLINOIS. 

There are Western States, in the proximity of Missouri, nearer, however, to the 
ocean, and possessing equal facilities, at least, for the introduction of foreign slaves. 
And if, with a constant market for slaves, offering the most seducing temptations to 
avarice and cupidity, either very few or no violations of the law, upon that subject, 
have heretofore occurred in those States, is it reasonable to suppose or does any gen- 
tlemen really believe that the proposed restriction would materially affect the number 
of Africans that, by possibility, may be smuggled into the United States ? 

It cannot be denied that public sentiment has been progressive upon this subject. 
It is admitted by the friends of the restriction upon Missouri that the evils of slavery 
have been so constantly unfolding themselves, as to cause it to be more and more de- 
plored, even in the States where it exists, and that an abhorrence of the practice is 
gaining ground in every part of our own country ; and hence I should infer that we 
have more reason to hope for a diminution of the evil than cause to dread its increase, 
even if the prohibition of the importation of slaves were left to depend upon the law 
that existed previous to the last session of Congress. But seeing that nearly all 
Europe, animated by more just and enlightened views and generous feelings, is en- 
deavoring to extirpate that nefarious traffic, and, having imparted additional energies 
to our own laws for the same purpose, I flatter myself that, with the additional aid of 
public sentiment in favor of those measures, the danger of introducing Africans into 
Missouri is not less than it has been in relation to Kentucky and Tennessee, but tliat it 
is wholly chimerical and visionary. 

Upon this view of the subject it does appear to me that we, who on the present oc- 
casion are the advocates of State rights, cannot, with any kind of fairness, be charged 
with either a desire to increase slavery or with any predilection for that which exists. 
And if the proposed restriction is not necessary to prevent the importation of foreign 
slaves, it follows that the admission of slavery into Missouri is neither calculated to 
abridge the power of the non slave-holding States, nor to increase that inequality in 
the apportionment of representation which depends upon our slave population ; for 
whether those slaves be in Georgia or Missouri they must be included in the appor- 
tionment of representation, and whatever power they might confer upon Missouri 
would be just so much abstracted from the States whence they came. And as an in- 
equality of representation thus produced must necessarily prevail so long as the Con- 
stitution remains unaltered, I am constrained to believe that the transfer of a portion 
of that advantage to Missouri would be as harmless, at least to the non slave-holding 
States of the West, as to let it remahi consolidated, with all its influence, on this side 
of the Alleghany. And, indeed, although I should greatly regret to see the State 
which I have the honor in part to represent participate in it, yet it does appear to me 
that the more it is divided (without increasing it) among those States that wish to 
receive it, the less will be its evils and the greater the facility and certainty of con- 
trolling any sinister influence which it might produce. 

Mr. Edwards remarked, that, having endeavored so far to strip the sub- 
ject of the artifices with which it had most dexterously been clothed, he 
would next proceed to submit to the Senate the reasons which induced 
Mm to believe that the proposed restriction could not be imposed upon 
Missouri without a violation of the Constitution. He had, however, made 
but a few remarks upon this branch of the subject, when he observed that 
he found speaking so painful, in consequence of a very sore throat, with 



LIFE AND TIMES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 131 

which he had for some time past been afflicted, that it was impossible for 
him, at that time, to proceed ; and expressing a wish to have the indul- 
gence of the Senate to be heard on a future day, he resumed his seat. 

In the year 1821 he spoke of retiring from public life, but was dissuaded 
from doing so by the advice of Mr. Wirt and others of his friends. Mr. 
Wirt wrote to him as follows, on this subject : "With regard to your de- 
termination to retire from public life, I should consider myself a traitor 
in friendship, if I do not say, in spite of your injunction to the contrary, 
that I consider you as standing in your own light, in coming to that reso- 
lution, and as committing suicide. No man, who has been for so short a 
time in (Congress, has more hopeful or brilliant prospects than you have. 
This is only a shadow that flits across your path — why should you mistake 
it for eternal night ? If you are right in your view of things, the recti- 
tude of that view will ere long appear, and your political sun will break 
out with redoubled lustre. Were I constituted for public life as I believe 
you to be (with the exception, I fear, of a little too much sensibility), 
neither the machinations of enemies nor the mistakes of friends should 
lead me to devote myself to voluntary obscurity. Consult your wise and 
excellent father and let him decide — by whom I would rather be directed, 
after he knows the whole ground, than by a whole battalion of congress- 
men." 

Mr. Calhoun, in a letter dated in 1823, speaks of Gov. Edwards as fol- 
lows : "Believing that you possess qualities which are well calculated to 
advance the interest and honor of the country, on a foreign mission, I 
would be highly gratified if the most important of all the appointments of 
that kind connected with this continent should be conferred on you. I 
must, at the same time, express my belief, that few men are more impor- 
tant, at this moment, as connected with our domestic politics." 

In a letter of the same year, Mr. Calhoun says : "You see there is a 
new Post Master General. I hope the appointment will give satisfaction. 
I did not fail to bring up your name for consideration, and I thought, as 
between you and Judge McLean, I could take no active part — believing 
you both to be highly qualified ; I would certainly have been not less grat- 
ified with your appointment than his. I believe that the scale was prin- 
cipally turned by the apprehension that the precarious state of your health 
might prevent you from bestowing that incessant labor and attention which 
the extensive duties and the greatly disordered state of the Department 
render indispensable. You may be assured that there is no one whose ad- 
vancement would give me more sincere pleasure than yourself. I believe 
there is no one whose zeal and abilities give a stronger claim on the ad- 
ministration." 



132 HISTORY OF ILLINOIS. 



Throughout the whole period of his public life, and wherever he resi" 
ded, he was in favor of facilitating to every man the means of acquiring a 
freehold, and of extending the right of suffrage and citizenship to every 
free white inhabitant. His correspondence with the Hon. J. J. Crittenden 
and others, from Kentucky, shows that no one was more active and used 
greater exertions to reduce the price of public lands to the early settlers 
of Kentucky. No one spoke more in Congress in favor of tbe reduction 
of the price of lands belonging to the General Government ; and the jour- 
nals of Congress show that he proposed the lowest price that had ever been 
previously suggested in either branch of that body. But when it was pro- 
posed to accompany the reduction of the price by requiring the entire 
payment to be made in cash, and abolishing the credit system, which had 
previously allowed the poor man to pay for the land in annual installments, 
he was opposed to this measure, because it would have retarded instead of 
facilitating to the actual settler the means of acquiring a home. 

As early as Feb. 18, 1819, he offered a number of amendments to the 
bill making further provisions for the sale of public land — the first of 
which proposed to graduate the price, according to the supposed ability of 
the different descriptions of purchasers, by reducing it to fifty cents an 
acre to the purchasers of not more than eighty acres, seventy-five cents an 
acre for any quantity not exceeding a quarter section, and one dollar an 
acre for any quantity not exceeding one section. The second proposed 
particular indulgencies to actual settlers. The third proposed to reduce 
the price in all cases to one dollar j and that failing, to reduce the price to 
one dollar and twenty-five cents. 

As early as 1820, in a communication to his constituents, he says : 
"At the last session of Congress it was my ardent wish that the minimum 
price should not exceed one dollar per acre, and my best talents were zeal- 
ously exerted, on different occasions, to procure such indulgencies for ac- 
tual settlers, as would have accommodated the poorest of them, and there- 
by have invited emigration to the State and promoted the settlement and 
improvement thereof. These objects failing, I wished the credit system 
to remain, and to reduce the price to one dollar an acre, in cash — believ- 
ing, that while speculators would have no inducement to purchase on credit, 
that system might have afforded some accommodation to a portion of our 
fellow-citizens who, owing to the present unparalleled scarcity of money, 
might be unable to purchase upon any other terms. 

In relation to appointments to offices, he believed that the Senators and 
Representatives of the State were the proper persons to recommend to of- 
fice within the State, and proposed in a letter to Mr. Crawford, then Sec- 
retary of the Treasury (in 1821), that two of the persons to be nominated 
for the land offices created by the act of the last session of Congress should 



LIFE AND TIMES OP NINIAN EDWARDS. 133 

be selected by him and two by Judge Thomas, the other Senator. Mr. 
Crawford replied to him, that the proposition was deemed by the Presi- 
dent inadmissible, as it would in fact be a transfer of the right of nomina- 
tion, vested by the Constitution in the President, to the Senators of the 
State. Mr. Edwards, in his answer, said : "It cannot be supposed that I 
wished to transfer the right of nomination to the Senators. If I recollect 
rightly, I called upon you and suggested the proposition as one that I 
thought calculated to give satisfaction, and I did believe from our conver- 
sation that you thought favorably of it — limited, however, by a just regard 
to the right of nomination vested in the President, which no one was more 
disposed to respect than myself, as was clearly to be inferred from my 
remarks ; for upon your suggesting such limitation, so far from intimating 
a wish that the right of nomination should be surrendered to the Senators, 
I expressly declared that I did not wish any one, in relation to any recom- 
mendation of mine, to relinquish the right of making objections to any 
nomination, and that I would not myself relinquish any such right in re- 
lation to nominations made upon the recommendation of others. It was 
well understood, however, that two parties existed in Illinois. I presume 
the administration did not wish to identify itself with either ; and know- 
ing that suitable persons could be selected from both sides for the offices 
in question, I did not doubt that the distribution which I proposed could 
be made without any violation or surrender of power on the part of the 
President, while it was the best calculated to give that general satisfaction 
which, next to a conscientious discharge of his duties, the history of his 
life proves has been and still is the first object of his wishes. * * So 
far from intending that the President should transfer the right of nomina- 
tion to the Senators of the State, I never intended to propose that he 
should confine his nominations exclusively to their separate or united re- 
commendations." 

Mr. Wirt, in a letter to Mr. Edwards, dated January 11, 1821, says : 
"I am very sure that the President has the most sincere regard for you. 
I do not understand, however, that he feels himself hound by the recom- 
mendation of the Senators of the State in which the office is to be filled, 
even where the Senators concur. In such a case he has great respect to 
their opinion, but he considers himself at perfect liberty to put a different 
character in nomination, without giving just cause of offense to them. 
The constitutional act of nominating is Ms; he ought to be free, therefore, 
to nominate whom he pleases. Were he hound even by the joint recom- 
mendation of the Senators, the nomination would cease to be the act of 
the President : it would in fact be that of the Senators — while, by the 
Constitution, the responsibility would still rest on the President. You 
cannot but admit the correctness of this view of the subject ; and I am 
told that the practice of the Senators is in strict conformity with it : they 



134 HISTORY OF ILLINOIS. 



wait till the President calls on them to express their opinion, and retire, 
respectfully, from any further interference with the nomination, but with 
full liberty to exercise their rights, in their turn, as Senators, when the 
nomination is sent in and they have to vote on its confirmation. The Pre- 
sident asks no sacrifice of the rights of Senators in opposing and rejecting 
his nominations ; and why should they seek to narrow his freedom in mak- 
ing his nominations ? * * There is, indeed, another course which he 
may take, and which I think he ought to take : which is, to nominate no 
person whom either Senator declares unworthy of the office, if he can find 
a deserving man in the State free from such objection — unless, indeed, 
the objection itself is destroyed by being discovered to proceed from a per- 
sonal feeling, or weakened by flowing from the animosity of local factions." 



CHAPTER Vni. 

Gov. Udioards' appointment as Minister to Mexico — His Controversy with 
Mr. Crawford — Letters from Judge McLean, Mr. Adams, Mr. Inyliam, 
Mr. Calhoun, Mr. Wirt, and others, in reference to it — False Charges of 
Col. Benton — Gov. Edwards' Resignation — Etc. 

In alluding to his controversy with Mr. Crawford, it is not the object 
nor desire of the writer to say anything that would have the tendency to 
affect the reputation of either Mr. Crawford or Gen. Noble, whose testi- 
mony he proposes to investigate. Mr. Edwards stated, in his argument 
before the Committee, that he did not put in issue, by anything he had 
said in his vindication, the Secretary's "intentions" in regard to those 
several acts — (meaning the charges and specifications referred to in his 
memorial.) He said, in a public communication, that he disclaimed any 
other construction of them than the most innocent of which they were sus- 
ceptible. 

In 1824, he received the appointment of Minister to Mexico, from Mr. 
Monroe, which appointment was nearly unanimously confirmed by the 
Senate. On its confirmation. Gen. Jackson, then a member of the Senate, 
wrote him a note congratulating him on that event. 

Soon after this, and on the eve of his departure on his mission, the Sec- 
retary of the Treasury, William H. Crawford, sent a communication to 
Congress, in which he alluded to Mr. Edwards in the following language : 

The Hon. Mr. Edwards, late a Senator of Illinois, having stated on his examina- 
tion before a Committee of the House, on the 13th February, 1823, that the Jate 
Receiver of Public Moneys at Edwardsville had, on his advice and in his presence, 
written a letter to the Secretary, inclosing a copy of the publication which Mr. 
Edwards represents himself to have made sometime in the year 1819, announcing 
his intention of retiring from the Directorship of the Bank at Edwardsville, and 
that he had advised the Receiver to withhold his deposits from the Bank until he 
could receive a letter from the Secretary directing him to continue his deposits 
the Secretary deems it proper to state that no such letter from the Receiver is to 
be found on the files of the Department; that the officers employed in it have no 
recollection of the receipt of such a letter ; and that, on an examination of the 
records of the Department, it appears that no answer to any such letter, directing 
the Receiver to continue the deposits, was ever written to him by the Secretary of 
the Treasury. 



136 HISTORY OP ILLINOIS. 



The Secretary of the Treasury, in his reply to the address of Mr. Ed- 
wards, says, as "he had no recollection of the communication to "which 
(Mr. Edwards') testimony referred, he considered himself bound to state 
the fact;" and adds, the terms in which the communication was made "will 
show that no disrespect towards him was intended." Any one, however, 
who will read carefully the communication of the Secretary, cannot fail to 
perceive that it had the tendency to create the impression that it was in- 
tended as an attack on the evidence of Mr. Edwards. It thus appears, 
from his own statement, that the Secretary did not intend to show any 
disrespect to Mr. Edwards, and, also, that Mr. Edwards did not put in 
issue, by any thing he had said, "the Secretary's intentions" in regard to 
the charges and specifications in his memorial. 

Mr. Edwards' veracity having, as he supposed, been thus questioned, he 
sent a memorial to Congress, in which he preferred certain charges against 
Mr. Crawford — among which was one in relation to this letter; and for 
the proof of the charges he referred entirely to documentary evidence; 
but the Committee to whom these charges were referred thought it impor- 
tant to examine Mr. Edwards as a witness. In the course of the investi- 
gation, with a view to impeaching the credit of Mr. Edwards, Gen. Noble 
was introduced as a witness to prove that he had denied the authorship of 
certain publications over the signature of "A.B," which Mr. Edwards had 
avowed himself the author of in his memorial to Congress. 

Taken entirely by surprise, by this testimony, Mr. Edwards introduced 
a number of witnesses to prove that Gen. Noble was mistaken. For the 
purpose of vindicating himself from those charges and insinuations, by the 
advice of his friends he voluntarily tendered his resignation of the office 
of Minister to Mexico, so as to afi"ord him an opportunity of collecting 
further testimony, and also for the purpose, after making his defense, to 
appeal to the people of his own State to sustain him. 

Besides his reply to Gen. Noble's testimony, which he published in 1825, 
it may not be improper for me to give the additional evidence ; but before 
doing so, it may be proper to state that the only charge against the Secre- 
tary,' and on which he gave any testimony in which his veracity was ques- 
tioned, was the one in relation to the letter of Benjamin Stephenson, the 
' Receiver at Edwardsville. That there was no cause to question his state- 
ment in reference to this letter, is evident, from the report of the Commit- 
tee, in which they say: "In regard to the contested letter of Benjamin 
Stephenson, of the 12th October, 1819, the Committee see no cause to 
change the opinion which was entertained and which they intended to 
express in their former report: that although the letter was written, as 
stated by Mr. Edwards in his testimony, there was no evidence that Mr. 
Stephenson communicated or transmitted it to the Secretary of the Treas- 
ury." 



LIFE AND TIMES OP NINIAN EDWARDS. 137 

The following is taken from Mr Edwards' address, in the year 1825 : 

As tbe charges against the Secretary of the Treasury were too well founded to ad- 
mit of a fliir and full investigation, it was deemed prudent by those who dreaded their 
application to divert the course of scrutiny from his conduct to my character, and for 
this purpose the testimony of the Hon. Mr. Noble was introduced. This operation, 
it was hoped, would not only weaken the force of my allegations, which, resting on 
public documents, had the united support of reason and record, but would serve to 
screen the vulnerable reputation of Mr. Crawford, by drawing off the fire of public 
curiosity and censure. The stratagem was not only old, but successful ; for the pro- 
ceeding of the Committee was both loose and summary, and as the testimony of the 
witness, in its application to myself, referred to matters of which I was totally uncon- 
scious, it was not in my power to foresee or to withstand its force. 

That the proceeding of the Committee was loose is sufficiently evident from their 
having forced me to testify to facts not embraced in the charges submitted to them, 
and which, as they themselves declared, were not material to the investigation — thus, 
without reason, extending the surface of my testimony, thereby impairing its force 
and augmenting its liability to question, without the countervailing result of present- 
ing more points of weakness in the conduct of Mr. Crawford. In so far, therefore, as 
the testimony transcended the limits of the charges, the investigation was a trial of 
me and not of Mr. Crawford. And this injurious irregularity was increased ; for while 
my general reputation was not impeached, the latitude allowed in the examination of 
Mr. Noble admitted attacks on special points of my character which I could not have 
apprehended, was of course unprepared for, and which, as they derived all their ener- 
gy from the surprise they effected, were the more formidable in consequence of their 
being false. 

That their proceeding .was also summary arose, probably, from the impatience of 
members, natural after a long and laborious session, and is proved by their failure to 
summon several witnesses whose attendance I had formally required, while their most 
distinguished member was personally active in procuring the appearance of Mr. Noble. 

The scheme for diverting the public attention and the weight of the scrutiny from 
Mr. Crawford to myself, and thus frustrating the object of Congress in raising the 
Committee, having been detcmiined on, a position was speedily taken in the remote 
and debatable ground of the "A. B." publications. The first movement was an at- 
tempt to prove that I had denied the authorship of these papers in order to secure 
the appointment of Minister to Mexico — a proceeding which would have been dis- 
graceful to me, but which, even if proved, it is diificult to imagine could have altered 
the meaning of the public documents, affected in the smallest degree the oflicial re- 
sponsibility of the Treasurer, lightened the fiscal losses of the Republic, imparted fair- 
ness and precision to her financial operations, or appeased the offended dignity of her 
laws. 

It was urged, accordingly, that I had actually secured the appointment by making 
the denial, although it was known that of the twenty-seven Senators who voted for' 
it, all except Mr. Noble (my ayo?«er/ friend) were political adversaries of Mr. Crawford, 
and of course would have been not the less friendly to me on account of my opposi- 
tion to him. This effort, originating in injustice, terminated in abortion; and the 
marvelous memory of Mr. Noble was relied on to prove that although I did not secure 
the appointment by disavowing the publication, yet that I endeavored to do so — a 
charge which, had it been sustained, would have been equally injurious to my moral 

—18 



l38 ttlSTOay OP ILLINOIS. 



character, more discreditable to my understanding, but as little illustrative of Mr. 
Crawford's conduct. 

Upon the testimony of Mr. Noble, therefore, it becomes my duty to exercise the 
right of self-defense, a right in which all the stronger virtues take root, and to de- 
monstrate that it is neither consistent with facts, nor even consistent with itself; 
and that the disastrous effect it had upon my reputation resulted, not from its truth 
or veri-similitude, but from the super-sensibility of the public mind, prepared and 
heated by party contention, "to trifles light as air," when sanctioned, as Mr. Noble's 
testimony was, by the authority of forms and office, and adapted to particular modes 
of popular feeling. 

As a preliminary to its refutation, it may be fitly observed that if Mr. Noble's tes- 
timony be not good against himself, it cannot be operative against another person, 
and if it be good against himself it proves that he has violated all those principles of 
honor which forbid the breach of private confidence, and that voluntarily. 

It is not my province to designate his motives. He, himself, has declared that his 
active support of my nomination was blamed by his political friends. That when my 
address was afterwards presented to the house, it was urged upon him as practical 
demonstration of his impolicy, with so much force as to require an expiatory sacrifice 
of friendship and honor, it is more easy to believe than proper to assert. Even if this 
be the case, he has made ample atonement ; for I am free to confess that the peculiar 
circumstances in which his testimony placed me compelled me, from respect to my- 
self, my friends and my country, to resign an appointment which the combined strength 
of his friends, in fair opposition, could not, as they well knew, have prevented my re- 
ceiving. 

In regard to that view of his testimony which proposes to consider it extrinsically, 
a difference presents itself, between the conduct imputed to me by Mr. Noble and that 
which it is known I pursued, that weighs strongly against its accuracy. 

Had I so recently and emphatically denied my authorship of the "A. B." publica- 
tions is it reasonable to suppose that I would have been so inconsiderate as to avow 
it in my address — especially as I was under no strong inducement thus to ruin my 
reputation ? Such a naked and unnecessary adsurdity can hardly be credited of any 
man unless we disregard the admitted influence of self-love, and violate those h.abits 
of judgment by which we trace the operations of moral causes and form conceptions 
of individual character. To believe it of any man would be difficult, but to believe it 
of one who, in an uninterrupted course of public service of twenty-seven or eight 
years, had constantly been honored with the distinguished approbation of every peo- 
ple whose public servant he had been — who, in the patriotic and enlightened State of 
Kentucky, had served several sessions in its Legislature, and successively filled the 
unsolicited stations of a Circuit Judge, a Judge of the General Court, fourth Judge 
of the Court of Appeals, and Chief Justice of the State, before he had attained his 
thirty-second year — who had administered the government of a Territory between 
nine and ten years, with entire satisfaction to two administrations, and at the termi- 
nation of this service had been elected, almost unanimously, a Senator of Congress 
by the State which sprung out of the Territory of which he had so long been the Gov- 
ernor, and who was considered by the President, by the Senate and by the Hon. Mr. 
Noble, himself, qualified both as to principle and capacity for the highest appointment 
— is impossible ! 

Again — had I designed, as he insinuates, to carry this denial through him to the 
members of the Senate, is it credible that I should neither have requested him to 



LIFE AND TIMES OS NINIAN EDWARDS. 139 

mention it, nor ever after inquired of him if he had done so ? If tlic first incident 
liapponed, tlie second succeeded by necessary connection, and yet Mr. Xoble confesses 
[see his testimony] that the latter did not talvc place. Or, is it possible that after I 
had thus imposed upon him, by making him consider mc "as speaking as an honest 
man," while I was uttering a falsehood, he sliould not of his own accord havecommu- 
Tiicated my earnest and voluntary denial to a single individual on whom it was calcu- 
lated to operate either in advancement of me or in justification of himself Moreover, 
if it be insisted that I made the denial in question, it must be admitted that I made 
it for some object, and the object imputed is the only one possible ; yet it is incredi- 
ble that I should never have expressed my denial to any Senator but Mr. Noble, 
himself, who had previously taken a zealous part in my support, and was known to 
have discharged the very act of favor which it must have been the only possible ob- 
ject of denial to induce him to undertake. 

Another circumstance, which would be sufficient to discredit a story of much greater 
plausibility than Mr. Xoble's, is my sickness and extreme debility at the time in which 
he lays its foundation. He swears that, in the conversation in which I disavowed to 
him the autliorship of the "A. B." publications, that it took place "in hit own room 
and on the evening of the day on which he called up my nomination in the Senate." 
But his memory is evidently false both as to time and place — for the fact is (as the 
testimony before the Committee shows) I was too sick on the evening of that day to 
leave my bed, much less to be in his room, which was separated from mine by con- 
siderable distance and by the intervention of several flights of stairs; and I was too 
feeble, in any situation, to make the ample and lively gesticulations which he describes 
in his testimony, or to toss my feet, in the athletic restlessness of ease, "high upon 
the jambs," as he has frequently asserted, perhaps to corroborate his oath, in familiar 
conversation. 

It is knov/n to a multitude of gentlemen that I had been confined to my bed, with- 
out being able to dress or be dressed, for several successive weeks previous to that, 
toward the end of which Mr. Xoble came to reside at Mrs. Queen's. In the course of 
it, though feeble and exhausted, I had, contrary to the caution of my friends, ven- 
tured to ride as far as the capitol in a carriage, and to take some gentle exercise on 
foot — to which it is most probable my severe relapse was attributable. The insinua- 
tion that my illness, tedious and severe as it was, was simulated, is too illiberal for 
notice, and, as it was witnessed by a number of respectable individuals, too contemp- 
tible for refutation. It can only be important to show that, on the day of the alleged 
conversation (Tuesday, the 24t]i, or Thursday, 26th February), and for a number of 
tedious and painful days thereafter, I was in no condition to visit Mr. Noble in his 
room, or to hold the conversation, or to exhibit the gestures he represents. 

Mrs. Queen, the lady with whom Mr. Noble and myself boarded, and a witness be- 
fore the Committee, being asked by me what she knows concerning my sickness at her 
house, after my removal into the back building — that is after the 21st February, when 
I gave up the front room to Mr. Noble — how long I continued sick, and how long it 
was after Mr. Noble's coming that I became so ill as to be confined to my room, says, 
upon oath, "I know that you were very sick while you lodged in that room — so ill 
that the servant was obliged to sit up with you every night •," and, also, that "it was 
Tuesday or Wednesday you became so sick as to be confined to your room ;" and fur- 
ther, that she "does not recollect having seen Gov. Edwards at the table after Mon- 
day, the 23d." 

Mr. H. W. Queen (anotlier witness), a young gentleman who is the son of the afore- 
said Eliza, and who had the best opportunity of knowing the occurrences of the family, 



140 HISTORY OF ILLINOIS. 



upon being interrogated by me, testified as follows: "I am under the impression that 
you became confined to your room on a Tuesday. I remember your being at break- 
fast Monday morning, previous. I do not recollect your being out of your room after 
Tuesday, until you recovered." Upon being asked by Mr. Forsyth, in behalf of Mr. 
Crawford, "what enables you to fix with so much certainty on Monday and Tuesday ?" 
answers, "Gen. Noble came on Saturday ; was not at breakfast on Sunday, and came 
to breakfast, for the first time, on Monday, in company with Gov. Edwards." 

Mr. Asa Hough (another witness), after testifying that he recollected having seen 
me at Mrs. Queen's after I "occupied the back room," that is after the 21st of Febru- 
ary, declares, "you was sick in bed ; I cannot remember the precise day ; it was some- 
time towards tlie latter end of February ; I recollect that you was so much indisposed, 
that I did not communicate the business for which I had come ; I called again, some- 
time afterwards, but, learning that you were still confined to your room, I did not 
go in." 

Mr. J. Mason, Jr., a witness on the part of Mr. Crawford, says he "visited me 
shortly after my nomination, and shortly after I occupied the back room, and that 
ho then thought mo quite ill." 

Mrs. A. Lindsay, another boarder at Mrs. Queen's, "thinks I continued confined 
to my room about a fortnight,- and does not recollect seeing me at table after Mon- 
day, the 23d of February." 

The Hon. Jeremiah Nelson, another boarder, says he "lodged at Mrs. Queen's 
when Mr. Noble came there, and I removed to a room in the back building; that he 
understood, from several members of the family, that Gov. Edwards was very sick; 
and that he visited me in my room more than a week afterwards, and found me still 
so." 

All this testimony was given before the Committee, and represents my condition 
as certainly very unfit to square with the oath of Mr. Noble. I have since, however, 
received statements wliicli, though not sanctioned by the solemnity of an oath, have 
all tiie force of truth, and render it indisputable that his testimony is not to be relied 
on, and tliat he has done me the greatest possible injustice. 

The high character and reputation of George M. Bibb, Esq., one of the most emi- 
nent lawyers of Kentucky, formerly a Judge of the Court of Appeals of that State, 
a Senator in Congress, etc., is known throughout the Union. This gentleman was 
well informed in relation to certain subjects, which rendered me solicitous for an 
interview with the Hon. Rufus King of New York, on Saturday evening, the 2Ist of 
February. Not being able to go out and see Mr. King, (as appears by my letter to 
him of that date, v/hich he has returned to me with his own indorsement thereon,) 
and being desirous to have the benefit of what Mr. Bibb knew on the same subject, 
I wrote to him on the following Monday morning, requesting him to make the ex- 
jjlanations relating to it to Mr. King. Tlic following is an extract of a letter to me, 
fiom Mr. Bibb, in reply to mine calling his recollection to the above transactions : 

"FrvANKFORT, Augjisi2, 1824. 
' ' My Oood Friend : 

"When I arrived in Washington City, in February last, you were at Mrs. Queen's, 
occupying the front room on the first floor. I visited you there several times whilst 
you were sick and confined to your room. You afterwards removed to the back part 
of the building, where I visited you frequently ; you were sick most generally in bed, 
but sometimes sat up. The time when you removed to the back room of Mrs. Queen's 
I cannot state ; I recollect, while your nomination was pending in the Senate, un- 
acted upon, you were confined to your room in the back apartment. I had a con- 



LIFE AND TIMES OP NINIAN EDWARDS. . 141 

versation with Mr. King, of the Senate, on the subject of an anonymous publication 
against you some twenty years ago, in Kentucky, which publication I understood was 
dug out of the grave and used, or attempted to be used, to your prejudice. I waited 
on you at your own room, the same day or the next, and informed you of the con- 
versation ; foun-d you sick and confined to your chamber. This was whilst your 
nomination was pending. Your note to me on the subject of the anonymous publi- 
cation is not preserved ; by that I could have ascertained the date ; my memory 
cannot retain dates. I arrived in Washington early in February. You were sick 
and confined to your room when I arrived, I left the city in the latter part of March. 
I have no recollection to have seen you out of your own apartment during my stay 
in the city. I visited you frequently, because of your sickness, and because the 
presence and conversation of your acquaintances seemed to cheer your spirits." 

It will be seen, by reference to Mr. Noble's testimony, he asserts that previous to 
my alleged conversation with him in his ovm room, I had been informed of his having 
called up my nomination in the Senate. This information was communicated to me by 
Hon. G. Moore of Alabama, one of my mess at Mrs. Queen's. The following extract 
of a letter will show that my confinement to my bed had commenced before I re- 
ceived this information, and, taken in connection witli the foregoing testimony, must 
satisfy every unprejudiced mind that I could neither have been in Mr. Noble's room, 
as he swears, on that evening, nor "for six or eight days thereafter": 

"As to your indisposition — having made it my business to call to see you every 
night and morning, I kuow I cannot be mistaken. It is also in my recollection, on 
that or the day in the evening of which I informed you Gen. Noble had moved to 
take up your nomination, I was informed you had experienced a very severe shake 
of the ague, and when I gave you this information, you were confined to your bed, 
and appeared much exhausted, and continued confined and very much weakened 
and debilitated, I think, for six or eight days, and perhaps more." 

In addition to this, I submit the following afiidavit of a yoimg gentleman, of per- 
fect truth and respectability, which is positive as to ray being sick in bed on Tues- 
day, the 24th February, and for several successive days afterwards : 

"Frederick Hewitt, of Madison county, and State of Illinois, and lately a cadet 
in the military academy at West Point, deposes and says, that he arrived in the city 
of Washington from West Point, and put up at Brown's Hotel, on the 24th February 
last; that being particularly desirous to see and converse with Gov. Edwards, he 
called, for that purpose, at Mrs. Queen's boarding house, on the same day and within 
a very short time after his arrival, and found him to all appearances very sick, in bed,, 
in a room in the back building of the said boarding house ; that Gov. Edwards com- 
plained considerably — said he was too sick for conversation at that time, and requested 
deponent to call again in the evening ; upon which deponent took his leave, and 
returned again after candle-light, and found the Governor still in bed, and a gentle- 
man in the room with him, whom Gov. Edwards called 'Judge,' but deponent does 
not recollect that he heard the gentleman's name, or, if he did, he has forgotten it. 

"This deponent remained in the city till the evening of the 2Sth of February, and 
called everyday, and ?omctimes twice a day or more, to see the Governor, who con- 
tinued sick during the whole of that time, and on the last mentioned day took physio 
in deponent's presence. 

"On deponent's taking leave of Gov. Edwards, on the 28th of February, aforesaid, 
he expressed a great unwillingness that his situation should be known to his family. 



142 HISTORY OP ILLINOIS. 



and earnestly requested deponent (who liad to pass through Edwardsville, where 
they resided,) not to mention liis sickness in the neighborhood, lest it should get to 

their ears. 

(Signed,) "Frederick Hewitt, 

"District of Columbia, Washingtou counly, etc." 

[On the 23d day of September, 1824, Prederiek Hewitt personally appeared before the subscri- 
ber, a Justice of the Peace for the county aforesaid, and made oath, in due form of law, that the 
facts stated and set forth in the aforesaid affidavit are true. 

Wm. Hewitt, Justice Peace,} 

Independently of the incoherences of his testimony, Mr. Noble himself furnishes 
the moans of establishing the fact and time of ray confinement, and the impossibility 
of his statements being true. He admitted, on the day that the witnesses who tes- 
tified on this subject before the Committee were examined, and has since reiterated, 
that I was "?;«•?/ s/Vn:," and that he, himself, brought a letter from Mr. King to me, 
"m my roomy Fortunately tliis letter has been preserved. It is dated "Senate 
Chamber, Tuesday, 24th February, 1824," the earliest possible period at which the 
alleged conversation could have taken place — inasmuch as Mr. Noble states it to 
have occurred after he moved to take up my nomination, and the journals of the 
Senate show that he could not have made the motion at any time before that day. 
This letter is as follows: 

" Senate Chamber, Fdiruanj 24, 1824. 
'■'■Bear Sir : 

"The nomination was read this morning, and upon the suggestion of a member 
that au absent Senator Avas understood to be prepared to submit to the consideration 
of the Senate, objections to the confirmation of the appointment to Mexico, and to 
afford an opportunity of this being done, I moved to postpone the nomination till 
to-morrow, when tae absent Senator expects to be able to attend. It was intimated 
that it was desirable that some intimation of the nature of the objection should bo 
given, in order that inquiries could be seasonably made by the friends of the candi- 
date. Nothing particular was intimated, though it was understood that Col. Benton 
is the Senator who is to offer objections. Yours, truly, 

"lluFcs King. 

"Hon. Ninian Edwards, of the U. S. Senate^ 

Not having been present, I cannot say witli aosohde certainty whether Mr. Noble 
moved to take -up my nomination on the 24th or the 26th of February, (for it appears, 
from the journals of the Senate, it was ta'cen up on both of those days,) or, conse- 
quently, whether the imputed conversation, wliich he brings within the same day of 
the motion, is alleged to have occurred on one or the other of those days. All the 
indications, and his own expressions, however, point to the first, and, by linking his 
charge with that day, force it into direct conflict with all the testimony, formal and 
informal, above referred to. Give him, however, the utmost possible advantage, 
and extend the time of the imputed conversation to the 26th, the force of evidence 
against his oath is still but too formidable. 

Mrs. Queen swears that "two or three days after Mr. Noble came to her house, 
(Feb. 21) I became so ill as to make it necessary for a servant to sit up with me 
every night, and continued confined to my room about two weeks." Mrs. Lindsay, 
that "I continued confined to my room about a fortnight." The Hon. Mr. Moore 
declares that I was confined to my bed the evening of the day on which the motion 
for taking up my nomination was made in the Senate, and continued confined "six 
or eiglit days and perhaps more." 



LIFE AND TIMES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. l43 

Mr. Hewitt swears I was sick in bed on the 24:tb, and continued so until the 28th, 
whereon he took leave of me ; and if it were necessary to superadd evidence to the 
same fact, the follov^ing letter from Mr. King of New York, to a friend of mine, dated 
22d Jane, 1824, would supply it : " Enclosed I send you two letters from Mr. Edwards 
to me, dated the 21st and 2'7th February — the former being subsequent to a note 
from me to him, from the Senate, respecting his nomination ; the latter, as I con- 
jecture, the day after my visit, when I found him in bed in the back part of the house 
where he lodged." The accuracy of Mr. King's recollection is established by the 
tenor of my letter alluded to the 27th, the genuineness of which he can vouch for. 
It contains these words: "I gave you, yesterday, a brief sketch of my impressions in 
regard to, etc. It is, however, a long time since I have seen or even thought of that 
letter ; and sick as I am with a severe attack of fever, that confines me to my bed, ''etc. 

Plain, fair and strict as I intend tJds examination of the testimony of Mr. Noble to 
be, I will not aifect to conceal ray conviction that the arguments and exposition al- 
ready bestowed on it, have completed its discredit. Charity may forgive, but cred- 
ulity itself can never believe it ; yet tlie chain of proof against it is still longer, and 
acquires strength as it extends. Among the viemorabllia of that imputed conversa- 
tion, he swears I mentioned "that I was about to be attacked in the Senate of the Uni- 
ted States, for the purpose of defeating my nomination ; that party and political spirit 
was now high ; that I understood that charges would be exhibited against me, and 
that it had been so declared in the Senate Chamber ; that he remarked to me that I 
well knew, according to the rules of that body, while on executive business, secrecy 
was required ; that he was not at liberty to mention any occurrences or the remarks of 
a single memlier, excepting so far as related to himself; that I then replied that I was 
informed almost every day of the transactions and remarks of individuals wlien my nom- 
ination was called up." Almost every day when my nomination was called up ! Aston- 
ishing ! One would suppose from this statement, and indeed (being given without 
any comment or surprise) it is equivalent to a direct affirmation on his part, tliat my 
nomination had, at that time, been repeatedly called up in the Senate, and that different 
members had as frequently made remarks in relation to it, of which the rules of that 
body interdicted the disclosure ; yet let any one consult the journals of the Senate, 
and compare the facts with the tenure of this affirmation. I was nominated on Wed- 
nesday, the 18th February ; my nomination was read. on that and the succeeding day, 
as a matter of course, and suhsilentio ; it was called up for the first time on the 24th, 
the very day on the evening of which Mr. Noble brought me Mr. King's letter, and 
when he found me, as he himself declares, very sick in my own room ; the second time 
on the 26th, the day on which Mr. King visited and found me, as he himself states, 
sick in bed — and was confirmed on the 4th March, following. Every member of the 
Senate who was present, except Mr. Noble, will bear me out in the assertion, that no 
tramaciions or remarks of which the rules of that body forbid the disclosure, which 
could be likely to excite my curiosity or to require his forbearance, could have taken 
place prior to the 24th February ; nor was anything ever afterwards alleged in that 
body against the nomination, if Mr. Noble himself is to be believed, for he, himself, 
says, "the fact turned out that there was no opposition." 

It was confirmed without opposition, twenty-seven members rishig in its favor, and 
none against it. It is, therefore, not only improbable, but hideously incredible, that 
the very first day, or even the second, on which a motion was made to take up my 
nomination, when it is certain an intimation of future opposition was all that had oc- 
curred and of course the most that could have transpired, I should have assured Mr. 



144 HISTORY OF ILLINOIS. 



Noble "that I was informed almost every day (thereby implying several if not many 
days) of the transactions and remarks of individuals, lohen my nomination was called iip." 
Believe who can — it is a rule of evidence, founded in reason and justified by philoso- 
phy, that when a number of witnesses, testifying to the same fact, contradict each 
other, the whole amount of their testimony is diminished in proportion to the degree 
of mutual destruction which their opposite assertions effect ; but the destruction of 
testimony goes much further wlien a single witness either contradicts himself or en- 
cumbers his oath with strong improbabilities and inconsistencies that cannot be re- 
conciled. Both these infirmities are so marked in Mr. Noble's testimony, by the ex- 
amination already made, that it is hardly worth while to notice the dire contrast be- 
tween the state of mind ascribed to me by him, and that which, about the same time, 
Mr. Seaton swears I manifested. 

According to Mr. Noble I deprecated opposition, and aimed at conciliating Mr. 
Crawford's friends. According to Mr. Seaton, one of his warmest friends, I was re- 
gardless of opposition and confident of success. Both accounts can hardly be true, 
and that Mr. Seaton'a is most probable, the following extract of my letter to Mr, King 
of New York, of the 21st February, affords convincing proof: "That I shall meet all 
the opposition you allude to, I know just as well as that it will be utterly unavailing. 
I speak advisedly when I s^iy it cannot succeed unless my friends are absent when 
the vote is taken." Another pertinent fact stated in ray address to Mr. Noble, in the 
summer of 1824, which he has tacitly admitted by his answer and cannot deny, 
is, that the reason I alleged for being willing to give up to him the front room at 
Mrs. Queen's, which, for several successive sessions, I had occupied, and which, it is 
well known, I preferred, was, that I expected, in consequence of my nomination, to re- 
main so short a time in the city, that it was no object with me to retain it, and it was 
upon that ground, on the 21st February, he himself predicated his application to me 
for it. This circumstance, though trivial in itself, is not unimportant in connection 
with others already referred to, which afford not only probability but proof, that at 
the time of the alleged conversation, I could not have apprehended serious opposition 
or been in such a state of mind as to make the declarations imputed to me by Mr. 
Noble, so obviously inconsistent, as they certainly were, with the uniform and undis- 
guised tenor of my conduct towards Mr. Crawford for years before — the more es- 
pecially, as not a single step had been taken in the Senate on my nomination, after I 
came to board at Mrs. Queen's, until the day in the evening of which he brought me 
Mr, King's letter in my own room, when, as he admits, I was very sick, and from which 
time the foregoing testimony incontestably proves, I was confined with severe indis- 
position iintil after my nomination was confirmed. I need hardly here repeat my no- 
tice of another defect in the testimony of Mr. Noble. It was generally understood, I 
believe, after my address to the House of liepresentatives was presented, that Mr. 
Noble and Mr. Elklns were to swear to the same facts and to corroborate each others 
testimony. Accordingly Mr. Elkins declared, on his oath, that he had seen an article 
in the "Richmond Enquirer," in which it was stated that Ninian Edwards, of "A. B. 
plot" memory, had been nominated by the President as Minister to Mexico, an inci- 
dent which, he says, led to the conversation with me, out of which his evidence grew, 
and which, he asserts, happened daring the 2')endencj/ of my nomination before the Senate. 
And Mr. Noble says, upon his oath, "I saw an article in the 'Richmond Enquirer,' 
stating that Ninian Edwards, the author of 'A. B.,' or of 'A. B. plot' memory, 
(I do not recollect which) had been so nominated. The paper I saw at the boarding 
house of Mrs. Queen, and, I think, m the hands of Mr. Elkins." 



LIFE AND TIMES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 145 

It is, perhaps, uot to be wondered at, and, in truth, it ought to have been expec- 
ted, that as Mr. Noble's testimony differed from that of all the witnesses whose 
testimony appeared consistent and accurate, it should exactly agree with that of a 
witno?s who certainly swore toithe existence of thai which loas not. I have procured 
a file of the "Enquirer," and find, after a careful examination, no such article as Mr. 
Elkins SAvears he saw, or as Mr. Noble swears he saw, and saw, he thinks, in the 
hands of Mr. Elk'ins, Such an article, or one in the least like it, I defy either of 
these witnesses- to show in that paper, during the time my nomiriation was pending 
before the Senate, or at any time after Mr, Noble came to Mrs. Queen's It is surely 
possible that I may have uttered, and that Mr. Noble may have listened to, many 
absurd, and, indeed, many politic remarks; for the friends of Mr. Crawford (who, 
with an invention superior to Shakspeare's, attribute to him the utmost wisdom 
and integrity, while they admit that he repeatedly violated the laws and disregarded 
the resolutions of Congress, and make me both Roderigo and lago) assign to me the 
capacity of a sage and at the same time impute to me the conduct of a fool. Mr. 
Noble goes so far as to make me a prophet ; he says, upon oath, that I told him I 
never had any fear of uot being nomhialeil, except for a short time when Pennsylvania 
seemed disposed to support Calhoun for the Presidency: then I had some apprehension 
of Dallas' success; but the moment that State gave up Calhoun I had no longer any 
doubts, as Dallas, I knew, would soon be out of the question. Let us compare the 
dates of the events here alluded to, and it will be found that Mr. Noble has rendered 
it morally impossible for any rational being to believe him. Pennsylvania "gave up 
Mr. Calhoun" on the 4th March, 1824, when the delegates met in convention, at Ilar- 
risburg — the very day on which my nomination was confirmed, and fifteen days after 
it had been made to the Senate. To have told Mr. Noble what he swears I did tell 
him on the 24th February, it was necessary for me to foresee and assume the fact that 
Pennsylvania had then done wliat she did not do for eight or ten days afterwards, and 
to conceive Mr. Noble himself capable of an equal degree of prescience. Until the 
mind can be brought to believe that the effect is previous to the cause, no one can 
credit Mr. Noble. His cruel anachronism is not mended by the referring to the giv- 
ing up of Mr. Calhoun, by Pennsylvania, to Mr. Dallas' movement in Philadelphia, for 
that happened on the 18th February — the day my nomination was made. It could 
not, of course, hav^ been known to me (unless by second sight) and was not known 
at Washington, as the editor of the "National Intelligencer" can testify, nntil several 
days after the nomination had been made, and could not possibly have .any influence 
in removing my apprehensions of "Mr. Dallas' success" — which the nomination itself 
must have already quieted. 

His testimony in regard to the indecent observations, imputed to me, respecting 
the President of the United States, is equally false and equally incredible. The slan- 
ders against that distinguished patriot to which it presupposes an allusion, had not 
been agitated when I left Wasliington, nor had any attempt then been m.ade to impli- 
cate Mr. Calhoun in my contest, nor had Mr. Hay replied to Mr. Lowne. This mass 
of incongruity I might heap still higher, I might show, from the absurdity of the re- 
marks alleged, respecting the currency of Illinois and Indiana, in the testimony of Mr. 
Noble, that no person so well informed on that subject as I necessarily was could 
have made them, and that they likewise imply a foreknowledge on my part of facts — 
but I feel for the taste and patience of the reader. In justice to Mr. Noble, however, 
one observation must be added. It is that, from the peculiar nature of his testimony, 
it is less disgraceful to him to prove it to be false, than to admit it to be true. Such 
wide and shocking departures from truth, as he appears to have made, do not neces- 

—19 



146 HISTORY OF ILLINOIS. 



Barily suppose the grossest moral turpitude ; they may be imputed to a frail imagi- 
nation, to a feeble judgment, a confused perception, a faithless memory, a flexible 
character. Politically operated on, as Mr. Noble was, it is possible that he may have 
been, in some degree, innocent of the great injustice his testimony has done me. But 
the utmost degree of charitable latitude cannot save his character from abhorrence, if 
it be conceded that he has sworn the truth. Unfortunate man ! The conviction that 
he swore falsely is all that can rescue him from infamy. Not to mention the breach 
of private confidence it implies, nor the readiness to turn against an absent friend 
which it manifests (for he even professed his friendsliip for me after my return to 
Washington), the detestable disclosures relating to the President and the late Col. 
Lane, which he declares he received from me, amount to damning proof that, as a 
Senator of the United States, he supported with zeal and activity my nomination, 
when he knew it had been extorted from the President by corrupt influence. If I 
told Mr. Noble, as he substantially declares I did tell him, that I knew from Col. Lane 
(my relation and a member of the President's family) that he, the President, had in- 
duced or permitted Col. Lane to mis-spend the public money, and that I calculated, 
confidently, on receiving an important appointment in consequence of the hold which 
my knowledge of this fraud gave me on Mr. Monroe's prudence, would it not have 
been equivalent to information from one Senator to another, that the President of 
the United States, in nominating a Minister to Mexico, had been operated upon by cor- 
rupt influence, that the Commissioner of the Public Buildings had been his instru- 
ment or accomplice in defrauding the public, that I, myself, the person so flagitiously 
promoted, and privy to the profligacy by which my nomination had been eifected, was 
profiting by corruption, which, as a man, it became me to abhor, and, as a Senator, 
it was my duty to denounce ? And does not it fix on Mr. Noble the crime of having 
concealed this information, of having fiiiled to expose the infomy of the parties con- 
cerned, to defend the dignity of the Senate, or to vindicate tlie rights and property 
of his constituents'? Was it not his duty, as soon as I gave him the information, to 
lay it before the House of Representatives, to have the President impeached and me 
summoned as a witness ? Instead of this he declares that he considered me "as 
speaking as an honest man," vehemently disavowed, on the part of Mr. Crawford's 
friends, anything so illiberal as opposition to my appointment, and warmly supported 
it himself. How can he justify such conduct to the distinguished gentleman whose 
pretensions were confided to him, Or to the flourishing State whose sovereignty he 
represented, and whose trust he liimself swears he betrayed ? 

The principal object we have, in the publication of many of the letters 
to him, is for the purpose of showing that after his resignation as Minister 
to Mexico, and the investigation of the charges against Mr. Crawford, he 
was held in high estimation by the most distinguished and purest patriots 
of the country. Amongst his most devoted friends were Judge McLean, 
Mr. Adams, Samuel D. Ingham, (Secretary of the Treasury under General 
Jackson's administration,) Mr. Calhoun, Hon. Gabriel Moore of Alabama, 
William Wirt, and John J. Crittenden, and they continued so up to the 
time of his death. In the year 1825, which was a year after the termina- 
tion of the controversy with Mr. Crawford, and before Governor Edwards' 
election as Governor of the State, Judge McLean, in a very long letter, 
commences by saying : " Having a few minutes leisure, I do not know how 



LIFE AND TIMES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 14 "7 

I can employ it more pleasantly to myself than by communicating to you 
the aspect of our political affairs ; for I am persuaded it will not be wholly 
uninteresting to you," etc. In another letter, referring to the election for 
Governor of Illinois, he says : " From the certainty of your success in the 
approaching election I derive sincere pleasure ; it will be a triumph to 
yourself and your friends. I believe almost all of that virulence of feeling 
which was so generally evinced by the caucus party against you, has disap- 
peared, and to a considerable extent has been succeeded by feelings of a 
very difierent nature." In another letter, dated in November, 182G, Judge 
McLean says : "I do not believe that you and I will differ widely in this 
matter; it would be strange indeed, after looking to past scenes, if we 

should. * * Had your letter been received before I reappointed , 

I should, as I have always done, have appointed the person you name. I 
felt sincere regret that I had made the appointment before the reception 
of your letter. For your success in the late election (although your com- 
petitor was an old and, I believe, a sincere friend of mine) I felt a deep 
interest. It has been often referred to, by me, as a triumphant refutation 
of the scandles which had been so extensively circulated against you." 

In a conversation between Mr. Clay and Mr. Wirt, it will be seen, from 
a letter of Mr. Wirt as late as 1831, that Mr. Clay says that "the senti- 
ments expressed by Gov. Edwards do honor to his own heart, and I cannot 
but hope that he may lend his powerful aid and support, at this crisis, to 
the cause which the most enlightened men throughout the community con- 
sider as the cause of our country." Mr. Wirt adds that his motive for 
mentioning it is " the pleasure I derived from the light in which he views 
you." In a letter from Mr. Wirt, dated in November, 1826, he says : 
"Your friends (and I among the foremost) have rejoiced at the recent proof 
of respect which you have received from your State; it must have been 
balm to your feelings, as it was to ours;" and in a still later letter he says, 
"I am much rejoiced, in common with your other friends, at the honorable 
demonstration you have received of the confidence of your State, so bravely 
and nobly won." 

In a letter from President Adams to Gov. Edwards, dated Aug. 22, 1827, 
Mr. Adams says : "Your recommendation for the appointment of a sub- 
agent at Peoria will, in the event of a vacancy in that office, receive the 
deliberate consideration to which it is entitled, and a disposition altogether 
friendly to him as recommended by you. And your opinion in regard to 
any appointment of the General Government, in the State of Illinois, will 
be always acceptable to me, whenever you may incline to communicate to 
me. Accept my friendly and respectful salutations." 

Mr. Wirt, in a letter dated after the report of the Committee, says : 
"Very many, whose good opinions are most desirable, think you are right, 



148 HISTORY OF ILLINOIS. 



notwithstanding the report of the Committee : nay, many think you sup- 
ported by that report to the full extent of all your charges. * * You say 
that your resignation has exposed you to imputations, etc. The opinion I 
expressed to Mr. Cook, as to your resignation, was that of every friend of 
yours with whom I conversed. I learned, from Mr. Cook, himself, that it 
was also the opinion of Mr. Adams (and, I think, Mr. Calhoun), expressed 
to him.; and I know it was the opinion of Mr. Southard. Indeed, I did 
not hear one dissenting voice — Mr. Cook, himself, concurred in it; — the 
opinion being that, with reference to yourself alone, resignation was the 
only dignified, the only proper course : so that, if the opinion was wrong, 
it was one in which I erred in company with some of the ablest men in the 
country, and with all your best friends. It is only because you place your 
resignation on my single opinion, that I have referred to the concurrent 
and unanimous opinions of all who wished you well — some of whom vrere 
much better qualified by experience, than myself, to estimate the effect of 
political movements." 

The Hon. S. D. Ingham, Secretary of the Treasury under Gen. Jackson's 
administration, in his letter dated the 20th of July, 1824, says: "I duly 
received your favor of the 16th, and the same mail brought the report of 
the Committee, which is the first view I have had of your whole defense. 
Upon all the charges and specifications you have made out your case com- 
pletely. I would not dwell on Noble's testimony ; you have already given 
it the proper answer. Those who believe him will consider it no unusual 
finesse among politicians, and it will have much loss eff'ect than you suppose. 
I think Mr. Webster must have winced under your exposition of his expert 
on the uncurrcnt funds." 

The Hon. Gabriel Moore, in his letter of Aug. 8th, 1824, in reference 
to Gen. Noble's testimony, says: "Nothing of a similar nature ever aston- 
ished me more than the general character of the testimony given before the 
Committee by Gen. Noble, and particularly that part which has relation to 
the authorship of the 'A. B.' publications ; not only because I know that, 
among the members, it was generally if not universally understood and 
believed that you were the author, but because I had some conversation 
with Gen. Noble, pending your nomination, in relation to this subject, in 
which, a reference having been made to the authorship as forming some 
objection to the confirmation of your nomination, by some of the friends 
of Mr. Crawford, I am clearly and decidedly of opinion that on this occa- 
sion I was authorized, from the general tenor of Mr. Noble's remarks, to 
infer that whether you were the author or not would have, or had, produced 
no influence on his mind." 

Mr. Moore was at that time a member of the House of Representatives, 
but was afterwards a Senator in Coniircss and Governor of Alabama. 



LIFE AND TIMES OP NINIAN EDWARDS. 149 

Judge William Kelly, another Senator of Congress, in a letter dated 
Aug. 23d, 1825, says : " I called several times while he [Gov. Edwards] 
occupied the latter room [the back room], and recollect to have seen a 
gentleman there who was from West Point, as I understood, and bound to 
Illinois — but cannot fis the precise date of the transaction ; but I well 
recollect that the Governor was so unwell, at the time, as to be confined to 
his room as he alleged, and his appearance seemed to require it. This was 
his condition for several days previous to the confirmation of his nomina- 
tion. On account of his indisposition, I called frequently — perhaps every 
time I was in the neighborhood of his residence. I recollect conversing 
with him on the subject of the postponement of the nomination on account 
of its being stated that an absent Senator had, perhaps, objections that he 
would like to make, and inquired if it could be the 'A. B.' affair that formed 
the objection ; to which he replied that he could not say or conjecture the 
ground or nature of the objection, unless it should be the 'A. B.' afiair or 
a newspaper controversy that had occurred in the West some years before, 
neither of which he considered ought to form any ground of objection. 
I recollect conversing with him on the subject of his being the author of 
the 'A. B.' letters, and he did not pretend to deny the fact to me. So far 
from it, he told me, upon one occasion, that he had prepared another docu- 
ment of considerable length, of the same tenor." 

The above statement of Judge Kelly corroborates the statement of Mr. 
Hewitt, whose afiidavit we have given ; and the correspondence in another 
portion of this work shows that the fact that Gov. Edwards was the author 
of the 'A. B.' publications was known, not only to his friends, but to the 
members of Congress generally. Is it probable, then, that he would have 
denied it to Gen. Noble, who had previously taken a zealous part in his 
support, without asking him to communicate this denial to others on whom 
it was e.'spected to have some influence? nor that he should not have in- 
quired of him if he had done so? Is it probable that he would have made 
this denial for the purpose of securing the confirmation of his nomination, 
and thus run the risk of exposure and the loss of the support among those 
who so generally had understood, from him, that he was the author — and 
especially as the majority of the Senators were political opponents of Mr. 
Crawford ? Or is it reasonable that he should have made those articles a 
part of the address, if -he had so recently denied their authorship? 

The following letter, from President Monroe, shows that no such denial 
had ever been made for any such purpose : 

Oak Hili,, Jpril 30, 1S26. 

Sir: In reply to your letter of the 2od, requesting to be informed whetlier Gov. 
Edwards declared to me, before his nomination as Minister to Mexico, that he was 
not the author o^the publications signed "A. B." — on which declaration, it is said, 
that his nomination was founded — I feel it due to candor to assure you that he never 



150 HISTORY OF ILLINOIS. 



made to me any such declaration, and that his nomination was not influenced in the 
slightest degree by any considerations but that the quarter of the Union in which he 
resided luid claims to an appointment, and that he was believed to be as well quali- 
fied for the office as any other person in that quarter who had been brought to the 

view of the Executive. 

With great respect and esteem, 

I am your obedient servant, 

JAMES MONROE. 

In anotlier letter, to Mr. Cook, on tlie same subject, dated April 27, 182G, 
President Monroe requests Mr. Cook to assure Mr. Edwards "of his good 
wishes for his welfare and happiness." 

From the letter of his resignation, a copy of which is among the papers 
in the possession of the writer, and from the allusions and opinions referred 
to in Mr. "Wirt's letter, respecting the propriety of his resignation, there 
can he no doubt that it was voluntary on his part, and not required by the 
President. That such is the fact is also evident from a letter of Mr. 
Ingham, in which he says, "I am not sure that you have done right by 
resigning." 

Notwithstanding Mr. Clay was of opinion that he "was not liable to pay 
the out-fit and salary he had received," in which opinion ho also believed 
the administration concurred with him, yet he accounted to the Govern- 
ment for all he had received, except for the time he had held the office and 
the losses he had sustained in making his preparations to leave on his 
mission. Mr. Clay said, "if it were my case, I would not return one cent 
of the amount." 

The following is an extract from a letter to Gov. Edwards, dated Oct. 8, 
1828, from the Hon. Hugh Nelson, who was a member of Congress from 
Virginia for fourteen years, and afterwards Minister to Spain : 

I wrote to you just before I sailed for Spain, and hope you received my letter, 
because, having received from you a most kind and affectionate letter, just before 
my departure, I should regret that an appearance should have been afforded to the 
presumption that I was regardless of your friendship. I have never participated in 
the persecution against you, which was started about that time, and have always 
believed you an upright, honest statesman and politician, and have thought you 

perfectly right in that affair in whicli the C faction bottomed their efforts to 

hunt you down. I alwaj'S said, too, that your talents would enable 3'ou to rise 
against the whole host. 

Before Mr. Cook presented Mr. Edwards' memorial to Congress, he says 
that he submitted it to some of his friends, and states, in his letter in ref- 
erence to it, that Mr. Adams' friends, Mr. Houston, and all the Tennessee 
delegation except Mr. Cocke, would stand, by Gov. Edwards. 

The object in referring to the causes which led to his resignation, and 
to the settlement of his account with the Government, is for the purpose 
of proving the fixlsity of the charges made by Col. Benton and published 



LIFE AND TIMES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 151 

in his "Debates/' and also in his "Thirty Years in the Senate," that, in 
consequence of the report of the Committee, Mr. Edwards was required by 
the President to resign and to return his out-fit and quarter's salary. Col. 
Benton is not satisfied with giving a garbled extract from the testimony, 
but takes it upon himself to assert as a fact what the accounts in the 
Treasury Department prove to be untrue ; for the records of the Treasury 
Department show that in the settlement, which he voluntarily proposed, 
and which was accepted by the Department, he was allowed not only his 
salary, for the time he had held the oflice, but also the loss he had sus- 
tained in consequence of his resignation. After the Committee had pub- 
lished their report, and of course after the testimony of Gen. Noble had 
been given, in consequence of its being stated in one of the public jour- 
nals, in Washington City, that directions were given, by a member of a 
committee appointed to make arrangements for the celebration of the 
Fourth of July, not to receive the subscription of Ninian Edwards to the 
dinner, all the members of the Cabinet, with the exception of Mr. Craw- 
ford, who were in Washington, refused to participate in the celebration — 
as will appear from the following correspondence : 

[From tlie "Washington Republican, of Saturday afternoon.] 

Washingtox, od Jidi/, I82i. 
To 3Iessrs. T. Carbery and Jos. Gales, Jr. ; 

Gentt^emen : Upon a printed invitation signed by you, wo have subscribed our 
names, for attendance at a dinner at Mr. Williamson's hotel, on the oth inst., in cel- 
ebration of the anniversary of our national independence. We find it stated, in one 
of the public journals of this morning, that one of the members of the committee of 
arrangements has called at the places where the subscription papers for the dinner 
has been deposited, and, in the name of the committee, has directed, that if Mr. 
Ninian Edwards should apply there to join in this celebration of the festival, his sub- 
scription should not be admitted. 

Our attendance at the dinner, after this notice, would justly be considered as equiv- 
alent to an assent, on our part, to this exclusion. 

The character and conduct of Mr. Edwards being before the nation, upon the re- 
port of the committee of the House of Representatives, yet to be acted upon by the 
House, we should consider it incompatible with our duties as public servants, as well 
as with the principles of common justice, to participate in an act which we think 
would, in no event, be justifiable before a final decision upt)u the inveatir/ation. We 
request you, therefore, to consider this as notice that we have Avithdrawn our sub- 
scriptions for attendance at the dinner. 

We are, very respectfully, gentlemen, 

Your obedient servants, 

John Qol\cy Adams, 

J. C. Calhoun, 

JonN McLeax. 

The Secretary of the Navy and the Attorney General, not having expected to be 

in the city, have not subscribed to the dinner. We are authorized to say, that if the 

Attorney General had received a similar invitation, and had subscribed, he would 

now have jomed in the above letter. 



152 HISTORY OF ILLINOIS. 



[From the Washington Gazette, of Saturday evening-] 
We arc authorized and requested, by the committee of arrangeincnts for the cele- 
bration of the anniversary of independence, to say, that the publication in the "Na- 
tional Journal" of this morning was unauthorized by them, or any one of thcni, and 
that nothing will be wanting, on their part, to make the public dinner on tlie occa- 
sion a national festival, divested of all reference to party politics. 
Messrs. Van Ness, Carbery and Gales constituted the committee of arrangement. 

[From the National Journal.] 

Washington City, 8(^ July, 182-4. 
To Hon. John Qidncy Adams, J. C. Calhoun and John McLean : 

Gentlemen : The committee of arrangements for celebrating the approaching anni- 
versary of American independence have instructed us to say, that they regret the 
withdrawal of your subscriptions to the anniversary dinner, and the more so as that 
withdrawal seems to have been induced by a misconception of the motives which 
governed the committee in the course they deemed advisable to pursue in the case of 

Mr. Edwards. 

We have the honor to be, with great respect. 

Your obedient servants, 

Thomas Carbery, Chairman. 
Joseph Gales, Jr., Secretary. 

Wasiiisgton, 5^/t July, 182-1. 
To Thomas Carbery, Chairman, and Joseph Gales, Jr., Secretary of the Committee of 
Arrangenienls, for Celebratimj the Anniversary of American Jndepctulence : 
Gentlemen : We have had the honor of receiving your letter of the 3d instant, 
and request you to present to the committee the assurance that wc cordially regret 
the incident which has deprived us of the pleasure we had promised ourselves in uni- 
ting with them and the rest of our fellow-citizens, subscribers to the anniversary din- • 
ner, at the social board, on the day peculiarly devoted to generous and patriotic feel- 
ings. We wish you to add, with the tender of our respect, that the detcruiination to 
withdraw our names from the subscription was taken from the conviction of our own 
duty, without inquiring into the motives of the connuittee, or reference to them. 
We are, with great respect, gentlemen, 

Your very hhmble and obedient servants, 

John Quincy Adams, 
J. C. Calhoun, 
Jon\ McLean. 

TliG report of tlie Committee was never acted upon by the House of 
Representatives. Acquitting Mr. Edwards of the charge against which 
he had defended himself, and containing no allegation against him, he 
could not complain, and especially as the Committee had been unable to 
detect a single inaccuracy in any of the facts he had alleged against Mr. 
Crawford. Mr. Crawford had no motive to demand any further investi- 
gation, as he could not hope to obtain a report more favorable to himself. 
The charges against him were : 

First — That he has mismanaged the national fund. 

Second — That he has received a large amount of uncurrent notes from certain banks, 
in part discharge of their debts due to the United States, contrary to the resolution 
of Congress in 1816. 



LIFE AND TIMES OP NINIAN EDWARDS. • 153 

Third — That, being called on by a resolution of the House of Representatives to 
state the amount of uncurrent notes which he received from these banks, lie has mis- 
stated it — making it less than it really was. 

Fourth — That he has, in his report to the House, misrepresented the obligations of 
those banks, or some one of them, at least, and predicated thereon an indefensible ex- 
cuse for his conduct in receiving those uncurrent notes. 

Fifth — That he has acted illegally, in a variety of instances, by making and contin- 
uing deposits of public money in certain local banks, without making report thereof 
to Congress, according to law. 

Sixth — That he has, in several instances, withheld information and letters called 
for by the House, and which it was his duty to have connnunicated. 

I:i regard to the second charge, the report of the Coinniittcc shows, 
"That although the Banks of Tombeckbee and Edwardsville were liable to 
account for such deposits as cash, if the construction which the Committee 
gives to their contracts be correct, yet, that both the Secretary and the 
Banks express a different opinion as to the meaning of those contracts, and 
that the Secretary, in receiving fifteen thousand dollars from the one and 
twenty tliousand dollars from the other of those Banks, appears to have 
acted according to what he supposed to be the rights of the parties, and 
with a proper regard to the interest of the United States, under the cir- 
cumstances which then existed." 

In regard to the third charge. "That no intentional misstatement has 
been made to the House of uncurrent bills received from the Banks, al- 
though a sum of two hundred and eight dollars of such bills were omitted 
through mistake." 

lu regard to the fourth, "That although the Secretary may have miscon- 
strued the effects of some of the contracts with the Banks to the extent 
before mentioned, the Committee finds no ground for the charge that he 
has misrepresented them, inasmuch as the contracts themselves were sub- 
• mitted, with his report, to the House." 

In regard to the fifth, "That the Secretary did omit to communicate to 
Congress the reasons which led him to direct the deposit of public moneys 
in the three local Banks of Chilicothe, Cincinnati, and Louisville, where 
the Bank of the United States had branches ; but there is no reason for 
supposing that any concealment was intended or that the omission w^s oc- 
casioned by design," 

In regard to the sixth, "That in some instances papers called for, by 
resolution of the House, have not been communicated with other papers 
sent in answer to such calls, but that these omissions have happened either 
from accident, or from a belief that the papers so omitted were immaterial 
or not called for ; and that there is no evidence that any document or in- 
formation had been withheld from improper motives." 

—20 



154 nisTonY of Illinois. 



That in regard to the contested letter of Benjamin Stephenson, "Al- 
though the letter was written, as stated by Mr. Edwards in his testimony,' 
there was no evidence that Mr. Stephenson communicated or transmitted 
it to the Secretary of the Treasury." 

With regard to the first charge, the Committee content themselves with 
saying, that, in their opinion, ''nothing has been proved to impeach the 
integrity of the Secretary, or to bring into doubt the general correctness 
and ability of his administration of the public finances." 

If the reader will bear in mind that in making the charges Mr. Edwards 
stated, in his memorial, that he ''disclaimed any other construction of them 
than the most innocent of which they were susceptible," and that, in point- 
ing out palpable omissions or neglect to lay before the House letters which 
ought to have been communicated, and that various misstatements had 
been ofiicially made, he "attributed them to nothing more than forgetful- 
ness, inattention, inadvertence, or some erroneous but innocent views of 
the subject," it will be seen that the report of the Committee fully sustains 
him in all his statements, but excuses the Secretary because he acted ac- 
cording to what he siijiposed to be his duty, had made no intentional mis- 
statements, had misconstrued the effect of some of the contracts, and, in 
his omissions to make important communications and papers that were 
called for by CongrccS, no concealment was intended or occasioned by de- 
sign, or any information withheld from improper motives. 

Mr. Edwards, in writing the articles over the signature of "A. B." 
against Mr. Crawford, claimed that he had the right, wisely guaranteed . 
to every freeman of the Union, of investigating the official conduct of a 
public officer. Mr. Crawford had been a prominent candidate for the 
Presidency, for some time previous to the commencement of their publica- 
tion, and was subsequently nominated for that office, to succeed President 
Monroe, by the Republican members of Congress, in caucus. In one of 
Mr. Wirt's letters to Gov. Edwards, dated January 4, 1820, he says: 
"You may remember that four years ago, when Mr. Monroe was presented 
to the public for the Presidency, Mr. Crawford was extremely pressed to 
oppose him. I was in Washington, by chance, at the time mentioned, 
and I remember that it was extremely dubious whether Mr. Crawford would 
not have a majority in the caucus of Congress; but he withdrew from the 
opposition, and I remember he gave great disgust to many of his friends by 
doing so. He withdrew, too, with the declaration that Mr. M. had the 
best title to the office." The caucus system hid become very unpopular, 
and the friends of General Jackson, Mr. Adams and Mr. Clay were rallied 
against Mr. Crawford, and the result was that, for the first time, the can- 
didate thus nominated was defeated. 



CHAPTER IX. 

Lmos of the Tcrritori/ and Slate, from 1809 fo 1830. 

THE JUDICIARY SYSTEM. 

On tlie organization of the Territorial Government, tlie Governor and 
Judges adopted the laws which were in force in 1809 in the Indiana Ter- 
ritory. Among these acts was one entitled "An act organizing courts of 
common pleas.^' This act established a court of record in each county, to 
be styled the court of common pleas, consisting of three judges (any two of 
whom shall form a quorum), to be appointed by the Governor. The juris- 
diction of said court extended to all crimes and misdemeanors, committed 
within their respective counties, the punishment whereof did not extend 
to life,. limb, imprisonment for more than one year, a forfeiture of goods 
and chattels, or lands and tenements, and to all pleas of assize, scire facias, 
replevins, and to all manner of pleas, suits, actions and causes, real, per- 
sonal and mixed. 

The said judges, and each of them, had power, in and out of court, to 
take all manner of recognizances ; and all recognizances for the peace, be- 
havior, or for appearance, wore to be certified to the proper court. All 
fines and amercements taxed by the court of common pleas were required 
to be yearly estreated by the clerks of said courts into the general "court, to 
the intent that process may be awarded to the sheriflF of the proper county 
for levying such of their fines and amercements as shall be unpaid to the 
uses for which they were appropriated. 

The fines that were levied by the court of common pleas went to the 
county, and those that were assessed by the general court went to the ter- 
ritory. 

Appeals and writs of error were allowed from the judgment in said court 
under the restrictions and regulations of the law regulating the practice of 
the general court. 

When the defendant had no property in the county, or could not be 
found in it, the plaintiff, by making an affidavit that the defendant lies hid 
or skulks, or hath property in another county in the territory, can require 
the court to issue execution to the sheriff of the county where the defend- 
ant was or where his property could be found. 



156 HISTORY OF ILLINOIS. 



The clerk of said court held his appointmcut from the Governor, during 
good behavior. 

The judges, or any of them, had power to send writs to other counties to 
take persons who were indicted in any courts, and also to issue subpoenas 
for witnesses to other counties. 

This law remained in force until Dec. 19, 1814, when the Legislature 
passed an act abolishing the court of common pleas, and created courts to 
be called county courts, to consist of three judges, (who shall be conserva- 
tors of the peace, any two of whom shall form a quorum,) to bo appointed 
by the Governor. This act conferred on the judges and court the same 
jurisdiction that the judges and court of common pleas had a right to ex- 
ercise, except that the jurisdiction for the trial of causes, both civil and 
criminal, was taken away from the county courts. 

The judges were required to hold three terms annually, in each county, 
and were .entitled to receive two dollars for every day they shall sit — to be 
paid out of the county levy. They were authorized to take every species 
of recognizance, and, on proper afiidavit, to order bail in civil cases. 

By a supplemental act, passed Dec. 24, 1814, the county courts and the 
judges thereof had a right to exercise, and were invested with all the juris- 
diction, and were required to perform all the duties, heretofore vested in 
or required of the courts of common pleas or the judges the-reof, except 
such as had been transferred to the supreme court or the judges thereof. 
Another act passed, on Sept. 17, 1807, which made it the duty of the pre- 
siding judge of the several courts of common pleas in the territory, and of 
the first judge of the general court, to examine the respective clerks' books 
and see what fines were due thereon to the territory or county, and to re- 
port those due to the territory to the Auditor, who was required to report 
the same to the Legislature, For failure to pay the fines, the act directed 
the Attorney-General to obtain judgment by motion against the defaulting 
clerks. 

THE OENERAL COURT. 

By an act, passed Dec. 10, 1813, regulating the general court, it was 
required that there should be holden and kept, at the seat of government, 
a supreme court of record, to be styled the "General Court." This court 
had jurisdiction of all causes, matters and things, and also to hear and de- 
termine all manner of pleas, plaints and causes which might be removed 
from any of the inferior courts by appeal or writ of error, as well all pleas 
in the United States as in all pleas real, personal and mixed, and thereupon 
to reverse or affirm the judgments ; and, also, to examine, correct and 
punish the contempts, omissions, etc., of any justice of the peace, sheriff, 
coroner, clerk or other officers, within their respective counties. It had 



LIFE AND TIMES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 157 

exclusive original jurisdiction of the higher criminal oiFenses, and of all 
cases in equity where the value of the matter in controversy exceeded the 
sum of one hundred dollars. It had power to award process for the collec- 
tion of such fines as were estreated into the general court, and the judges 
thereof had the power to issue writs of certiorari, writs of habeas corpus, 
injunction, and writs of error, and remedial and other writs and process, 
returnable to their court and grantable by said judges. 

The grand jurors sworn before the county courts were required to inquire 
into offenses cognizable by either the county court or general court, and, in 
special cases, the judges of the general court had power to direct the sheriff 
to summon a grand jury for offenses exclusively cognizable in the general 
court. In cases of a criminal kind,, except for offenses in violation of the 
laws of the United States, the trials were to be had in the counties in which 
the offenses were committed. 

By this act it was provided that, in cases taken to the general court by 
appeal or writ, the court should take cognizance only of errors in law. 

By a subsequent act, passed Dec. 13, 1814, the general court was super- 
seded by the establishment of a supreme court, consisting of the same 
judges, who were required, in addition to the jurisdiction conferred upon 
them, to hold circuit courts. x\s circuit courts they had jurisdiction, in 
each county, over all persons therein, and in all causes, matters or things 
at common law or in chancery, arising in each of said counties, except in 
cases where the debt or amount shall be under twenty dollars ; and, also, 
in all cases of treasons, felonies, misdemeanors, and other crimes; and, also, 
in all cases against public debtors, sheriffs, clerks, and collectors of public 
money. This court was also invested with all the powers and the common 
law jurisdiction, whether of a civil or criminal nature, previously vested in 
the several courts of common pleas or county courts. 

It was also required, by this act, that all suits should be tried in the 
counties in which they originated, unless -in cases specially provided for ; 
and in all cases, except where, in cases of conviction, the offender was pun- 
ishable with death or burning in the hand, one of the judges might con- 
stitute the court. This act was amended, but not materially, in 1817, 
except the reorganization of the territory into circuits. 

JUSTICES OF THE PEACE. 

By an act, which passed Sept. 17, 1807, it was provided that a sufficient 
number of justices of the peace should be appointed for each county, by the 
(lovernor. Besides the usual power to cause to be arrested all persons 
charged with violating the criminal laws of the territory, and to take all 
manner of recognizances, they had power to hear and determine, according 
to the course of the common law, petit crimes and misdemeanors, wherein 



158 HISTORY OF ILLINOIS. 



the punishment shall be by fine, only, and not exceeding three dollars, and 
to assess and tax the costs ; and, also, to require sureties for the good be- 
havior of idle, vagrant and disorderly characters, swindlers and gamblers, 
as well as of dangerous and disorderly persons. They had, also, jurisdiction 
in cases of debt or other demand, except in actions of debt on bonds for 
the performance of covenants, actions of replevin, or upon any real contract, 
actions of trespass upon the case, for trover and conversion, or slander, or 
actions of trespass in et amis, or actions wherein the title of lands shall in 
anywise come in question ; and suit might be commenced in the township 
either where the debt or cause of action was contracted or arose, where the 
plaintiiF resided, or where the defendant might be found. This latter pro- 
vision was repealed by an act which passed in 1808, after which no suit 
could be commenced except in the township where the debt was contracted 
or cause of action arose, or where the defendant resided or might be found. 

In 1814, it was further provided that they should have jurisdiction in 
all cases wherein the demand should not exceed twenty dollars — which 
amount was afterwards increased, by an act passed in 1817, to forty dollars. 
This latter act also required that, where the demand should exceed twenty 
dollars, either party should have the right to a trial by jury ; and that, for 
the trial of such causes, the justice should hold his court monthly — to 
which court he should issue his venire to the constable, directing him to 
summon twelve good and lawful men to try all such suits before him. 

CRIMINAL LAWS OP THE TERRITORY. 

]jy an act of the Indiana Territory, in force in the Territory of Illinois 
in 1809, murder and treason were punished with death by hanging ; and 
persons guilty of manslaughter, as the common law had previously pun- 
ished. 

It was declared that persons convicted of burglary should be whipped 
with not exceeding thirty-nine stripes, and should find sureties for good 
behavior for a term not exceeding three years; and upon default of sure- 
ties should be committed to jail for a term not exceeding three years, or 
until sentence be performed, and should also be fined in triple value of 
the articles stolen — one-third of such fine for the use of the territory and 
the other two-thirds to be paid to the party injured. If the defendant 
committed or attempted to commit any personal abuse, force or violence, 
or was armed with any dangerous weapon or weapons, so as to clearly in- 
dicate a violent intention, he forfeited all his estate and was subject to be 
committed to jail for a term not exceeding forty years j and if the death 
of any innocent person should ensue from any burglarious act, it was de- 
clared to be murder. Robbery was punished in the same manner as burg- 
lary. 



LIFE AND TIMES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 159 

Persons guilty of plots and unlawful assemblies were punished by being 
fined in the sum of sixteen dollars, and were required to find surety for 
their good behavior for the space of six months ; and persons found guilty 
of obstructing any authorized persons in attempting to cause rioters or un- 
lawful assemblies to disperse, were liable to be fined in a sum not exceed- 
ing three hundred dollars, or to be whipped with not exceeding thirty- 
nine lashes, and were also required to give surety for their good behavior. 
Perjury and subornation of perjury were punished by a fine not exceed- 
ing sixty dollars, or by whipping with not exceeding thirty-nine stripes ; 
and persons found guilty of those ofienses were required to be set in the 
pillory for a space not exceeding two hours, and were ever after incapable 
of holding any office, or giving testimony, or being a juror. 

Larceny was punished, for the first ofl'ense, by requiring the offender to 
restore to the owner the thing stolen and to pay to him the value thereof, 
or two-fold the value thereof if the thing stolen was not returned, and also 
by a fine not exceeding two-fold the value of the thing stolen or be whip- 
ped with not exceeding thirty-one stripes, at the discretion of the court. 
Upon a second conviction it was provided that restitution and payment 
shall be made to the owner as aforesaid, and the offender shall be whipped 
with not exceeding thirty-nine stripes, and in like manner upon every suc- 
ceeding conviction ; and in case such convict shall not have property 
wherewith to satisfy the sentence of the court, it shall be lawful for the 
sheriff, by direction of the court, to bind such person to labor, for any term 
not exceeding seven years, to any suitable person who will discharge such 
sentence. 

For the offense of forgery it was enacted that every person, found guilty 
thereof, shall be fined in double the sum he shall thereby have defrauded 
or attempted to defraud another — one-half of which should be paid to the 
party injured or intended to be injured ; and shall, moreover, forever after 
be rendered incapable of giving testimony, being a juror or holding any 
office, and shall be set in the pillory not exceeding the space of three 
hours. 

Usurpation of office was punished by a fine of not exceeding one hundred 
dollars. 

Assault and battery was punished by a fine of not exceeding one hun- 
dred dollars, and the court might also require the offender to enter into re- 
cognizance with surety for the peace and good behavior, for a term not 
exceeding one year. 

All bonds, bills, deeds of sale, gifts, grants, or other conveyances, made 
with intent to deceive or defraud creditors, were declared to be null and 
void, and the person so offending was required to be fined in a sum not 
exceeding three hundred dollars and to pay double damages to the injured 
party. 



160 HISTORY Oi^ ILLINOIS. 



For disobedience of children or servants to their parents or masters, up- 
on complaint made, it was lawful for a justice of the peace to send the of- 
fender to jail or the house of correction, there to remain until he or she 
should humble himself to the parents' or master's satisfaction 5 and if any 
child or servant assaulted or struck his parent or master, two or more jus- 
tices of the peace, upon conviction thereof, might cause the offender to be 
whipped vv'ith not esceeding ten stripes. 

Persons obtaining goods by fi-audulent pretences were subject to the 
same punishment as in cases of larceny. 

Arson was punished with death by hanging. 

Horsestealing was punished, for the first offense, by requiring the of- 
fender to pay the owner the value of the animal, and to receive not less 
than fifty nor more than two hundred stripes, and to stand committed to 
jail until such value, with the costs of prosecution, were paid. Upon the 
second conviction the offender had to suffer the pains of death. 

For stealing a hog, shoat or pig, or marking the same with the intent 
of stealing, the offender was subject to pay a fine of not less than fifty nor 
more than one hundred dollars, and also receive on his bare back any 
number of lashes not esceeding thirty-nine nor less than twenty-five. 

For altering and defacing marks and brands the offender was required 
to pay the sum of five dollars, over and above the value of the animal 
whose mark or brand was altered, and was also punished by whipping with 
forty lashes, well laid on, on his bare back ; and for the second offense to 
pay the fine aforesaid, to stand in the pillory for two hours, and be branded 
in the left hand, with a red-hot iron, with the letter T. 

To prevent killing cattle or hogs in the woods, the offender was required 
to show within three days the head and ears of such hog, and the hide 
with the ears on of such cattle as he may have killed, to a magistrate or 
two freeholders, under the penalty of ten dollars. Every person was re- 
quired to mark or brand his bogs, cattle, etc., and to record the same with 
the clerk of the county court. 

Maiming or disfiguring was punished by fine, and imprisonment. 

Kape was punished with death. 

Sodomy was punished by fine, imprisonment, and by whipping with not 
less than one hundred nor more than five hundred stripes on the bare back. 

Bigamy was punished by whipping on the bare back with not less than 
one hundred nor more than three hundred stripes, and by a fine of not 
less than one hundred nor more than five hundred dollars, to and for the 
use of the party injured, and imprisonment of not less than six nor more 
than twelve months, and disqualification for giving testimony or holding 
office. 



LIFE AND TIMES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 161 

For forcibly taking away any female, for tlie purpose of marrying her 
against her consent, the offender was declared guilty of felony. Stealing 
and marrying females under 14 years of age, was punished by fine and 
imprisonment. 

Persons who were unable to pay their fines were required to be hired 
or sold, to any person who would pay the fine and costs, for such term as 
the court might think reasonable; and if the delinquent should abscond 
from the service of his master, he was liable, on conviction before a justice 
of the peace, to be whipped with thirty-nine lashes, and required to serve 
two days for every one so lost. 

By an act for the prevention of vice and immorality, it was provided — 

1. That any person found reveling, fighting or quarreling, doing or 
performing any worldly employment or business whatever (with some ex- 
ception in favor of ferrymen) on the first day of the week, or who shall 
use or practice any unlawful game, sport or diversion, or shall be found 
hunting or shooting on said day, shall forfeit for every such ofi"ense a sum 
not exceeding two dollars nor less than fifty cents, to be levied by distress ; 
and in case the fine could not be collected in that way, he was required to 
work on the highways for two days. 

2. Any person, of the age of sixteen years and upwards, found guilty 
of profanely cursing, damning or swearing by the name of God, Christ 
Jesus or the Holy Ghost, was punished in like manner with Sabbath- 
breakers. 

3. Swearing and disorderly behavior before a court of justice was pun- 
ished with a fine of not less than five nor more than fifty dollars ; before 
a judge, justice of the peace, or congregation assembled for Divine worship, 
with a fine of not less than three nor more than ten dollars. 

4. Any person, of the age of sixteen years and upwards, found in the pub- 
lic highways, or in any public house of entertainment, intoxicated by drink- 
ing spirituous, vinous or other strong liquors, and making or exciting any 
noise, contention or disturbance, was imprisoned in the county jail for a 
term not exceeding forty-eight hours. 

For a violation of the preceding sections, any judge or justice of the 
peace might proceed to try the offender in a summary way, and on failure 
to pay the fine and costs the judge or justice sentenced the offender to work 
on the public highways. 

Cock-fighting, gambling or running horses in the public highways were 
punished by fine, and justices of the peace had jurisdiction over such of- 
fenses. 

Keeping E. 0. tables or other devices, in any place whatever, except 
in private houses for amusement in their families, was punished by a fine 
of fifty dollars. ' 
—21 



162 • HISTORY OP ILLINOIS. 



Securities and contracts entered into for gaming were declared void, 
and money lost at gaming might be recovered back within thirty days. 

If a person sent a challenge to fight or box at fisticulfs, or if, with in- 
tent to bring on a match at boxing, by words or gesture any person should 
provoke others to commit an afi'ray, whether an aifray ensues or not, the 
oifender was fined in a sum not exceeding five dollars nor less than one 
dollar. 

Duelling was punished. For sending, accepting or delivering a chal- 
lenge to fight a duel, or consenting to be a second in any intended duel, 
the offender was subject to a fine or imprisonment. 

Tearing down or defacing publications set up by authority, the ofi"ender 
was subject to be fined, and for failure to pay the fine was set in the pil- 
lory for three hours. 

Lotteries were prohibited by requiring a forfeiture of the whole sum 
proposed to be raised or gained thereby. 

Vagrants, and persons suspected of getting their support by gaming, 
were required to be hired out for a term not exceeding nine months ; and 
if no person would hire the ofi'ender, or take him only by furnishing such 
diet and clothes as were necessary during his servitude, the vagrant was 
punished by whipping with not exceeding thirty-nine lashes. 

In 1810, a law passed to suppress duelling, by enacting that if any per- 
son should be killed in a duel, the ofi'ender, his aiders, abetters and coun- 
selors, being connected thereof, should be guilty of murder ; and for chal- 
lenging or accepting a challenge to fight a duel, the oflPender was declared 
incapable of holding or being elected to any post of profit, trust or emolu- 
ment under the government of the territory ; and every person receiving 
any appointment to any oflfice, either civil or military, in the territory, 
was required to take such an oath as is prescribed in our present State 
Constitution on the same subject. It was also declared, in this law, that 
persons leaving the territory for the purpose of eluding this law, should 
be punished in the same manner as if the ofi'ense had been committed in 
the territory. 

The laws of the territory were very rigid in relation to the collection of 
debts. All the debtor's property, both personal and real, could be sold 
under execution ; and if the land did not sell for want of bidders, the plain- 
tiff had the right, at his option, to take it at its appraised value by twelve 
men. If there was not sufficient property, the body of the debtor could 
be taken and committed to the county jail, or to the prison bounds by giv- 
ing security that he would not depart therefrom. Prison bounds were re- 
quired to be laid ofi" by the county courts, by metes and bounds, so as not 
to extend in any direction more than two hundred yards from the jail. 



LIFE AND TIMES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 163 

The laws for the collection of rents, and for the recovery of the posses- 
sion of land, have not been materially changed by our present laws from 
what they were under the territorial government. Under the laws of the 
terrritory, property taken on the premises, let by execution, was liable to 
be applied, first, to the payment of the rent due ; and no property except 
such as might be found on the premises, unless the tenant had clandes- 
tinely removed the same, could be taken by distress. 

The law regulating elections provided that if any candidate, or other 
person for him, should attempt to obtain votes by bribery, or treating with 
meat or drink, the person so offending should be incapable of holding a 
seat in either branch of the Legislature for the space of two years next 
thereafter. 

The road laws require that the supervisors should hire and employ a 
sufficient number of laborers to work upon, open and amend, clear and re- 
pair the roads in their township, and to take care that the same should be 
effectually opened, cleared and amended or repaired. 

All male persons, of the age of twenty-one years and not exceeding fifty, 
who had resided for thirty days in any township, were liable to work for 
any number of days not exceeding twelve in each year. 

The entire jurisdiction over ferries and roads was given to the county 
courts ; and if the court thought a bridge to be of public utility, but too 
expensive to be borne by the district, they might make an allowance, for 
the purpose of building such bridge, out of the county treasury. Specific 
directions were given in the law for the opening and altering of private 
and public highways, and the mode pointed out for the assessment and 
payment of damages caused by roads passing through improvements. 

Laws were passed at a very early period, similar to those now in force, 
in relation to the support of the poor ; for the payment for improvements 
on lands claimed by persons who were evicted from land which they claimed 
by a title deduced from the record of some public oSice, without notice of 
any adverse claim ; for the partition of land and assignment of dower ; 
concerning the militia ; and the regulation of grist mills and millers. 

In 1814, an act passed to promote retaliation upon hostile Indians. It 
provided that if any Indians should make an incursion to our settlements, 
with hostile intentions, and shall commit any murder or depredation, and 
any citizen or ranger shall pursue and take prisoner or kill any Indian 
that may have so offended, such person shall be entitled to a reward of 
fifty dollars for each Indian so taken or killed ; and rangers or other per- 
sons, engaged at the time in the defense of the frontier, shall be entitled 
to receive twenty-five dollars for every Indian so taken or killed. If any 
party of citizens, having first obtained permission of the commanding of- 
ficer, should go into the territory of any hostile Indians, they shall be en- 



164 HISTORY OF ILLINOIS. 



titled to one hundred dollars for every warrior, squaw or cliild that may 
be taken prisoner or killed. 

A law was also passed at this session prohibiting, under very severe pen- 
alties, any person from selling liquor or giving liquor to the Kaskaskia 
Indians, or trading without license with said Indians, and providing that 
if the offender was a negro slave or servant, should be punished with 
whipping on his bare back, unless the owner of such slave or servant, or 
some other person for him, should pay for each offense the sum of twenty 
dollars. A law had previously passed on the same subject, prohibiting 
the sale of intoxicating liquors to other Indians. 

COUNTY LEVIES. 

For the purpose of raising a county revenue by the county court, the 
following rate of taxation was prescribed by law : 

On each horse, mare, mule or ass, of three years old and upwards, a sum 
not exceeding fifty cents. 

On neat cattle, of three years old and upwards, a sum not exceeding 
ten cents per head. 

On every stud horse of the above age, a sum not exceeding the rate for 
which he stands at the season. 

On every bond-servant or slave, between the ages of sixteen and forty 
years, except such as the county court may exempt for infirmities, a sum 
not exceeding one dollar. 

On every able-bodied single man, of the age of twenty-one years and 
upwards, who shall not have taxable property to the amount of two hun- 
dred dollars, a sum not exceeding one dollar nor less than fifty cents. 

Town lots, out lots, houses in town, and mansion houses in the coun- 
try, which shall be valued at two hundred dollars and upwards, wind and 
water mills, a sum not exceeding thirty cents on each hundred dollars of 
their appraised value. 

On ferries, a sum not exceeding ten dollars for each year. 

For the sale of any merchandize, other than the produce or manufac- 
ture of the territory, the owner had to procure a license from the sheriff, 
for which he was^taxed at the rate of fifteen dollars per annum for each 
store. Two persons were appointed in each township to value the property 
required to be^appraised. 

To defray the expenses of the territorial government, a tax was levied 
and collected on land — which was divided into three classes: 

On lands of the first class, which included all lands situated in the Wa- 
bash, Ohio and Mississippi river bottoms, the rate of taxation was one dol- 
lar on every hundred acres. 



LIFE AND TIMES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 165 

Lands of the second class included all the uplands, and were taxed at 
the rate of seventy-five cents on each one hundred acres ; and all unloca- 
ted confirmed claims were taxed at the rate of thirty-seven and a half cents 
per hundred acres. 

The sheriff was also required to collect from each owner of a billiard 
table an annual tax of forty dollars. 

A list showing the amount of tax due by each person, and also one show- 
ing the amount of tax collected by the collector of each tax-payer in his 
county, were required to be posted up at the door of the clerk's office, in 
order that each individual might know the amount of his tax, and also 
whether the same had been paid by the collector. 

The entire jurisdiction in relation to the settlement of the estate of de- 
ceased persons, the appointment of guardians, etc., was conferred on the 
county court ; but the clerks might take proof of bills and testaments and 
grant letters testamentary and administration, subject to be repealed by 
the court. 

In 1816 an act passed, amendatory of the "act to encourage the kiilin"- 
of wolves," under which act, as amended, any person was entitled to two 
dollars for every wolf he killed. 

At this session an act passed to prevent attorneys-at-Iaw, residing in the 
State of Indiana, from practicing in any of the courts of the territory. 
The reason for the passage is given in the preamble, as follows : "Where- 
as, by a law now in force in the State of Indiana, persons who do not re- 
side therein are not permitted to practice in the courts of the said State • 
and whereas that restriction is illiberal, unjust, and contrary to those prin- 
ciples of liberality and reciprocity by which each and every state or terri- 
tory should be governed ; therefore," etc. The law was to continue in 
force until the laws of the State of Indiana, referred to, should be repealed, 
and no longer. 

At this session no laws of a general nature passed, with the exception 
heretofore alluded to in relation to the division of the territory into cir- 
cuits ; a law for the incorporation of the Bank of Illinois ; and a law mak- 
ing it the duty of the county court to appoint a Commissioner in each 
township to assess the property therein, abolishing the office of county 
treasurer, and requiring the sheriff to collect the revenue and to pay out 
the same on the order of the county court. 

The Bank of Illinois was a private institution, was located at Shawnee- 
town, and was so well managed that neither the Government nor any one 
else lost by it. 

In consequence of the scarcity of gold and silver coin, the Legislature 
also passed, at this session, laws postponing the collection of debts unless 
the debtor woirid receive the bank-notes of any of the chartered Banks of 



166 HISTORY OV ILLINOIS. 



Cincinnati and Chilicothe, in the State of Ohio, and of any of the Banks 
of the States of Tennessee and Kentucky, and of the Banks of Vincennes, 
of Missouri, of St. Louis, and of Illinois. 

At the next session of the Legislature, conmiencing in December, 1817, 
acts were passed incorporating companies for improving the navigation of 
the Little Wabash River ; an act to incorporate medical societies, for the 
purpose of regulating the practice of physic and surgery in the territory, 
(under which act no person was permitted to practice medicine or surgery, 
without obtaining a diploma or license from this society) ; acts authorizing 
the erection of mill-dams and a fishery on the Kaskaskia lliver ; an act 
directing the mode of perpetuating testimony ; an act declaring the Big 
Muddy a navigable stream ; acts incorporating the Banks of Edwards- 
ville and Kaskaskia, and the town of Kaskaskia ; an act incorporating the 
stockholders of the Illinois Navigation Company ; and an act incorporating 
the City and Bank of Cairo. 

The followisg is the preamble to the act incorporating the Illinois Navi- 
gation Company: "Whereas Henry Bechtle and his associates, citizens of 
the United States of America, and proprietors of the town of America, in 
the county of Johnson, and territory of Illinois, purpose to improve the 
navigation of the waters near the mouth of the Ohio River, in said territory, 
by cutting canals, erecting locks, and other works, as to them shall seem 
necessary. And whereas it is proper and advisable to encourage so lauda- 
ble an undertaking. Therefore — Be it enacted," etc. 

This act conferred upon said company authority to cut any canal from 
the Mississippi to or near the said town of America, on the Ohio River, 
and erect such locks and otherwise improve as to them shall seem advisable 
and necessary to complete the objects of said corporation, to build wharves 
and to collect tolls under certain restrictions, etc. 

The following is taken from the preamble of the act to incorporate the 
City and Bank of Cairo : "And whereas the said proprietors represent that 
there is, in their opinion, no position in the whole of the extent of these 
Western States better calculated, as it respects commercial advantages and 
local supply, for a great and important city, than that afforded by the junc- 
tion of these two great highways — the Mississippi and Ohio Rivers ; but 
that nature, having denied to the extreme point formed by their union a 
sufficient degree of elevation to protect the improvements made thereon 
from the ordinary inundations of the adjacent waters, such elevation is to 
be found only upon the tract above mentioned (the present site of Cairo), 
so that improvements made and located thereon may be deemed perfectly 
and absolutely secure from all such ordinary inundations, and liable to in- 
jury only from the concurrence of unusually high and simultaneous inunda- 
tions in both of said rivers — an event which is alleged but rarely happens, 



LIFE AND TIMES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 167 

ami tlie injurious consequences of which it is considered practicable, by 
proper embankments, wholly and effectually and permanently to obviate. 
And whereas there is no doubt but a city, erected at or as near as is practi- 
cable to the junction of the Ohio and Mississippi Rivers — provided it be 
thus secured by sufficient embankments, or in such other way as experience 
may prove most efficacious for that purpose, from every such extraordinary 
inundation — must necessarily became a place of vast consequence to the 
prosperity of this growing Territory, and in fact to that of the greater part 
of the inhabitants of these Western States. And whereas the above-named 
persons are desirous of erecting such city, under the sanction and patronage 
of the Legislature of this Territory, and also of j)roviding for the security 
and prosperity of the same, and to that end propose to appropriate the one- 
third of all the moneys arising from the sale and disposition of the lots into 
which the same may be surveyed, as a fund for the construction and pres- 
ervation of such dykes, levees and other embankments as maybe necessary 
to render the same perfectly secure — and also, if such fund shall be deemed 
sufficient thereto, for the erection of public edifices and such other improve- 
ments in the said city as may be from time to time considered expedient 
and practicable, and to appropriate the other two-thirds parts of the said 
purchase moneys to the operation of banking. And whereas, etc. — Be it 
enacted," etc. 

The proprietors of said city were John G. Comyges, Thomas H. Harris, 
Charles Slade (who was afterwards a member of Congress from the State), 
(lovernor Bond, Michael Jones, Warren Brown, Edward Humphries, and 
Charles W. Hunter. Ifc was provided that there should be not less than 
two thousand lots, each lot being not less than sixty-six by one hundred 
and twenty feet, and the streets to be not less than eighty feet wide, and 
to run as nearly as may be at right angles to each other; and that the 
price of the lots should be fixed and limited at one hundred and fifty dol- 
lars each, and that the moneys arising from the sale thereof should be 
appropriated as follows : Two-thirds parts thereof— that is to say, the sum 
of one hundred dollars on each and every lot — shall constitute the capital 
stock of the Bank, which capital stock should be divided into twice as many 
shares as there were lots, one of which shares should belong to the pur- 
chasers of the lots in proportion of one share to each lot, and the remaining 
shares to the proprietors; and that the remaining one-third part of the 
purchase money should constitute a fund, to be exclusively appropriated to 
the security and improvement of said city. 

By the practice act any one could, by himself or agent, sue out a writ, 
by filing with the clerk a declaration, or petition, or other statement, in 
writing, containing the true nature of his, her or their demand or complaint, 
accompanied vfith a copy of such writing or account. 



168 HISTORY OP ILLINOIS. 



It was also provided, in 1812, that an action on the case might be brought 
for any fraud whatsoever, and that the plaintiff in any such suit might file 
written interrogatories, which the defendant was bound to answer, in wri- 
ting, at the time of filing his plea ; and the defendant, in all cases wherein 
he suggested fraud in the demand of the plaintiff, had also the right to file 
in like manner written interrogatories, which the plaintiff was required to 
answer and file with his replication. 

No appeal. could be taken from an inferior court to the supreme court, 
unless the judgment or decree was final, and amounted, exclusive of costs, 
to fifty dollars, or relate to a franchise or freehold. 

In 1818, a law passed for the establishment of circuit courts, dividing 
the State into two circuits, and conferring upon the courts all the jurisdic- 
tion which had previously been conferred on the supreme or general court, 
with the exception of its appellate jurisdiction. 

The county court system was also changed, by conferring all its jurisdic- 
tion on a court consisting of all the magistrates of the county, any three of 
whom could constitute a quorum to do business. 

A very important act, in relation to the sale of real estate, also passed 
at this session, and the adoption of its principles are well worthy of the 
consideration of our legislators of the present time ; and so thoroughly 
convinced am I of the justice and importance of its provisions, that I can 
not pass it by without further notice. I am convinced that if such a law 
had been in force, it would have saved much litigation. It provided that 
whenever the sheriff shall levy upon lands of the defendant, and any other 
person should claim the same, it should be the duty of the sheriff to return 
the execution to the next circuit court, in order that there might be a fair 
trial of the right of property. This act also provided for the sale of the 
equitable interest of the defendant in lands purchased from the United 
States, and on which part of the purchase money was still due. 

The principle might be extended so as to allow an injunction against the 
sale of property in cases where it is now denied, because a party may have 
his remedy at law after a void sale. At the first session of the Legislature 
after the admission of the State into the Union, the Legislature re-adopted, 
with but few exceptions, the acts at that time in force, adapting them to 
the provisions of the State Constitution ; and, as a system, the laws thus 
modified continued, with but few alterations, until the time which I propose 
to close the result of my investigations. The judiciary system in all its 
ramifications was not changed in its organization or details. The supreme 
judges were elected in the manner pointed out in the Constitution, and the 
judges were required to discharge the duty of holding circuit courts in 
their respective circuits. The revenue laws were changed so as to provide 
that the lands of non-residents and two-thirds of the tax on lands of resi- 



LIFE AND TIMES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 1G9 

dents, togetlier with the tax on bank-stock, should be paid into the state 
treasury, and that the one-third of the tax on lands of residents should be 
paid into the county treasury. 

Lands, without regard to their locality^ were divided into three classes. 
Those of the first class were valued at $4 per acre ; of the second class, at 
$.3 per acre ; and those of the third class, at §2 per acre. Before the ex- 
piration of Gov. Edwards' term as Governor of the State, all the taxes of 
the residents' lands were paid into the county treasury, and the State gov- 
ernment was supported from the revenue derived from the property of non- 
residents. 

In the years 1819 and 1821, a number of acts passed for the incorpora- 
tion of academies and towns, and lotteries were authorized for the purpose 
of raising funds to drain the bottom lands, and the improvement of the 
navigation of the rivers. Besides a general law for the incorporation of 
towns, a law passed in 1821 including in one charter such as desired spe- 
cial provisions not contained in the general act. 

Soon after the adoption of the Constitution, Commissioners were ap- 
pointed to select a site for the State government. They selected the site 
on which Vandalia was located, and the seat of government was removed 
in 1819. The land belonged to the State, and lots were sold, the proceeds 
of which were applied to the erection of the public buildings. 

At the session of 1822, a law was passed authorizing the Governor to 
appoint Commissioners, to act in conjunction with Commissioners on the part 
of the State of Indiana, to report on the practicability and expediency of 
improving the navigation of the Wabash River, from the point where the 
eastern boundary of the State leaves the river to its junction with the 
Ohio River. An act also passed, at this session, entitled "An act to pro- 
vide for the improvement of the Internal Navigation of this State," appoint- 
ing Emanuel J. West, Erastus Brown, Theophilus W. Smith, Thomas 
Sloo, Jr., and Samuel Alexander, Commissioners, to consider, devise and 
adopt such measures as may be requisite to effect the communication, by ca- 
nal and locks, between the navigable waters of the Illinois River and Lake 
Michigan, to determine the most eligible route for the canal, to cause all 
necessary surveys and levels to be taken, and accurate maps, field books 
and drafts thereof to be made, and to adopt and recommend plans for the 
construction of the canal, to make estimates of the expense, and to make 
a full report of all their proceedings to the next General Assembly. This 
act, which passed February 14th, 182.3, also appropriated six thousand 
dollars to defray the expenses of the Commission. It was also made 
the duty of the Commissioners to recommend to the Governors of Ohio and 
Indiana and the Legislatures of those States, the importance of adopting 
measures to coMiect the waters of the Wabash and Maumee Rivers. The 
—22 



170 HISTORY OF ILLINOIS. 



importance of these great works Lad, at a very early period, engaged the at- 
tention of all our prominent men. Gov. Bond and Grov. Coles had both 
urged their importance in their several messages to the Legislature. Con- 
gress had, about this time, passed an act granting the right of way over 
the public lands for its construction, but no measures were taken by the 
State for its commencement, until after the report of the Commissioners 
was laid before the Legislature. 

At the subsequent session of the Legislature a law was passed, on Janu- 
ary 17, 1825, incorporating the "Illinois and Michigan Canal Association,^' 
with full powers for the construction of the Canal. It was also provided, 
in the 7th section of the charter, that "all cessions, grants and transfers 
made or that may hereafter be made, by the Government of the United 
States, for the purpose of promoting the completion of the canal, shall pass 
and vest in said corporation." Owing to the passage of this law, the State 
came very near losing the benefit of a grant of lands from Congress; and 
Mr. Cook, who was then our only member of Congress, not only found it 
necessary to address a long communication on the subject to his constitu- 
ents, but he deemed it of importance to return to the State and use his in- 
fluence with the members of the Legislature to have the law, making this 
grant to a company, repealed. He contended that as nothing had been 
done under the act of incorporation, there was no vested right which would 
prevent its repeal. The corporators afterwards voluntarily surrendered 
their charter and the act was repealed. 

It is remarkable that our members of Congress found it necessary to have 
a law repealed making; a similar grant of whatever public lands Congress 
might grant to the State, for the purpose of making the Illinois Central 
Railroad, to a company consisting of D. B. Holbrook & Co., who had ob- 
tained a charter for the construction of the Central railroad. This obsta- 
cle to the passage of an act of Congress, making a grant of lands to the 
State, having been removed, and the Commissioners having reported the 
practicability and expediency of the work, the Legislature, at its special 
session in 182G, adopted the following memorial to Congress: 

The memorial of the General Assembly of the State of Illinois respectfully repro- 
' sents : That the construction of a canal, uniting the waters of Lake Michigan with 
the Illinois River, will form an important addition to the great connecting links in 
the chain of internal navigation, which will effectually secure the indissoluble union 
of the confederate members of this great and powerful Republic. By the comple- 
tion of this great and valuable work, the connection between the North and South, 
the East and the West, would be strengthened by the ties of commercial inter- 
course and social neighborhood, and the union of the States bid defiance to inter- 
nal commotion, sectional jealousy, and foreign invasion. All the States of the Union 
would then feel the most powerful motives to resist every attempt at dissolution. To 
effect so great and desirable an object your memorialists believe to be of sufficient im- 
portance to engage the attention and awaken the munificent patronage of a Govern- 



LIFE AND TIMES OP NINIAN EDWARDS. 171 

ment whose principle of action is the promotion of the general welfare. Your memo- 
rialists are sensibly alive to the spirit of improvement, that manifests itself in almost 
every section of our extensive countr}^, and would fain lend a helping hand in so great 
and good a cause ; their situation, however, forbids their doing much, without the 
aid of the Federal Government — into whose treasury almost all the funds, whether 
brought hither by immigrants, or earned by the industry of their citizens, are paid, 
for the purchase of the public lands. While this state of things shall continue, and 
the money thus paid into the treasury of the Union is taken out of our State, our 
people will not be able to engage in the glorious work of improving our common coun- 
try. Ought the people of this State stand by, with folded arms, and behold the great 
work of internal improvement progress in other States, without making an effort to 
improve their own condition, and at the same time advance the interest of our be- 
loved country ? A condition thus paralyzed is at war, not only with our interests, 
but with the best feelings of our hearts. Did this State possess the public domain 
lying v/ithin its bounds, as is the case with the older members of this confederacy, 
your memorialists would not appear before your honorable body to solicit aid in this 
important work. If, as your memorialists believe, the construction of the canal would 
be highly beneficial to the Union at large — if the receipts into the treasury of the 
United States would be augmented by the increased sales of the public lands, and if 
the interests of the State would be also advanced thereby, is it unreasonable to apply 
to a paternal government for assistance in the promotion of such beneficial ends '? It 
is unnecessary for your memorialists to enlarge on the great advantages of this canal 
to the Union, in the facilities to be afforded in the event of a war either with the 
Indian tribes inhabiting our frontier, or the British nation. Your honorable body is 
aware that this State is situated on the borders of an Indian country, filled with nu- 
merous and powerful tribes of the sons of the forest. If our country should be again 
engaged in wai", the saving of expense in the transportation of the munitions of war 
would alone defray the expense of the contemplated canal, and justify the United 
States in making a liberal appropriation for its construction. Your memorialists do 
not, however, ask your honorable body to appropriate money out of the treasury to 
aid them in this work. They only ask for a tract of land, through which the contem- 
plated canal may pass, and which for a series of years will be wholly unproductive to 
tlie Government, unless the canal shall be commenced under auspices favorable to its 
construction — in which event all the land in its vicinity would immediately become 
available to the United States. Your memorialists sincerely believe that a liberal 
appropriation of land for this object would, even in a pecuniary point of view, be of 
immense importance to the treasury of the Union. The public lands in the vicinity 
would not only sell, but at a considerable advance of the minimum price. Should this 
opinion be correct, (and does not experience justify it ?) the United States would be 
gainer by the proposed donation to the State. Your memorialists further state, that) 
at their last session, they passed an act of incorporation, upon very liberal terms, au- 
thorizing a company to construct the projected canal ; but the remoteness of tKe 
country from the residence of capitalists has prevented them from engaging in the 
work. At their present session your memorialists have repealed the charter, and 
their only hope of soon beginning the work depends upon the liberality of your hon- 
orable body. Your memorialists have caused the route to be explored, and estimates 
to be made of the probable expense of the work, from which it appears that the cost 
of constructing the canal will not be less than §600,000, and may possibly amount to 
$*?00,000. To the end, therefore, that your memorialists may be enabled to commence 
and complete this great work, we pray your honorable body to grant to this State the 



172 HISTORY OP ILLINOIS. 



respective townships of land through whicli the contemplated canal may pass — the 
avails of which to be appropriated exclusively to tlie construction of said canal, upon 
such terms and conditions as to your honorable Ijody may seem proper. 

Gov. Edwards, in one of his communications to the Legislature of Illi- 
nois, says: "In 1816, a tract of land bounded on Lake Michigan, inclu- 
ding Chicago, and extending to the Illinois Ilivcr, was obtained from the 
Indians, for the purpose of opening a canal communication between the 
lake and the river. Having been one of the Commissioners who treated 
for this land, I personally know that the Indians were induced to believe 
that the dpefting of the canal would be very advantageous to them, and 
that, under autliorizcd expectations that this would be done, they ceded 
the land for a trifle. Good faith, therefore, towards these Indians, as well 
as the concurring interest of the 8tate and of the TTnion, seems to require 
that the execution of this truly national object should not be unnecessarily 
delayed, and nothing is more reasonable than that the expense should be 
defrayed out of the proceeds of the very property which was so ceded for 
the express purpose of having it done." 

In 1817, Major Long made a report on the subject ol' a canal to connect 
the waters of Lake Michigan with the Illinois Kiver, which was printed 
by order of Congress. [See Vol. 2, No 17, of the Reports of the session 

of Congress.] He says : -'A canal, uniting the waters of the Illinois 

River with those of Lake Michigan, may be considered the first in impor- 
tance of any in this quarter of the country, and at the same time the con- 
struction would be attended with very little expense compared with the 
magnitude of the object." 

It will be seen from the same document that another flivorablo report 
was made by Richard Graham and Chief Justice Phillips, of the State of 
Illinois. Mr. Calhoun, the Secretary of War, recommended, in 1819, in a 
report to Congress, the attention of the Government to this point as being- 
important in a military point of view. [Sec Vol. 4, Pub. Doc, 2d ses.'^ion, 
15th Congress.] 

In 1820, a law was passed by Congress, authorizing the State to open 
a canal through the public lands. The State appointed Commissioners to 
explore the route and prepare the necessary surveys and estimates, prepa- 
ratory to its execution, but being unable, out of its own resources, to de- 
fray the expense of the undertaking, it was abandoned until some time af- 
ter Congress made the grant of land for the purpose of its construction. 

In 1825, a committee of Congress reported in its favor, and among other 
reasons urged "that, in a political point of view, its importance will be 
found not less imposing than in either of those in which it has already 
been viewed. In uniting and drawing together the interests of the remote 
extremities of the Eastern, the Southern, and the Western sectipns of our 



LIPK AND TIMES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 17. 



Union, no work of the same magnitude, it is believed, can be more effect- 
ual. The geographical position of Illinois and Missouri-^-thc two States 
particularly interested in it — is such, that they will, under the advantages 
of this communication, have a coiuraon and almost equal interest in pre- 
serving their connection with the North and the South. Their trade will 
ultimately flow through the lakes and the Mississippi, and tlic advantages 
of a choice of market will be so important to them, that they )nust ever be 
unwilling to surrender it. By a reference to the map of our country, it 
will be seen that these States will have it in their power at all times, in 
the event, should it unfortunately ever occur, of any internal conmiotion, 
to command the waters of the Ohio and Mississippi. From their command- 
ing position, therefore, as well as from their capacity to sustain a dense, 
and it must mainly be a free population, they will always hold the balance 
of power In deciding every effort that may be made to separate the West 
from either or both of the great geographical divisions of the Union ; and, 
if from no other cause, their interests will direct their exertion of that 
power in favor of the Union. Nor is the interest of these States in pre- 
serving a free outlet for their commerce, both through the lake and the 
Mississippi — the latter of which opens to them the New Orleans, the West 
India and South American markets — stronger than must be that of the 
North and South in being united with them." 
Daniel P. Cook was the author of this report. 

Gov. Edwards, in a letter in 1825, to Mr. Clay, thus alludes to the canal: 
"A favorite object, and indeed, a political hobby, that supercedes all 
others, in this State and Missouri, is a canal to connect Lake Michigan 
and the Illinois River. Nothing could sustain the administration or its 
friends in these two States so effectually as its countenancing this measure. 
Connecting the waters of Lake Erie and the Wabash, is also a desirable 
object in a part of the State of Indiana. Ohio is executing a similar pro- 
ject. Now, do I venture too far that it might be very judicious in the 
President, without descending to any particular case, to introduce in his 
message to Congress some sentiment favorable to the connection of our 
great lakes with the Atlantic and Western waters? This might probably 
satisfy the friends of these different projects. I know it would contribute 
greatly to the support of the administration." 

In an address of Mr, Cook to the people of the State of Illinois, dated 
October 28th, 1825, he says : "But this is a work in which the nation is 
intereisted and which the General Government should, therefore, aid in ex- 
ecuting. As a ligament to bind the Union together, no work of the same 
magnitude can be more useful. Occupying, as Illinois and Missouri do, a 
central position in the great semi-circle of States on the North and West 
and commandirrg, as they do, the commerce of the three great rivers of 



174 HISTORY OF ILLINOIS. 



the "West, the Ohio, Mississippi and Missouri, they may well be called 
the keystoaeof the widely projected arch. From New York to Louisiana, 
following the frontier curve of that portion of the Union, in the event of 
any political commotion or attempt at separation, the influence of these . 
States would, ere long, be sensibly felt, and would even decide the contest. 
And their interest will be so happily balanced, by their desire for a free 
outlet through both the Mississippi and the lakes, that so long as commer- 
cial advantage continues to influence the policy of the States, they must 
and will decide against disunion. The friends of the Union, therefore, 
have, a strong interest in this communication." 

Among other inducements to assist in this work, Mr. Cook urged that 
there was no position combining greater advantages for an extensive Na- 
tional Armory than at the rapids, either on the Illinois or Fox Ptivers — 
both points being within a few miles of the place where the canal must 
have its southern termination. "In the midst of exhaustless beds of stone 
coal, and surrounded by a country of almost unparalleled fertility as well 
as great salubrity, with a water-power adequate to all necessai-y purposes 
in the manufacture of arms, as well as fabrics for domestic purposes, I be- 
lieve those points are destined to become the seat of as extensive manu- 
facturing establishments as any in the whole Western country. And from 
their local position, with a view to convenience in distributing arms and 
clothing to a large portion of our frontier posts, no place can be more de- 
sirable for such establishments." 

Congress, on the 2d of March, 1827, made the grant of lands to the 
State " for the purpose of aiding her in opening a canal to connect the 
waters of the Illinois River with those of Lake Michigan," and the Legis- 
lature passed a law, on the 22d of January, 1829, for the appointment of 
three Commissioners, whose duty it was "to consider, devise and adopt 
such measures as may be required to facilitate and efi'ect" the construction 
of the canal. It was made their duty to fix the route of the canal ; to silect 
the alternate sections of land granted to the State by Congress ; to cause 
the surveys and levels to b5 taken, and accurate drafts, field-books and 
maps thereof to be made ; and as soon as they could command sufficient 
funds, and should deem it expedient, to commence the work. They had 
power to lay out towns, and to dispose of the lands and lots upon the same 
terms and conditions as the lands of the United States were sold, and it was 
provided that the Commissioners might sue and be sued in the name of "The 
Board of Commissioners of the Illinois and Michigan Canal," with full 
power " to enter, take and use any lands, waters and streams necessary for 
the prosecution of the work." The canal was required to be forty feet in 
width at the summit water-line, twenty-eight feet wide at the bottom, and 
of sufiicient depth to contain at least four feet of water, and so constructed 



LIFE AND TIMES OP NINIAN EDWARDS. 175 

as to insure a safe and convenient navigation for boats of at least seventy- 
five feet long, thirteen feet six inches wide, and drawing three feet of water. 
Although this act was subsequently amended, and that too before any sales 
of any consequence had been made, as in express terms to reserve the right 
of the State, in all sales of lands, to take, "free from any cost, charge or 
liability whatever,'' any stone, timber, ground, water, or other material, 
necessary for the construction of the canal, and although Congress had 
expressly granted to the State the right of way, thousands of dollars were 
claimed and paid as damages for what was so expressly reserved. 

Dr. Gershom Jayne of Springfield, Edmund Roberts, then of Kaskaskia, 
and Charles Dunn of Pope county, but who was afterwards one of the 
United States Judges in Wisconsin, were the first Commissioners. They 
selected the lands, surveyed the route of the canal, laid out the principal 
towns, and performed every other act that was necessary for the commence- 
ment of this great and important work — the history of which I profess 
to be familiar with from its commencement up to tfhe present time ; but, 
having only intended to bring down the history of the legislation of the 
State to the close of Gov. Edwards' administration, I must reserve many 
important facts for some future occasion. 

On the 27th March, 1819, an act passed for the incorporation of the 
subscribers to the State Bank of Illinois. The law was repealed, and 
another act passed in 1821 establishing the State Eank of Illinois — the 
capital stock of which was not to exceed the sum of five hundred thousand 
dollars, to be owned exclusively by the State. The notes or bills of the 
bank provided, on their face, for interest at the rate of two per centum per 
annum, and loans were made chiefly on real (Estate security, at the rate of 
six per cent, interest. The only fund for the redemption of the bank notes 
was the land, town lots, and other property belonging to the State, and the 
funds and the resources which then or thereafter might become payable to 
the State. Tbe directors were to be appointed by the Legislature. For a 
more particular history of this bank — which in a very short time exploded, 
involving in its winding up a great loss to the State — the reader is referred 
to Gov. Edwards' speeches and messages to the Legislature. The law was 
declared to be in violation of the Constitution- of the United States, which 
prohibited a State from the emission of bills of credit, and many of the 
debtors took advantage of this decision to avoid the payment of their just 
debts. For further information in relation to the finances of the State from 
that time until the year 1830, the reader is also referred to the communi- 
cations from Gov. Edwards. 

Resolutions were passed at this session requesting our Senators and Re- 
presentatives in Congress to use their exertions to have the national road 
extended from Wheeling through the seats of government of Ohio, Indiana 



17G HISTORY OP ILLINOIS. 



and Illiuois ; thence to St. Charles on the nearest and best route. And, 
also, to use their exertions to secure a grant of land, for the opening and 
improving the same, to the extent of the unappropriated sections through 
which the road would pass. 

At the subsequent session resolutions passed approving of the proposed 
amendment to the Constitution of the United States, by the State of Penn- 
sylvania, "that Congress should pass no law to incorporate any bank or 
moneyed institution, except within the District of Columbia;" of the pro- 
posed amendment by Vermont in fjivor of single districts for the election of 
members of Congress and electors of President ; and, also, a resolution ask- 
in"- the State of Kentucky to grant to the State concurrent jurisdiction on 
the River Ohio. 

By the seventh section of an act supplemental to the act establishing 
the State Bank, Auditor's warrants were made receivable in payment of 
bank debts. These warrants having been issued for three times the amount 
for which they were paid out, bank debtors could get off by the payment 
of one-third of their debts, and the other two thirds were of course taken 
from the pockets of the people, who had nothing to do with the bank. 
For the purpose of relieving bank debtors, an act was also passed declaring 
that no other real or personal estate should, in a proceeding to foreclose 
the mortgage, be liable to satisfy a debt secured by mortgage, but the 
mortgaged premises. Previous to the passage of this law, in such cases a 
general judgment was rendered, and if the mortgaged premises were not 
sufficient to satisfy the debt, execution could he issued and any other pro- 
perty sold for the payment of the balance ; and it does seem to me that 
there cannot be any good reason, especially in cases where there lias been 
personal service, in requiring the expense of an additional suit in such 
cases. 

In consequence of the depreciation of the paper of the State Bank, in 
which the State officers received their salaries, an act was passed, at the 
session of 1822, authorizing the Auditor to issue his warrant in their fovor 
for a sum, to each, not exceeding fifty per centum upon their established 
salaries ; and the appropriation bill appropriated, to be paid to the Speak- 
ers of the House and Senate, the sum of nine dollars per day, and to each 
member such sum as he should designate, by writing the same on a piece 
of paper, ho was willing to receive per day for his services, not exceeding 
seven dollars per day. No other measures of importance were passed at 
this session, except resolutions declaring : 1. That the appropriations made 
by Congress to certain States, in the South and West, of lands lying within 
said States, for the purposes of education, were made for National and not 
for State purposes. 2. That the public lands do not form a fund out of 
which appropriations may be made, for the use of schools, to any State other 



LIFE AND. TIMES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 177 

than such wherein said lands lie and are offered for sale, except upon a 
good and valuable consideration given therefor. 3. That it would be de- 
rogatory to State sovereignty, and tend to disturb the harmony and peace 
of the Union, to give one State jurisdiction over or a right of property to 
lands lying within another State, without the consent of the State in which 
the same might lie. 

In February, 1823, an act passed for the election, by the Legislature, of 
a judge of probate in each county, and conferring upon the judges the 
same jurisdiction, in their respective counties, as the judges had who were 
elected under the act which had previously passed for the establishment of 
courts of probate. 

At the regular session in December, 1822, the circuit court system was 
established, but it was repealed at the next session, and the supreme judges 
continued to discharge the duties of holding circuit courts, except in one 
circuit in the military district, of which the Hon. R. M. Young was elected 
judge. 

In January, 1825, the revenue law was so amended as to authorize the 
lands of residents to be sold by the Auditor for taxes. Residents were re- 
quired to pay their taxes annually, while for some reason non-residents were 
not compelled to pay their's oftener than once in two years. The lands in 
the military district were to be sold in January, 1826, and every two years 
thereafter; and those belonging to non-residents, in other portions of the 
State, were to be sold in January, 1827, and every two years thereafter. 

The salt springs within the State, and the lands which had been reser^d 
for the same, were granted to the State on its admission into the Union, 
on the condition, however, that the State should never sell nor lease the 
same for a longer period than ten years. 

The U. S. Government had realized a considerable sum, annually, from 
leasing the salt works in Gallatin county, and it also appears, from the re- 
ports of the State Treasurer, that the State had also derived a considerable 
amount of revenue from the same source. 

An act was passed, in 1827, appointing Commissioners to dispose of thirty 
thousand acres of the least valuable of the salt lands, provided that Con- 
gress would consent to their sale ; and also, to designate, at each situation 
suitable for water-works, within the reserve, twelve acres of land, and so 
much of the ripple and water-course and the banks thereof as may be ne- 
cessary for the erection of dams and water-works — to be constructed so as 
to promote, but not obstruct, the navigation of the Saline creek. The 
proceeds arising from the sale of the site for the water-works were to be 
applied to the improvement of the navigation of the Saline creek, the im- 
provement of the road across the Maple swamp between Equality and Car- 
lyle, and to the erection of a bridge across Eagle creek on the road from 
—23 



178 HISTORY OF ILLINOIS. 



Equality to Ford's ferry, on the Ohio River. One-half the proceeds aris- 
ing from the sale of the thirty thousand acres were appropriated for the 
erection of a penitentiary at Alton, one-fourth to improve the navigation 
of the Saline creek, the improvement of the road across the Maple swamp 
and the erection of the bridge across Eagle creek, and one-fourth to im- 
prove the navigation of the Little Wabash River by canaling around Rob- 
inson's mill-dam, in White county, and to remove other obstructions in 
said river — provided, that neither of the two last appropriations should 
exceed five thousand dollars. 

By the same act Shadrach Bond. William P. McKee and Gershom Jayne 
were appointed Commissioners to select a site for a penitentiary, on the 
Mississippi, at or near Alton. 

Provision was also made for selling ten thousand acres of the Vermilion 
saline reserve, and to apply the proceeds to the improvement of the 
navigation of the Great Wabash River. Appropriations were also made, 
out of the proceeds from the sale of these lands, to the improvement of the 
Big Muddy River, and the building of a bridge in Pope county. 

At the subsequent session additional appropriations were made, out of 
the same proceeds, for local purposes in a number of other counties in the 
State, among which one thousand dollars was for the improvement of the 
Sangamon River, and two thousand dollars for the improvement of the 
Kaskaskia River. 

Congress, in the meantime, had assented to the sale by the State. 



CHAPTER X. 

Slaver?/ — Gov. Udwards' Views on the Slavery Question — Tlie Attempt to 
Introduce Slaver?/ into the State — Education — Projyrietors of Upper 
Alton the first to establish Free Schools — State Laws on the subject of 
Schools — Gov. Edwards' SjJeeches during his Canvass for Governor of 
the State. 

Notwithstanding the sixth article of the ordinance of 1787 provided, 
that "there shall be neither slavery nor involuntary servitude in the said 
territory, otherwise than for the punishment of crimes, whereof the party 
shall have been duly convicted," an act was passed by the Legislature of 
the Indiana territory, on September 17, 1807, which was continued in 
force in the Illinois territory, authorizing the owner of any negroes above 
the age of fifteen years to bring them into the State, and to have them 
bound to service for such number of years as might be agreed upon between 
the negro and his master. The master was required to take his negro be- 
fore the clerk of the court of common pleas, and to have him indentured 
and registered within thirty days after bringing him into the State ; and 
if the negro would not consent, sixty days more was allowed the master to 
take him back into any State where slavery was allowed. 

By another section of this law any person could bring negroes under 
the age of fifteen years, and hold them to service or labor — the males un- 
til they arrived at the age of thirty-five, and females until they arrived at 
the age of thirty-two years. 

It was also provided, by this law, that the children, born in this terri- 
tory, of a parent of color owing service by indenture, shall serve the mas- 
ter or mistress — the male until the age of thirty years, and the female un- 
til the age of twenty-eight years. 

Another act was passed, in 1814, providing that slaves might, with the 
consent of their masters, voluntarily hire themselves within the territory, 
for any term not exceeding twelve months ; and that his continuance in 
the territory according to such hiring should not operate in any way what- 
ever to injure the right of property in the master in and to the services of 
such slave. 

This last act was accompanied by the following preamble : "Whereas 
the erection of mills and other valuable improvements in this territory can- 



180 HISTORY OF ILLINOIS. 



not be made from the want of laborers ; and whereas, also, experience has 
proved that the manufacture of salt, in particular, at the United States 
saline, cannot be successfully carried on by white laborers ; and it being 
the interests of every description of inhabitants to afford every facility 
to the most extensive manufacture of that article, so necessary to them all 
— as the most natural means of obtaining a certainty of the necessary sup- 
plies thereof, at the lowest prices," etc. 

On the 20th December, 1813, an act also passed to prevent the migra- 
tion of free negroes into the territory. This act provided that if any such 
negro should not leave the territory after fifteen days' notice, he should be 
whipped on his bare back not exceeding thirty-nine nor less than twenty- 
five stripes. 

It was also provided that free negroes, then in the territory, should reg- 
ister themselves and their children with the clerk of the county court, on 
the failure of which they were subjected to severe penalties. 

There was another class of colored persons who were held and recog- 
nized as slaves, both under the Territorial and State governments, until 
1847. These were held by the French and others, previous to the adop- 
tion of the ordinance of 1787, and the following are the reasons for con- 
tending that such persons and their posterity were bound to perpetual ser- 
vitude : 

1. It was contended that, under the Governments of France, England 
and Virginia, slavery was permitted ; that the then inhabitants of the coun- 
try lawfully acquired and held slaves ; and that each of the governments, 
in surrendering the rights of the soil and jurisdiction of the country, re- 
spectively, made ample provision for the protection of the inhabitants in 
the enjoyment of all their property, of which slaves constituted a large and 
valued portion. 

2. After the conquest of the country by Gen. George R. Clark, the ju- 
risdiction of Virginia was, by act of their Assembly, extended over it, 
and afi"orded as much protection to this description of property as any 
other, until the first of March, 1784, at which time Virginia ceded its 
right to the soil and jurisdiction of the country to the United States, upon 
the following, among other conditions, viz : that the French and Canadian 
inhabitants and other settlers, etc., "should have their possessions and 
titles confirmed to them, and be protected in the enjoyment of their rights, 
and of which rights that to hold their slaves was as perfect, according to 
all existing laws, as to hold any other species of property." 

3. By the ordinance of Congress, passed the 23d of December, 1784, the 
existence, of slave?y within the ceded territory is impliedly acknowledged 
by the repeated mention of free males of full age being entitled to certain 
privileges therein mentioned j and this ordinancCj so far from imposing 



LIFE AND TIMES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 181 

any restriction as to slavery, actually gave to the free male settlers the 
right "to adopt the laws of any one of the original States," and of course 
to sanction slavery (if it had not previously existed) as far as it was then 
sanctioned by the laws of any State in the Union. In this situation things 
continued under the Government of the United States until the 13th day 
of July, 1787, a period of about three years, when the last ordinance was 
passed. 

4. As slavery existed under the Governments of France, England and 
Virginia, if not expressly authorized by Congress, until the last mentioned 
period, the right to this species of property was as perfect within the ceded 
territory as in "any one of the original States," and for any violation of 
this right, the settlers, up to that period, were as much entitled to an 
action of detinue, or for damages, as if they had resided in "any one of the 
original States." 

5. Congress, in 1784:, and 1785, had refused to prohibit slavery in the 
territories. 

6. Slaves, therefore, were property, and to hold them as such was a legal 
right, secured by the existing laws, with adequate remedy for its priva- 
tion at the date and for three years after the compact between Virginia 
and the United States, and of course was among those rights which, ac- 
cording to one of the express conditions of the deed of cession, the United 
States became bound to protect the French and Canadian inhabitants and 
other settlers "in the free enjoyment of" — a condition which Cougi'css, 
even, with far less limited powers, could not violate. 

7. But Congress has not violated this condition by the ordinance of 
1787, and if not, all the rights, of whatever character they may be, which 
previously existed, are unaflFected by that instrument. Independently of 
the phrases "free males of full age," so frequently used in it, and so clearly 
implying^ a knowledge of the existence of other males of full age, who were 
not free, it cannot be supposed and no lawyer will assume that Congress 
was ignorant of the fact that slaves were lawfully held by the settlers of 
the ceded territory at the date of the ordinance, and that, being so held, 
they were emphatically property. 

Taking it, then, for granted that Congress understood the state of the 
facts on which they were legislating, and the evident meaning of their own 
language, it will be seen that, instead of violating any of the conditions 
in relation to the inhabitants of the ceded territory, to which the United 
States had bound themselves, that body intended faithfully to fulfil them. 
The very first section of the ordinance embraces all the p^joperty, both real 
and personal, (not excepting and of course including slaves which those 
inhabitants possessed) and prescribes the manner in which both descriptions 
might be disposed of — thereby recognizing not only the right to hold, but 
to dispose of the very property in question. 



182 HISTORY OP ILLINOIS. 



Besides other recognitions of the rights of those inhabitants, and with 
a view to protect them in the enjoyment thereof, according both to the ob- 
ligations of the compact and the principles of justice, it is expressly de- 
clared in the first of the articles — made unalterable escept by common 
consent — that no man shall be deprived of his property, but by the judg- 
ment of his peers or the law of the land ; and that it shall not be taken 
away from him, even for the common preservation, without full compensa- 
tion being made for the same. Slaves were, at that time, property, to 
which the ordinance referred, and on which it must be considered as in- 
tended to operate as much as upon any other property whatever, since no 
discrimination was made. As, then, this property has neither been taken 
away, nor paid for, in the manner prescribed by the article last referred 
to, all right to it that ever existed must still remain. 

What, then, is the meaning of the article which declares that "there 
shall be neither slavery nor involuntary servitude" in the said territory ? 
Presuming that it is an acknowledged rule of construing all laws, that ef- 
fect shall, if possible, be given to every part thereof — a rule which more 
emphatically applies to constitutions, or other written instruments, in- 
tended to prescribe the general principles on which government is to be 
administered — it would seem that the article should receive a construction 
consistent with those previously noticed, and, particularly, since it cannot 
be supposed that the United States in Congress assembled intended to 
violate the compact, or to do themselves or to permit others to do that 
which they declared should not be done. Adopting this rule of construc- 
tion the conclusion is irresistible, that while Congress intended to protect 
the inhabitants of the territory in the enjoyment of their rights to their 
slaves, they equally intended to prevent the increase of slavery without 
violating the vested rights of any individual whatever. And this would 
be the case even if the last article referred to were to be taken without its 
context. It is, however, by considering it in this point of view, as an iso- 
lated sentence, that so much misapprehension has prevailed in regard to 
it. It should be taken in connection with the preamble, which equally 
applies to all and each of the six articles, and shows conclusively that its 
operation was intended to be prospective and not retrospective — to prevent 
a failure, and not to destroy a previous sanction — to guard against the fur- 
ther introduction of slavery, and not to object to that which then existed 
— to prevent future authorized requisitions of slave property, and not, 
without a moment's notice or any equivalent whatever, to take away from 
the inhabitants of the country that which they had lawfully acquired. 

Taking this article with so much of the preamble as applies to the ques- 
tion, it would be substantially as follows : To fix and establish those prin- 
ciples as the basis of all laws which forever hereafter shall be formed in 



LIFE AND TIMES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 183 

the said Territory, it is hereby ordained and declared that the following 
article shall be considered as an article of compact between the original 
States and the people in the said Territory, and forever remain unalterable 
unless by common consent, to-wit: "There shall be neither slavery nor 
involuntary servitude in the said Territory." 

Here it is plainly declared that the object of the article in question was 
to establish the basis of laws thereafter to be formed in the said Territory. 
Taking into consideration that this ordinance was designed to enable the 
people thereof to legislate for themselves, under prescribed limitations, this 
article can only be considered as a restriction upon the legislative power of 
the people, and not as an act of legislation by Congress, operating upon and 
destroying vested rights for the protection of which they had pledged the 
faith of the nation. Believing that Congress has never freed a slave, and 
never even intended to legislate on the subject further than to prescribe 
limits to the power of the local Legislature, and the latter having done 
nothing to change the common law principle of partus scquitur ventrcm, it 
is in full force, and the posterity of those born since the ordinance were 
subject to its operation. 

It is evident that the people of the Territory and the Territorial Legis- 
lature considered that there were slaves legally held under the ordinance 
and deed of cession from Virginia, from the fact that by the revenue laws 
of the Territory provision was made for the taxation of slaves and servants ; 
and although the laws adopted by the Governor and Council, recognizing 
the right to. hold these slaves, were passed subject to be disapproved by 
Congress, the very fact that they were not disapproved implies that Con- 
gress also recognized this right. That they were so regarded by the framers 
of the first State Constitution must be conceded, from the language which 
they used in the following provision: "Neither slavery nor involuntary 
servitude shall hereafter be introduced into this State." 

If this article had not been intended to operate prospectively, the words 
"hereafter introduced" would have been omitted, but being inserted in the 
article, they imply that slavery existed at that time in the Territory ; and 
that such was the case, the first Legislature which met after the adoption 
of the Constitution proved, by passing laws for the taxation and punish- 
ment of slaves, as well as indentured servants. 

The above were some of the arguments which were urcred by those who 
believed that the French, and settlers previous to the date of the ordinance 
of 1787, were entitled to hold their slaves. The Constitution of the State 
recognized the right to hold indentured servants, and also provided that 
the children of such, who might be born after the adoption of the Consti- 
tution, should serve — the males until they arrive to thirty-five years of age, 
and the females^until they arrive at thirty-two years of age. The supreme 



184 HISTORY OF ILLINOIS. 



court of the State, however, in the year 1846, decided against the right to 
hold those persons as slaves; and since that time the State of Illinois has 
been freed from the evils of slavery. 

I cannot imagine how Gov. Ford could have committed so great a mis- 
take in ranking Gov. Edwards among those who were in favor of making 
this a slave State. His sentiments on that subject were well known, for 
no one individual in the State had been so active in his opposition to the 
introduction of slavery. In a message to the Territorial Legislature, in the 
year 1817, returning a bill entitled ''An act to repeal so much of an act 
entitled 'an act concerning the introduction of negroes and mulattocs into 
this Territory,' " he says : " I am no advocate for slavery ; and if it de- 
pended upon my vote alone, it should never be admitted into any State or 
Territory not already cursed with so great an evil. I have no objection to 
the repeal which I suppose was intended, but there being no such law as 
that which is described in the preamble and referred to in the enacting 
clause of the bill which has been referred to me for my approval, the pro- 
posed repeal would be a mere nullity, and with every possible aid of legal 
construction and intendment would leave in full force the act of 1812." 
The above bill was intended to repeal so much of an act as authorized ne- 
groes to be brought into the Territory for the purpose of being indentured, 
to the passage of which Gov. Edwards says he would "have no objection." 

During the winter of 1819-20, a plan was formed at Washington City 
for the establishment of a press at Edwardsville, for the purpose of advo- 
cating slavery. General Joseph Sheet, who was to have been the editor, 
spent the winter at Washington City, for the purpose of making the neces- 
sary arrangements ; and it was believed, from the fact that he at that time 
held one of the most lucrative offices in the State, which he would have 
been compelled to relinquish on his removal to Edwardsville, that nothing 
less than "a very formidable combination could have afforded him suffi- 
cient inducements to make the sacrifice." The following communication 
from Gov. Edwards will more fully develop their plans : 

To Messrs. Blackwell & Berry, 

Editors of the Illinois Intelligencer. 
Gentlemen: Mr. Kane having publicly insinuated, if not explicitly declared, that 
I had some agency in the editorial remarks which appeared in the "Edwardsville 
Spectator" of the 11th inst., upon the subject of a real or supposed plan to introduce 
slavery into this State — and having also declared himself "well convinced" that no 
such measure was ever "thought of" — I beg leave to assure the public that all and 
every suggestion that I advised or even wished the publication of those remarks, or 
that I ever saw a line or letter of them till they were published, or that any of the 
statements contained therein originated with me, are utterly destitute of even the 
shadow of truth to support them. And in repelling such foul and malicious impu- 
tations, I am happy to have it in my power to afford Mr. Kane himself ample proof 
of their injustice, and to place him in a situation to feel compelled, if he is disposed 



LIFE AND TIMES OP NINIAN EDWARDS. 185 

to preserve even the semblance of regard for truth or honor, to acquit me — or other- 
wise, by failing to retract bis own gross slander, when deprived of every pretext for 
persevering in it, to give a public manifestation of that disingenuousness which for 
years past has characterized his conduct towards me. And for that purpose, besides 
other gentlemen of this place and St. Louis, to whose testimony I might appeal, I 
refer him to Dr. Todd, Edward Coles, Esq., Major Theophilus W. Smith, Joseph 
Conway, Esq., Mr. McKenuey, Major Winchester, Mr. May and Mr. Watkins, of this 
place, and to Mr. Hart and Col. Riddick, of St. Louis, for proof that statements had 
been made and were believed, weeks before my return from Congress, that a new 
press was to be established at this place, with the avowed object and design of advoca- 
ting the introduction of slavery into this State, and that it was to be edited by the gen- 
tleman who is mentioned in the editorial article above referred to as having been 
selected for that purpose 

Various as are the sources of these reports, it can be most satisfactorily proven, 
and no one will deny, that they did not originate with any person friendly to Mr. 
Cook, or disposed to support his election. 

Some of the gentlemen referred to can testify that a change of our Constitution in 
regard to slavery has at least been "thought of" pretty seriously ; and knowing as 
much as I do upon the subject, in relation to certain individuals who are intimate 
with and support Mr. Kane, I am truly surprised that he should know so little as to 
believe that the change spoken of had "never been thought of." 

I have, however, written testimony in my possession, which at present I do not 
feel at liberty to publish, but which I will cheerfully show to Mr. Kane, that will 
prove to his satisfaction that "a change or modification of our Constitution, in rela- 
tion to slavery," has recently been contemplated, and that there are some men of 
intelligence, and well acquainted with our situation, who "think the period aot re- 
mote when the slave side of the question will be the most popular in this State." 
But for further exculpation of myself I refer to the annexed extract of a letter to 
myself, from a gentleman of first respectability, in St. Louis, who was at the city of 
Washington during the discussion of the Missouri question, but left there before its 
determination, and who was and I believe still is decidedly hostile to Mr. Cook. 
This letter, however, was procured for a very different purpose, and I regret that 
Mr. Kane's ungenerous attack upon me has rendered it necessary for me to use it on 
the present occasion, or to make any remarks whatever upon the subject. 

NINIAN. EDWARDS. 

EnwAUDSViLLE, Jidy 24, 1820. 

[EXTEA.OT.] 

St. Lotjib, June 27, 1820. 

I recolleet of frequently hearing it said, and perhaps while in Washington may have made the 
remark myself, thai it "would be doing nothing more than justice to Illinois (as its citizens were 
EO violently opposed to Missouri, as a State, without restriction) to create a reaction by ensraging 
your side of the river in a contest at home, which would prevent them from bo particularly inte- 
resting themselves in our concerns ; and that, to effect this, it would only be necessary to establish 
a press at Edwardsville that would admit aud favor a free discussion of tbe advantages that would 
result to the State by admitting slavery," believing that a large proportion of the State was in- 
habited by emigrants from the Southern States, who would be favorable to such a state of things. 

I also understood that a gentleman, highly distingniFhed on former occasions for his editorial 
talents, might be prevailed on to establish a press in Edwardsvdle, and if so, fromhis sentiments 
on the subject of slavery (which was then debating at large in Congress) he would most certainly 
advocate such a course. I afterwards understood that the gectleman alluded to did intend to 
visit Edwardsville, preparatory to such a step, iut I never uruleratood that you had any knowledge 
of it, or in any way countenanced it. 

—24: 



186 HISTORY OF ILLINOIS. 



In his special message to the Legislature, at the session of 1826-7, may 
be found the following paragraph : 

As there is some reason to believe that the loans, referred to in my last message as 
having been made to Thomas J. McGuire, Emanuel J. West and Theophilus W. Smith, 
were somewhat connected with the establishment of a press at Edwardsville, which 
was intended to promote the introduction of slavery into this State, they probably 
merit particular notice. I have been informed, by authority which is presumed to be 
unquestionable, that Mr. Kinney, the president of the bank, obtained his loan to re- 
imburse Mr. Kinney ; that Mr. West gave his bond of indemnity to Mr. McGuire, 
and Mr. Smith is known to have been the editor of the paper. 

Besides the documentary evidence of Gov. Edwards' sentiments on this 
subject, it is well known to Judge Lockwood, Wm. H. Brown of Chicago, 
George Churchill, Hooper Warren, and many others, that he was never 
associated in politics with the gentleman alluded to by Gov. Ford. At this 
very time Mr. Cook, his son-in-law, was the candidate of the anti-Conven- 
tion party, against Gov. Bond. 

In his speech in the Senate of the United States, on the bill for the ad- 
mission of Missouri into the Union, he said : "\Yere an attempt made to 
introduce slavery into the non-slaveholding States of the West, then, in- 
deed, might there be just cause of alarm, and I can assure gentlemen that 
there is no man who would oppose such a proposition with more deter- 
mined zeal than myself In attempting to discuss the present proposi- 
tion, it is not my purpose to advocate slavery in any shape, or to deny that, 
in its mildest form, it is equally inconsistent with the inherent rights of 
man, and repugnant to every principle of humanity and philanthropy. On 
the contrary, I rejoice most sincerely that an increasing sense of its moral 
injustice and turpitude, and the happy prevalence of more enlightened and 
magnanimous views throughout every part of our common country, as well 
as in various other parts of the civilized world, are eliciting the most zeal- 
ous efforts not only to prevent its extension, but to ameliorate its present 
condition, which, with the blessing of Divine Providence, 1 trust will, in 
due season, eventuate in its final extermination.''' 

At a still later period, in a letter to the Postmaster General, dated Aug. 
20, 1829, in which he complains that superior mail facilities have been 
granted in the State of Missouri to those afforded to the people of Illi- 
nois, he says : "Collisions on such subjects are as unpleasant to me as 
to any other man, but I have never seen the day that I would not risk any 
personal consequences rather than submit to have the affairs of my own 
State controlled by members of Congress from other States, or to see it de- 
graded and overlooked as though it were an inferior. Though older in 
every respect, and superior in the number of its free population and the 
extent of agricultural improvements and productions, to Missouri, the in- 
terest, convenience and accommodation of the latter have of late years 



LIFE AND TIMES OF NINIAN EDWAEDS. 187 

been so much more favorably regarded by the Government, that certain 
magnates of St. Louis, who are in the habit of speaking of us, reproach- 
fully, as 'the free State,' seem to consider us unworthy, on that account, 
of the equal regard of the Government, and hope, by their influence with 
the present administration, to impress upon us the stamp of degradation." 

After alluding to other conspicuous instances of the preference to Mis- 
souri over this State, he says : "It would be easy to demonstrate that bet- 
ter and more eligible locations for the troops at Jefferson Barracks, and 
for the arsenal near St. Louis, than the sites of either, might have been 
had in the vicinities of Alton and Kaskaskia, and had we not been the 
'free State,' they would doubtless have been preferred. We claim an 
equality of rights with the citizens of Missouri, and this nothing shall in- 
duce me to relinquish — for great is the debt of gratitude which I owe to 
the people of this State ; and they have never been seen to shrink when 
their rights and interests have been called into question, and^ with the per- 
mission of Divine Providence, they never shall." 

Again, he says : "I can conceive of no reason for this preference, unless 
it be supposed that because the people of Missouri have negroes, to work 
for them, they are to be considered as gentle-folks, entitled to higher con- 
sideration and superior privileges to us plain 'free State' folks, who have 
to work for ourselves." 

Although this letter was written while he was Governor of the State, 
yet it was not in his official character. It nevertheless portrayed, in such 
striking colors, the partial and injurious nature of the contemplated chan- 
ges in the mail routes, for the purpose of accommodating the State of Mis- 
souri at our expense, as to secure to the State its just rights. 

Although opposed to the introduction of slavery in Illinois, he believed 
that Congress had no authority to pass the ordinance of 1787, and that it 
was unconstitutional and void. His opinions on this subject were as fol- 
lows : 

At the time Virginia made her cession, tliere was a numerous and wealthy popula- 
tion within our limits, all citizens of Virginia, owing to her allegiance and entitled to 
her protection, and whom, therefore, she had no more right to dismember from the 
State, and transfer to another Government, than she would have to transfer the citi- 
zens of her counties of Loudon and Fairfax. Vattell, a distinguished writer on the 
"Laws of Nations," says : "A nation ought to preserve itself It ought to preserve 
all its members. It cannot abandon them ; and it is under an obligation to them of 
maintaining them in the rank of members of the nation. It has not, tiien, a right to 
traffic with their rank and liberty, on account of any advantages it may promise itself 
from such a negotiation. They are united to the society to be its members. They 
acknowledge the authority of the state to promote, in concert, their common welfare 
and safety, and not to be at its disposal, like a farm or an herd of cattle. But the 
nation may lawfully abandon them, in a case of extreme necessity ; and it has a right 
to cut them off from the body, if the public safety requires it. But this province or 



188 HISTORY OF ILLINOIS. 



city, thus abandoned and dismembered from the state, is not obliged to receive the 
new master attempted to be given to them. The people, being separated from the 
society of which they were members, resume all their rights ; and if it is possible for 
them to defend their liberty against him who would subject them to his authority, 
they may lawfully resist him." (Pages 17Y-8.) 

It was doubtless from the obligations which these universally acknowledged princi- 
ples imposed, as well as from other benevolent and political considerations, that Vir- 
ginia so particularly stipulated that we should be admitted into the Union, not shorn 
of a single attribute of sovereignty, not humiliated by dependence, not degraded by 
inferiority, nor deprived of any right which we should have enjoyed, in common with 
herself, had no dismemberment taken place — but with the very same rights of sover- 
eignty^ freedom and independence as the original States. 

Though the people so dismembered and transferred were not bound to submit to 
the new sovereign, yet they might do so ; and the moment they yielded an express or 
tacit consent to tlie compact of cession, they became parties to it, and acquired vested 
rights to all and everything stipulated in their favor, of which they can no more be 
deprived than the people of Louisiana of the rights secured to them by the treaty with 
France, which ceded that country to the United States. Their consent, also, sub- 
jected them to all authority which, as a consequence of the terms of cession, could be 
lawfully exercised over them, and no more. It warranted no usurpation. In giving 
it, they must be presumed to have taken into view the powers both of the government 
that transferred, and that which received them ; and in submitting to a government 
of specified and limited powers, they subjected themselves to no undelegated author- 
ity. When, then, bad the United States a right to govern them ? Never, till their 
admission into the confederation ; and then only as a member thereof. Why so ? 
Because no such power was delegated to them by the articles of confederation ; and 
these restricted their authority to the powers expressly granted. How, then, were 
they governed ? Cut off from Virginia, and owing no other allegiance to the United 
States than they had previously owed as citizens of Virginia, they had a right to gov- 
ern themselves, and were in the meantime entitled, by the terms of the cession, to 
the same protection from the United States as Virginia herself. As citizens of Vir- 
ginia, which the cession acknowledges they were, they had vested rights and privi- 
leges. By what authority, then, could the Legislature of Virginia disfranchise them ? 
By that of their State Constitution ? But this was intended to secure those rights 
and privileges ; and all who had submitted to its authority were entitled to its pro- 
tection. How, then, could the United States do it ? Under the articles of confed- 
eration ? But these gave no such authority, and were intended to protect the rights 
of all and every citizen of each State in the confederation, so far as they had cogni- 
zance of them. If this monstrous power of degrading any portion of the citizens of a 
free, sovereign and independent State to colonial thraldom, without their consent, or 
any other act of theirs to justify it, may be exercised over a population of fifteen or 
twenty thousand, why may it not be extended to one-half or any other number of the 
citizens of any State in the Union ? The principle is the same, however few or many 
its victims. 

The powers of the United States are far greater and more national under the pres- 
ent Constitution than they were under the confederation ; yet, it will not be pretended 
that they could govern the District of Columbia, though ceded to them by the States 
of Maryland and Virginia, but for that clause in the Constitution that specially au- 
thorized them to do bo. The Legislature of Virginia could not, with the consent of 



LIFE AND TIMES OP NINIAN EDWARDS. 189 

every State in the Union, without an amendment of the Constitution, transfer the 
county of Fairfax, which adjoins the district, to the United States, and subject the 
citizens of that county to their authority ; nor could the United States, with all their 
enlarged powers, receive such a transfer. What, then, gave the Legislature of Vir- 
ginia greater power over her citizens in the organized county of Illinois than it now 
has over those of the county of Fairflix ? And how, then, did the transfer of the for- 
mer give to the United States more power to govern them than a transfer of the lat- 
ter would now give ? A delegation of power for such purposes was as necessary then 
as now, and none having been granted, the ordinance of 1*787 was, therefore, as to us, 
unauthorized, unconstitutional and void. 

Whatever the people of Virginia might have done in their sovereign capacity, it is 
contended that their Legislature had no right to dismember the State, and curtail its 
jurisdiction. And why ? Because no such power had been delegated to them by the 
Constitution of the State, aud it could be derived from no other source. Their's was 
the power of legislating for the whole State, as it then stood, and was intended to be 
exercised by them and their successors forever. For what end ? For the preservation 
and security of the whole territory, and all its inhabitants. To suppose, then, that 
they could transfer any part of the State, or its jurisdiction, is to admit their power 
to annihilate rights as effectually secured to their successors as to themselves, and to 
destroy the whole ends and objects of their own institution — for if they could dismem- 
ber a part, tliey might have transferred the whole ; aud as to the question of power, 
might as well have surrendered it to the King of Spain, who, about that time, was 
very anxious to obtain a part of the United States. As well, it might be contended, 
that the Legislature of a State, the Constitution of Avhich establishes the boundaries 
thereof, could change the territorial limits, as to maintain that the Legislature of Vir- 
ginia could have made this transfer of a portion of her territory. What right, then, 
it may be asked, had the Legislature of Virginia to cede that portion of the territory 
which is now included within the District of Columbia ? The question is easily an- 
swered. It was derived from the Constitution of the United States, and its ratifica- 
tion by the Convention of the State ; and the admitted necessity of a clear delegation 
of power to authorize that cession is, of itself, a good argument to show that nothing 
less than such authority could authorize any other. As it is agreed, on all sides, that 
Virginia cannot now transfer to the United States an acre of her territory, except for 
certain purposes specified in the Constitution, it is for those who contend that the 
cession under consideration was not a perfect nullity, to show that her Legislature had 
greater power to dismember the State than at present. 

As to the right of the United States to hold, dispose of and govern the territory, 
and to enact the ordinance of 1787, they all depend upon the powers delegated by 
the articles of confederation, and involve the question whether that feeble Confed- 
eration, which was limited to powers expressly granted, among which these wore not 
included, could do more than the present powerful National Union, with all its train 
of incidental powers. It is admitted that the United States cannot now, even with 
the consent of every State in the Union, purchase or hold a foot of land within any 
State, except in the few cases permitted by the Constitution, and this merely because 
no such power has been delegated to them ; and that they could neither dispose of 
any part of the public domain, nor make any rules or regulations concerning it, but 
for the powers that have been specially delegated to them for these purposes. How, 
then, could they ^o all these things under the confederation which granted no such 
powers, and the second article of which prohibited them from exercising any sover- 



190 HISTORY OF ILLINOIS. 



eignty, poiver, jurisdiction or right which was not therein expressly delegated to them? 
It wouhl seem that every candid mind must admit that the exercise of these powers 
by the Confederation was not only unauthorized, but expressly forbidden. It fol- 
lows, then, that the United States acquired neither the territory, nor the jurisdiction 
over it, by the cession of Virginia. To whom, then, it may be asked, did the right 
of jurisdiction belong ? Like all countries abandoned by their owners, it was subject 
only to the laws of nature and of nations, and belonged to the people that possessed 
it. They owed allegiance to no other state or nation than Virginia, and were enti- 
tled to her protection; and as they could not transfer the right of protection, so, 
neither, could she transfer the right of allegiance. When, therefore, they were 
formally abandoned by the only government that had any claim to their obedience, 
they were of course independent. It was upon this very principle that the Swiss 
declared their independence, and maintained it, with all the rights of domain and 
empire, against the Emperor of Germany. "The country of Zug, attacked by the 
Swiss in 1352, sent for succor to the Duke of Austria, its sovereign ; but that Prince, 
being employed in talking of his birds, when the deputies appeared before him, would 
scarcely condescend to hear them ; upon which this people, thus abandoned, entered 
into the Ilelvetic confederacy," (Vattell, 155) and were rightfully lost to their former 
sovereign forever, by his failure to afford them that support which, from the recip- 
rocal obligation of allegiance and protection, they were entitled to. 

Well, then, if neither Virginia nor the United States had any right to govern 
these people, and the ordinance of IIS^ was void as an act of the Congress of Con- 
federation, have they gone all this time without any government at all ? Certainly 
not. They have been constantly governed, and under the ordinance, too ; but then 
it derived its force not from the authority of the United States, but the consent of 
the people themselves. Being free to choose what government they pleased, they 
had as much right to submit to this as to any other. Their own consent was all that 
was wanting, and this was equally valid whether given tacitly or expressly. But, 
however given, it could impart no power, right or jurisdiction to the United States 
which had not been delegated by the articles of confederation. Consent cannot give 
jurisdiction to a court, and still less to a government prohibited from exercising 
any power, jurisdiction or right which had not been expressly delegated to it. 

Although the State Government had only been in operation for four 
years, under the Constitution, the whole State was again thrown in com- 
motion in consequence of efforts being made to elect members in favor of 
calling a Convention to amend the Constitution. Those in favor of the 
Convention not being able, at that time, to point out any particular defect 
in the form of government, were strongly suspected to have for their object 
the amendment of the Constitution so as to allow the introduction of slavery. 
This party was afraid to openly avow such a change to be their object, but 
fiiiling to point out others sufficiently important to incur the expense and 
inconvenience from too frequent a change of the fundamental law of the 
land, the anti-slavery party was aroused ; and never was a people more 
agitated than were the voters of the State, for the period commencing the 
latter end of 1821 and terminating after the election of 1824, which 
resulted in a triumphant majority against slavery. The anti-Convention 



LIFE AND TIMES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 191 

party, tlirougli their newspapers, hand-bills, public addresses of candidates, 
politicians, and from the pulpit, proclaimed the object of the Convention, 
and opened their batteries against the evils of slavery. Those in favor of 
its introduction, although more secretly engaged, were more active in whis- 
pering into the ears of the settlers from the Southern States the advantage 
the State would derive from an immediate and rapid immigration from the 
Southern" States. They referred to Missouri, into which, at that time, the 
emigration from the Southern States was very large] they appealed to 
their sympathies in favor of a population whose habits, manners and cus- 
toms were more assimilated to their own; they endeavored to excite their 
prejudices against the 'Yankees,' by representing them to be a close, mean 
and niggardly set of people. Strange as it may seem, the most talented 
advocates of the proposed change were from the free States, whilst Gov. 
Edwards, Judge Pope and Daniel P. Cook, the avowed leaders of the anti- 
Convention party, were from slave States, and two of whom were slave- 
holders. There were, however, able co-operators with them from the free 
StateS; among whom were Judge Lockwood, Hon. David J. Baker, William 
II. Brown, Alfred Coules, and others. The prejudices among the Southern 
and Western people were, at that time, very great against the 'Yankees;' 
and to such an extent did this sentiment prevail, that it was generally be- 
lieved that nearly all those seeking public favor, from that portion of the 
Union, denied that they were 'Yankees,' but claimed to be New-Yorkers! 
I have heard Mr. Cook say, that, on one occasion, he stayed all night with 
a farmer, in the southern portion of the State, and, during a conversation, 
he inquired of him the news; to which question the farmer replied that 

" there was none, except they were afraid that d little yankee, Cook^ 

would be elected to Congress ! " The conversation continued, on various 
subjects, during the evening; and on Mr. Cook's taking leave of him, in 
the morning, the farmer was so much pleased with him that he inquired of 

him his name. Mr. C. replied that he was "that d yankee, Cook," he 

alluded to the previous evening ! From that time the farmer became his 
devoted friend. 

From the fact that nearly all of the Northern and Eastern inhabitants 
were the friends of Gov. Edwards and Mr. Cook, they lost many supporters 
from the Western and Southern States. 

In the year 1818, Gov. Coles came to Illinois, bringing a letter of intro- 
duction from President Monroe to Governor Edwards. The following is a 
copy of the letter : 

Washington, Ajml 13, 1818. 
Dear Sir: 

Mr. Edward Coles, iuteuding to pass through Illinois, probably to remain some 
time there, I take much pleasure in introducing him to your acquaintance and kind 
attention. I have long known and highly respected him for his excellent qualities 



192 HISTORY OF ILLINOIS. 



and good understanding. He was, several years, Private Secretary to the late Presi- 
dent, and employed by him in a confidential message to Russia — in which trusts he 
discovered sound judgment, great industry and fidelity, and is generally beloved by 
those who know him best. Should he settle with you, you will find him a very use- 
ful acquisition — and I understand that is not an improbable event. 

I hope that the arrangement made this winter will avail our country of your ser- 
vices, in the proposed treaty with the Indians, in a manner satisfactory to yourself; 
for success, on just principles, is the object of my most ardent wishes. 
With great respect and esteem, 

I am, dear sir, very sincerely j'ours, 

JAMES MONROE. 

In a very sliort, time afterwards, Gov. Coles received the appointment of 
Register of the Land Office at Edwardsville. In this way he had a good 
opportunity of making the acquaintance of the people, and, being very po- 
lite and gentlemanly in his manners, he had a great man}'^ warm friends. 
On his arrival in the State, he also brought with him a very large family 
of negroes from Virginia, to whom he not only gave their freedom, but also 
aided in furnishing their houses. These circumstances, and his opposition 
to slavery, contributed in a great degree to his success in the election for 
Grovernor of the State, in 1822. He was afterwards sued, and judgment 
obtained against him, for the penalty imposed for a violation of the statute 
which- prohibited the introduction of negroes into the State. The Legis- 
lature remitted the amount of the penalty for which a judgment had been 
obtained against him in favor of the county of Madison. The circuit court, 
over which Judge Mclloberts (afterwards Senator in Congress) presided, 
denied the constitutional power of the Legislature to remit the fine, but the 
supreme court reversed this opinion. 

At the session of 1822, a resolution passed recommending the electors, 
at the next election for members of the General Assembly, to vote "For" 
or "Against" a Convention for the purpose of amending the Constitution. 
I have already alluded to the object of calling the Convention, and to the 
arguments that were advanced in favor of making this a slave State. As 
the friends of slavery had succeeded in electing a very large majority of 
the members of the Legislature, they were confident, if they could succeed 
in securing a sufficient number of votes in flivor of the Convention, they 
could also elect a majority of delegates in favor of amending the Constitu- 
tion so as to allow the introduction of slavery. It, then, became a matter 
of great importance to point out the evils of the Constitution, and the ne- 
cessary amendments to remedy them. Gov. Coles having called the atten- 
tion of the Legislature, in his message, to the fact that slavery still existed 
in the State, notwithstanding the ordinance of 1787, the Convention party 
had so much of his message as related to that subject referred to a select 
committee. The committee, composed of those in favor of the Convention, 
made an elaborate report, sustaining the right of the settlers at the time 



LIFE AND TIMES OP NINIAN EDWARDS. 193 

of the cession of the territory, by Virginia, to the United States, to hold 
their slaves. They also contended that the descendants of such slaves 
. could be held in perpetual bondage, and that there was no way by which 
slavery could be even gradually abolished, without an amendment to the 
Constitution. Their report, with resolutions sustaining this view of the 
subject, was adopted by a large majority of the House of Eepresentatives. 
Thus we see that the right of the French to hold their slaves was conceded 
by the Legislature, not only by resolutions declaring this right, but by laws 
on various subjects referring to this class of our population as slaves. 
These resolutions and reports were intended to entrap the friends of free- 
dom to vote for the Convention, by inducing them to believe that the 
Constitution could be amended so as to abolish instead of establishing 
slavery. The people were not so easily imposed upon, and the result was, as 
I have already stated, that the call for the Convention was defeated by a 
very large majority. 

William H. Brown, Esq., of Chicago, at that time one of the editors of 
the "Illinois Intelligencer," in an editorial article of the 15th Feb., 1823, 
thus refers to the extraordinary proceedings of the Legislature that were 
adopted for the purpose of calling the Convention : 

Since tlie coiuniencement of the present General Assembly, the subject of calling 
a Convention to amend the Constitution has been a topic of conversation in and out 
of the State House ; and although I knew that the sole aim and avowed object of 
this measure was to introduce into this State, by a legislative provision, that worst of 
all evils, the evil of slavery — for reasons best known to myself, during the pendency 
of this question, I have never penned one single sentence either for or against this con- 
templated change of policy. And even at this time, had not extraordinary means 
been resorted to, to effect the object, I am not prepared to say that, in my editorial 
capacity, I should have called in question the expediency or propriety of the measure. 

It may be remembered by the reader that some days since, a resolution, recom- 
mending the people to vote for or against a Convention, was introduced into the 
House of Representatives, and found twenty-two votes in its favor and fourteen 
against it. At that time, there not being a constitutional majority, it was reconsid- 
ered and laid upon the table. From this period down to Tuesday last (by means 
which it does not become me to state) a change of two votes was effected, and on 
that day the House took up and proceeded to consider the resolution upon this sub- 
ject from the Senate, which had passed that body by a bare constitutional majority. 
When the question was put in the House of Representatives, Mr. Hanson, the mem- 
ber from Pike county, who had on a former occasion voted for, now voted against it, 
and the question was lost. Mr. Darnwood of Gallatin, who had voted for the reso- 
lution, and was, of course, one of the constitutional minority, moved to reconsider 
the vote; which the Speaker correctly and promptly decided to be out of order. 
An appeal was taken from his decision, Avhich was sustained by a decided vote. 

It will be recollected that, during the first days of the session, John Shaw, a 
citizen of Pike county, contested the election of Mr. Hanson, and, after a full and 
fair investigation, the committee of elections recommended the right of Mr. Hanson, 
in which recommendation the House concurred. Mr, Hanson continued to occupy 

—25 



194 HISTORY OF ILLINOIS. 

his seat, thus solemnly confirmed to him, until "Wednesday last, when Mr. Ford, one 
of the committee on elections, moved to reconsider the vote taken on concurring in 
the report, and resolutions accompanying it, of the committee on elections, on this 
contested election. The question was put and decided in the affirmative, by a vote 
of 22 to 13. Upon Mr. Field's motion, John Shaw was permitted to a seat in the 
House, and the documents were again read. An additional document was introduced, 
purporting to be the affidavit of Levi Roberts, Esq., and sworn to the 28th of January 
last, (no notice of the taking of which was even pretended to be given,) which affidavit 
gave it as the opinion of the affiant that John Shaw received a larger number of 
votes than Mr. Hanson. Mr. Field then moved to strike out the name of "Nicholas 
Hanson," and insert in lieu thereof the name of "John Shaw." Mr. Hanson was 
turned out and John Shaw admitted to his seat. The question was soon taken upon 
concurring in the resolution, from the Senate, recommending a Convention, and car- 
ried by a constitutional majority — John Shaw supplying the place of Mr. Hanson. 

At tlie next session, tlie General Assembly adopted the following reso- 
lutions, on the subject of slavery, to-wit: 

Whereas the General Assembly of the State of Ohio did, on the l7th day of Jan- 
uary, 1824, pass the following resolutions, by way of propositions to the States and 
Congress, viz : 

'■'•Resolved, That the consideration of a system providing for the gradual emancipa- 
tion of the people of color, held in servitude in the United States, be recommended 
to the Legislatures of the several States of the American Union and to the Congress 
of the United States. 

"Resolved, That, in the opinion of this General Assembly, a system of foreign col- 
onization, with correspondent measures, might be adopted, that would, iu due time, 
effect the entire emancipation of the slaves iu our country, without any violation of 
the national compact or infringement of the rights of individuals, by the passage of 
a law by the General Government, (with the consent of the slaveholding States,) 
which would provide that all children of persons now held in slavery, born after the 
passage of such law, should be free at the age of twenty-one years, (being supported 
during their minority by the person claiming the service of the parent,) provided, they 
then consent to be transported to the place of colonization. 

^'Resolved, That it is expedient that such a system should be predicated on the 
principle that the evil of slavery is a national one, and that the people and the 
States of this Union ought mutually to participate iu the duties and burthens of re- 
moving it." Therefore, 

Resolved by the General Assembly of the State of Jllhw'is, That it is expedient to con. 
cur in the plan proposed in the aforesaid resolutions. 

By an act which passed in January, 1829, negroes and mulattoes, not 
being citizens of the United States, could gain a residence in the State by 
producing to the county commissioners' court a certificate of his or her 
freedom, and also by giving bond, with security, in the sum of $1,000, that 
would not become a charge upon the county, and would demean themselves 
in strict conformity with the laws of the State. If such persons were found 
in the State without a certificate of their freedom, they were liable to be 
taken up and sold for one year — on the expiration of which time, if no per- 
son claimed them, they were entitled to a certificate which would allow them 
to remain in the State, as free persons, until their owner claimed thein, 



LIFE AND TIMES OP NINIAN EDWARDS. 195 

TREE SCHOOLS FIRST ESTABLISHED IN UPPER ALTON. 

The proprietors of Upper Alton having donated one hundred town lots, 
one-half for the support of the gospel and the other half for the support of 
public schools in said town, an act passed, in 1821, incorporating trustees, 
and authorizing them, in addition to the powers usually granted to towns, 
to lay a tax not exceeding seventy-five cents on each lot, (not including the 
one hundred lots donated by the proprietors,) to be applied to the support 
of teachers and the erection or repairing of buildings. This school was 
declared to be open and free to all, of a suitable age, within the limits of 
the town. Up to this period no school system had been adopted, and no 
provision had been made for the support of schools — with the exception of 
the small amount that might be realized from leasing the school lands — un- 
til the session of 1825, at which time an act passed for the establishment 
of free schools throughout the State. 

As it will doubtless be interesting to the friends of education and free 
schools, I will give the outlines of that act. The preamble to the act, 
which was entitled "An act providing for the establishment of free schools," 
is as follows, viz : "To enjoy our rights and liberties, we must understand 
them : their security and protection ought to be the first object of a free 
people ; and it is a well established fact, that no nation has ever continued 
long in the enjoyment of civil and political freedom, which was not both 
virtuous and enlightened. And believing that the advancement of litera- 
ture always has been and ever will be the means of more fully developing 
the rights of man — that the mind of every citizen in a republic is the com- 
mon property of society, and constitutes the basis of its strength and hap- 
piness — it is therefore considered the peculiar duty of a free government, 
like ours, to encourage and extend the improvement and cultivation of the 
intellectual energies of the whole. Therefore — 

"Sec. 1. Be it enacted, etc., That there shall be established a common 
school or schools in each of the counties of this State, which shall be open 
and free to every class of white citizens between the ages of five and twenty- 
one years: Provided, that persons over the age of twenty-one years may 
be admitted into such schools, on such terms as the trustees of the school 
districts may prescribe." 

Section 2d provided that the county courts should form school districts, 
upon a petition for that purpose, by a majority of the qualified voters with- 
in the proposed district : Provided, that such districts shall contain not 
less than fifteen families. 

Section 3d provided for the election, by the voters of the district, of three 
trustees, a clerk, treasurer, and assessor and collector, who were required 
to take an oath of office faithfully to discharge their respective duties. 



196 HISTORY OF ILLINOIS, 



The trustees were required to superintend the schools ; to examine and 
employ the teachers ; to lease the laud ; to call meetings of the voters 
whenever they deemed it expedient, or at any time when requested by five 
legal voters, by giving 'to each one at least five days' notice of the time 
and place of holding the same; to make an annual report, to the county 
court, of the number of children in their respective districts between the 
ages of five and twenty-one years, and the number of them actually attend- 
ing school, with a certificate of the time a school has been kept in the dis- 
trict, and the probable -expense of the same; to purchase or receive any 
property, real or personal, for the use of the district; to give orders on the 
treasurer for all sums expended in paying teachers, and all other expense 
incurred in establishing and supporting schools in the district ; and at the 
regular meeting of the inhabitants, the trustees, as well as all other ofiicers, 
were required to settle their accounts which accrued during the year for 
which they were elected. The duties of the respective officers were clearly 
defined, and the assessors were required to assess all such property, lying 
within and belonging to the inhabitants of the district, as he was directed 
to assess, by a vote of the majority of the voters of such district. 

The legal voters of each district had power to appoint a time and place 
of holding annual meetings ; to select school house sites; to levy a tax — 
either in cash or good merchantable produce, at cash price — upon the in- 
habitants of the district, not exceeding one-half per centum, nor amount- 
ing to more than ten dollars per annum on any one person ; and to do all 
and everything necessary to the establishment and support of schools with- 
in the same. 

The State appropriated, for the support of schools, two dollars out of 
every hundred received into the treasury, and five sixths of the interest 
arising from the school funds — which was divided annually between the 
diff"erent counties, in proportion to the number of white inhabitants in 
each county under twenty-one years of age. The treasurer of the county, 
to whom was paid the amount belonging to the county, was required to 
make a like dibtribution among such districts of the county as had kept a 
school in actual operation at least three months in the year, for which the 
appropriation was made. 

The rents arising from the school lands were directed to be divided 
among such of the inhabitants of the tovs'nship as had contributed, by tax, 
subscription or otherwise, to the support of a common school in or near 
the township, for at least three months within the last twelve months pre- 
ceding the time of making such dividend; and such division was made in 
proportion to the sum contributed by each person to the support of such 
common school. 



LIFE AND TIMES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 197 

The commissioners of the school fund were directed to invest the same 
in the purchase of the indebtedness of the State, at its market value. 

The county clerks were required to make an extract of the reports 
of the trustees, stating the number of children within each district, the 
number actually sent to school, the time a school had been kept in opera- 
tion in each district, with an account of the expenditures of the same — 
and forward it to the Secretary of State on the 1st day of December, an- 
nually. 

The inhabitants of the district were required to make regulations for 
building and repairing school houses, and for furnishing the same with 
furniture and fuel. They had power to class themselves, and agree upon 
the number of days each person or class should work in making improve- 
ments, and to make such other regulations as they might deem necessary 
for that purpose : Provided^ that no person should be required to work, 
unless he had the care of a child who attended the school for the purpose 
of receiving instruction. 

The collectors and treasurers were required to give a bond, with secu- 
rity, for the faithful application of the money received by them. 

The free school system which had been adopted in 1825 was modified 
by an act which passed on the 17th February, 1827, in several important 
respects : 

1. On the application of the inhabitants of any settlement which was 
partly situated in two counties, the commissioners' court of both counties 
could lay off a district to be formed out of territory taken from each of 
their counties. 

2. The legal voters had power to cause either the whole or one-half of 
the sum required to keep a school, in such district, to be raised by taxa- 
tion ; and if only one-half shall be raised by taxation, the remainder might 
be required to be paid by those who sent pupils to the school : Provided, 
that no person could be taxed, for the support of any free school in the 
State, without his consent first had and obtained, in writing. No person 
was, however, permitted to send any scholar to such school as was sup- 
ported either wholly or partly by taxation, unless such person had either 
consented to be taxed, or had obtained the permission of the trustees. 

3. By an act, which passed on the same day, it was made the duty of 
the county court to appoint trustees for each township, whose duty was 
in most respects similar to that now conferred upon the trustees of schools. 

At the session of 1829, an act passed — on the condition that Congress 
should assent to the sale of the sixteenth section —for the appointmentj by 
the county court, of a school commissioner, who, on the petition of nine- 
tenths of the freeholders of any township, was authorized to sell the six- 
teenth section, In tracts of not greater than eighty acres, at public sale, 



198 HISTORY OF ILLINOIS. 



and for any price not less than $1.25 per acre. After the lands had been 
offered at public sale, they could be entered at private sale by the payment 
of $1.25 per acre, in cash. It was the duty of the school commissioner 
to loan the money at as high an interest as he could get, by taking good 
security, for the use of the schools of the proper township — the interest 
of which was to be distributed, under such restrictions and regulations as 
the county court should deem right, by the trustees of schools, among the 
schools of the township. This was the origin of the present township fund. 
An act also passed, at this session, for the sale of the seminary lands. 

The free school system was also virtually destroyed by the repeal of the 
appropriation, out of the State treasury, of two dollars out of every one 
hundred paid in, annually, by taxation, and by the law which prohibited 
the levy of a tax without the consent of the inhabitants. 

Having given a general outline of the legislation of the Territorial and 
State Governments, the reader will be better prepared to understand and 
properly appreciate the following speech of Gov. Edwards, during his can- 
vass for Governor, at the election held on the 1st Monday of August, 1826 : 

By the eighteenth section of the eighth article of our Constitution, it is declared 
that "a frequent recurrence to the fundamental principles of civil government is ab- 
solutely necessary to preserve the blessings of liberty." The experience of the whole 
world bears testimony to this great political truth. Unfortunately, such is the nature 
of man, that, in the fruition of the greatest blessings, he is most apt to become insen- 
sible to their intrinsic value, forgetful of the source from whence they emanate, and 
careless of the means of preserving them. As the individual who has always enjoyed 
uninterrupted health is, of all others, the most likely to forget its natural tendency to 
deterioration and decay, so communities, long blessed \yith the highest perfection of 
civil and religious liberty, are too prone to indulge in a false security against those 
dangers to which all human institutions are liable. The warning voice of experience 
admonishes us to guard against this disposition of our nature. However prosperous 
our condition, such are the wise dispensations of an overruling Providence, that our 
own exertions are necessary to preserve it ; nor can the most vigilant precautions for 
that purpose be pretermitted with impunity. And hence arises the necessity of re- 
viewing those great events which have contributed to the establishment of our liberty, 
and of frequently recurring to the fundamental principles of civil government, on 
which it is founded, to enable us to maintain it in its greatest purity, and to hand it 
down unimpaired as the most precious legacy to a grateful posterity. 

No time seems to me more suitable for those purposes than an occasion which has 
a direct reference to the great and inestimable right of election — the vital principle 
of all free representative governments and the solid foundation of the mighty political 
fabric which we have erected. I therefore trust that a few general remarks, on those 
subjects, will not be unacceptable to you on the present occasion. 

In the contemplation of our present prosperous and happy condition, compared with 
that of all other nations of the world, it seems to be impossible for any human heart 
not to dilate with gratitude to that Almighty Being, who has so signally smiled upon 
our efforts, and irradiated with the light of His countenance the path that has con- 
ducted us to our present glorious preeminence. Equally difficult is it for a rational 



LIFE AND TIMES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 199 

and reflecting mind to resist the belief that we have been thus peculiarly favored, 
protected and supported for some great and wise purpose of His inscrutable provi- 
dence. In the long period, of more than fifty- eight hundred years, which have elapsed 
since the creation of the world, neither tradition nor history furnishes any example 
of a nation that has been so blessed with every rational means of comfort and happi- 
ness, as we have been ; and did our gratitude bear anything like a just proportion to 
these transcendent blessings, we should undoubtedly be the most moral and religious 
people on earth. 

About two hundred and twenty years ago, these United States were one immense 
forest — the haunt of savage beasts and still more savage men. Deprived of their civil 
and religious liberties in their native land, our hardy ancestors sought, in these wilds, 
an asylum from persecution ; and notwithstanding the awful dangers and appalling 
difficulties of settling in a savage and uncultivated country, at the distance of three 
thousand miles from the abodes of civilization, such was their invincible love of liber- 
ty, that, relying upon Divine Providence, they freely encountered overy peril, and, 
by surprising efforts of constancy and valor, overcame every obstacle. This noble 
and undaunted spirit, inculcated by precept and animated by example, was transmit- 
ted through all the succeeding generations to the period of our Revolution, when it 
produced that determined resistance of British aggression which secured to the Amer- 
ican name imperishable renown, and made us a free and independent nation. It is 
consolatory to every patriotic bosom, in looking back through the vista of a few past 
ages only, to observe that, from a band of persecuted exiles, this mighty nation has 
arisen, of limits larger than those of any other, with a population now sufficient to de- 
fend us against the whole world, and still increasing with amazing rapidity ; and whose 
progress in all the arts of civilized life, in science, in refinement, in physical and 
moral power, and in every species of national prosperity, transcends that of any that 
now is or that ever existed. 

Having learned practical wisdom in the school of adversity, and moderating their 
views by the sober dictates of experience, our forefathers, equally avoiding the Cha- 
ry bd is of monarchy and the Sylla of anarchy, laid the foundations of civil liberty which 
have hitherto secured our happiness, and by which we have been enabled to exhibit 
to the world the sublime example of the entire practicability of a government founded 
upon the just and equal rights of man. 

True, genuine, rational, well-regulated liberty may, therefore, be almost said to 
have had its birth in America. Matured and cherished by the affection and sustained 
by the blood of the first adventurers of this happy land — guarded by the patriotic vig- 
ilance and protected by the valor of their descendants — it has, by the care, integrity 
and wisdom of our Washingtons, Franklins, Jeffersons, Madisons, and their compat- 
riots, been brought to that unparalleled perfection in which it is now our felicitous 
lot to enjoy it. 

Our own direct interest, therefore, a proper respect for the memory of our virtuous 
and valiant ancestors, duty to our posterity, and our obligations to that Divine Pro- 
vidence by wljose behests we seem to have been destined to become a shining light 
unto the world, all conspire to demand our most sedulous and devoted exertions to 
merit, to preserve and to perpetuate to all future generations the blessings of that 
precious boon which ha.s thus descended to us ; and, by the moral force of our exam- 
ple, to dispel the mists of error, to vindicate the rights of man, and to burst asunder 
all those chdins of bondage that enslave the rest of the world. 

Think you, my countrymen, because there is no enemy now thundering at our gates 
and demanding tEe surrender of the citadel of our liberties, that there is no danger ? 



200 HISTORY OP ILLINOIS. 



If SO, discard the dangerous, fatal delusion. Remember, that although all mankind 
were created with equal rights and with the love of liberty implanted in everj' human 
bosom, yet all, with the exception of ourselves, have, sooner or later, by the supine- 
ness and folly of themselves or their ancestors, fallen from this high estate and been 
compelled to bend their necks to the galling yoke of thraldom. Recollect, also, that 
although, for a nation to be free, it is only necessary that she herself wills it, yet ours 
is the only really free nation on the earth. Let us, therefore, look to the experience 
of others, as warning beacons, to guide from the dangerous vortices that have en- 
gulfed them in ruin. Just, as is the cause of free principles and equal rights, we should 
not forget that there is, at this day, an alliance (nicknamed holy) of some of the great- 
est potentates of the earth, to prevent its progress, and that, of all the nations of 
the old world, there is not one that is not arrayed against it. 

Mankind has long been divided in opinion as to what form of government is best 
calculated to secure the welfare and promote the happiness of a nation ; and, strange 
as it may appear, there is too much reason to believe that, great as has been the tri- 
umph of our system over prejudice and opposition, it has not been sufficient to con- 
vince even all of our own fellow-citizens of its superiority. Men of sinister motives 
and inordinate ambition, disposed to aim at uncontrolled power, there ever have been 
and ever will be, whose talents will be united to compass the destruction of equal 
rights and to establish exclusive privileges and arbitrary power. Availing themselves 
of the unsuccessful experiments of all the ancient republics and of the disastrous issue 
of the late French revolution, the enemies of our system have labored and are inces- 
santly laboring to demonstrate that it is Utopian, visionary and impracticable, and 
that we shall ultimately have to exchange our sentiments of liberty for the chains 
that hold other nations captive. 

But while I admit that there is enough of similitude between the ancient republics 
and our own to induce us to take warning from their experience, and to awaken our 
vigilance to guard against their errors, I contend that we are not in the same immi- 
nent danger that they were — not only because we have all the advantage of their 
experience, but because our government is free from those inherent defects and 
imperfections which mainly contributed .to the unfortunate catastrophies of theirs. 
These were not self-balanced, like ours, and of course were more liable to yield to 
violence and power — to the strategems of popular demagogues and to the momentary 
infatuation and sudden commotions of the people themselves; but, above all, they 
lacked that pure and genuine representative principle which constitutes the perfec- 
tion of our system. 

Ours is a compound republic, composed of two descriptions of government : the 
one federal, the other local and municipal — both being necessary to and instituted 
for the safety and happiness of the people, and equally dependent upon their will. 
The principal objects of the former are the common defense against internal con- 
vulsions and foreign aggression, the maintenance of a just and friendly intercourse 
between the different members of the Union, and the management of all our affairs, 
political and commercial, with foreign nations. The objects of the latter are all 
those domestic affairs that relate to the personal interests of the people and to the 
internal tranquillity, improvement and prosperity of the respective States. 

This division of powers between the two governments renders them much less 
capable of being perverted to purposes of usurpation and oppression than if all those 
powers were concentrated in any one government, and, moving within their respec- 
tive orbits, the barriers of our liberty are strengthened by their mutual tendency to 
prevent any dangerous aberrationB by either. The powers surrendered to them, 



LIFE AND TIMES OS' NINIAN EDWARDS. 201 

respectively, by the people, have been happily separated and distributed into differ- 
ent departments, which, mutually checking each other, insures cautious inquiry and 
deliberate investigation — while the people, who are the acknowledged source of all 
legitimate power, have a right to sit in judgment upon the conduct of all their pub- 
lic servants, and, by the power which they have retained by changing them at cer- 
tain stated periods, can eft'ect any other change they please — either in the Federal 
or State Government — in a tranquil, pacific and constitutional mode. This system, 
which is adapted to almost any extent of territory, already embraces such a wide- 
spread population, and such a multiplicity and variety of interests, as to render any 
dangerous internal combinations against our peace, safety and happiness extremely 
difficult. In all these respects, as well as in many others arising from the physical 
situation of our country, we possess decided advantages over all the ancient republics. 
Nor can our situation be justly assimilated to that of the late French republic. It i.s 
true that, when that nation commenced its republican career, the recollection of 
their past services to us in our struggle for freedom, sympathy for their situation, and 
a virtuous desire for the progress of our own principles, caused every American 
bosom to swell with anxiety for their success, and inspired us all with the animating 
hope of their emancipation of millions of our fellow creatures, and of seeing another 
bright and impressive example of the justice and practicability of free government. 
But if our disappointment has been mortifying, there is something consolatory and 
encouraging in the contrast between their conduct and ours, for while theirs affords 
an admonishing lesson of the danger of a nation's trusting to its own self-sufficiency 
to accomplish its happiness, it equally evinces the superior wisdom of ours, in look- 
ing to an overruling Providence, who holds the destinies of nations in the palm of 
His hand, to guide us in our duties and to crown our efforts with His blessing. 

If any one doubt that wickedness and impiety have an inevitable tendency to the 
destruction of any nation, he need take very little trouble to find enough, both in 
profane and sacred history, to remove all his scepticism on this subject. He may 
find, in the histories of Babylon and Ninevah, and even in that of the highly favored 
Jews, themselves, such signal instances of Divine chastisements, as will leave him 
at no loss to account for the unfortunate issue of the French revolution. Suddenly 
emerging, as they did, from the lowest depths of despotism into uncontrolled liberty, 
and indulging all its licentiousness, their system itself had Its origin in popular 
frenzy ; and, relying upon their own self-sufficiency, instead of looking to Divine 
Providence for assistance, they endeavored to establish a new era, to be denominated 
"the age of reason" — and with an inconsiderate eagerness to explode all old systems 
and to free themselves from all those restraints which ever will be found necessary 
for the government of mankind, they impiously though vainly attempted to under- 
mine the very foundations of religion itself. By which means, after shedding oceans 
of human blood, and passing through all the horrors of anarchy, they have been 
compelled to surrender that liberty which they had so grossly abused, and to sink 
again into the degrading condition of abject slavery. 

On the other hand, througliout our whole revolutionary contest, our old Congre.ss, 
our illustrious Washington, and all the distinguished actors upon the theater of our 
revolution, were in the constant habit, as may be seeu by the records of that period, 
of imploring the aid of the Almighty, and of attributing their success to His divine 
beneficence. And our system of government, which was the result of steady habits, 
sedate reflection and progressive developments, is not only predicated on the reality 
of religion, but relies upon its sanctions for the faithful administration of our affairs. 
Comment surely c&nnot be necessary, either to demonstrate or to enforce the great 

—26 



202 HISTORY OF ILLINOIS. 



moral lesson which this striking contrast teaches. But, my countrymen, although 
there is nothing in the cases referred to to produce despair in regard to the eventual 
success of the great cause in which we are engaged, there is yet enough to premon- 
ish us against supineness and inattention to its interests. Secure as it may be, at 
this time, in this favored land, against open assaults, it is not exempt, even here, 
from the danger of the insidious arts of the designing and ambitious, and we should 
at all times bear in mind that, as all our institutions depend for their support upon 
public virtue, whatever tends to lay the foundations of the latter, proportionably 
endangers the former. Onr liberty should not be regarded as a mere exemption 
from bondage, but as a means of use/ulness placed within our power, and imposing 
upon us the highest obligations to endeavor to improve our own condition and to 
advance the interests of mankind. Many talents have been committed to our charge ; 
the opportunities of improving them are highly propitious. Let us, then, not act 
the part of the wicked and slothful servant, lest our unfaithfulness should provoke 
a similar condemnation. We have, indeed, a high destiny to fulfill. Liberty, though 
driven from all her abodes in the Old World, is, happily, extending her empire over 
this hemisphere. Twenty millions of the inhabitants of the southern part of this 
continent are beginning to enjoy her benign and happy influence. The most of them 
have adopted our system as their model. Our continued example is necessary to 
their permanent success; and if they and we act well our respective parts, we may 
reasonably indulge the pleasing, cheering hope that it is reserved to the New World, 
by the moral force of her example, to regenerate and reform the Old. Great, there- 
fore, is our encouragement to persevere in that prudent and virtuous course by 
which we have attained our present happiness and glory. Having "tried it," and, 
by long experience, proved it to be "good,'' let us "hold fast to it." 

Our local, not less than the general government, demands our care and attention; 
and with such abundant causes of felicitation in regard to the latter, I wish it were 
in my power to congratulate you upon au equally auspicious aspect of our domestic 
concerns — but this neither truth nor duty will permit. On the contrary, it is not 
to be disguised, we have, for some time past, and now are laboring under the para- 
lyzing influence of a system of measures, equally oppressive to the people, ruinous 
to the resources of the State, and disgraceful to its character — results which must 
appear the more extraordinary and difficult to be justified, by contrasting our situ- 
ation immediately after we became a State, witli what it has subsequently been. 
A't that time, owing to the paucity of our population and the limited objects of tax- 
ation, arising partly therefrom and partly from the exemption from taxation of the 
military bounty lands for three years after the date of the patents, and of the public 
lands for five years after the sale of them, there was a necessity for subjecting us to 
higher taxes than had ever been imposed upon any other part of the Western coun- 
try, to enable the State to discharge certain Territorial arrearages, to defray the 
expenses of our Convention, and to meet the current demands of the Government. 
The taxes then imposed, however, were found sufficient for all these purposes ; and 
nothing was more confidently anticipated than their speedy reduction. 

At that time the expenses necessarily required, by the organization, are objects 
of the Government — with the exception of a trifling amount arising from the addi- 
tion of a few members to the Legislature — were precisely the same that they were 
in the early part of last year, or at any intermediate period. Yet, notwithstanding 
the vast increase of our population, the great augmentation of our personal proper- 
ty, and the accession of the whole of the county and a considerable portion of other 



LIFE AND TIMES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 203 

lands to the objects of taxation, our taxes have not yet been reduced ; but our re- 
venue, as if diminishing in an inverse ratio to the multiplication of our financial re- 
sources, was, at the close of the session of the Legislature in 1825, and before a 
single expense had been incurred in consequence of the new organization of the ju- 
diciary, found deficient in the means of meeting the demands on it to a very large 
amount, which had to be supplied by an emission of Auditor's warrants. Even now 
the current expenses of the Government do not exceed $25,000, which must be much 
less than the revenue arising from the military bounty land, alone, every acre of 
which has, for several years past, been subject to taxation. Of these lands there 
are 3,500,000, which, at, one cent per acre, or »ne dollar per hundred acres, the low- 
est rate of taxation, amount to $35,000. Rated in the second class the amount 
would be $52,500, and in the first $70,000. What proportion has been entered in 
the first class, or whether any, I know not. It is certain, however, that a very large 
quantity has been listed in the second ; so that it may be fairly inferred that the 
revenue which they ought to have yielded cannot be short of $40,000, which is $15,- 
000 more than the whole amount of the current expenses of the Government. 

It is evident, therefore, that with judicious management this source of revenue 
alone would have been sufficient to have defrayed all our necessary expenses, and 
left in the treasury a large amount surplus, available for the purposes of internal 
improvement, or any other object of domestic prosperity. But when, with this 
source of i-evenue, we take into view all others that have accrued, in addition to 
the original objects of our taxation, which, of themselves, had been found sufficient 
to pay off all our Territorial arrearages and to defray the expenses of the Govern- 
ment, they not only increase the difficulty of accounting for so large a deficit in the 
treasury, but greatly highteu the very reprehensible character of that wretched sys- 
tem of policy, which had its origin in the legislation of last year, of paying out our 
State paper at the enormous discount of three dollars for one. 

By this wonderful expedient, our financial resources have been subjected to the 
same exhausting operation as if the Legislature had actually borrowed money, at two 
hundred per cent, interest, to pay the debts of the State and to defray every item of 
public expenditure — as will appear by the following consideration. According to the 
charter of the State Bank, the State has bound itself to redeem all the notes of the 
bank that maybe presented to it, in gold and silver coins, in the year 1831, and in the 
meantime, to receive them in discharge of any debts to the State ; and for the ful- 
filment of this contract the public faith, and all the lands, town lots, funds, revenue 
and other property of the State, have been solemnly and efiFectually pledged. This, 
then, is the contract between the State and the holders of the notes of the bank, and 
as the Constitution has expressly declared that "no law impairing the validity of con- 
tracts shall ever be made," it follows that all these notes must be redeemed with gold 
and silver within five years from this time, if not sooner done. When, therefore, 
they are thus received at par and paid out at three dollars for one, the public loss 
must necessarily be equivalent to the payment of 200 per cent, interest. To illustrate 
this subject to the entire conviction of any rational mind, a few examples of the prac- 
tical operation of the system are all that can be necessary. The salary of a circuit 
judge is $600, for which he receives $1800 in State paper, la like manner a judge 
of the supreme court, whose salary is $800, receives $2400 in State paper, and the 
Governor, whose salary is $1000, receives $3000 in State paper — so that the people 
will have to pay $1800 for every circuit judge, $2400 for every supreme judge, and 
for the Governor. Upon the same principle, supposing the expenses of the 



204 HISTORY OP ILLINOIS. 



Governtucut, including those for rebuilding the State House, for the twelve months 
ending with June last, to have amounted to $15,000 (and I am informed they were 
more), a debt of $150,000 for the payment of those expenses has been imposed upon 
the people which will eventually have to be wrung out of them by taxation, thereby 
producing a clear loss to them of $100,000 in one year, and this with no other conso- 
lation for it than that of a little indulgence as to the time of payment — at the expira- 
tion of which they may tind it just as inconvenient to pay as it would now be. 

Now, my countrymen, what is the effect of this system upon you individually? 
Stripped of its disguise, nothing is clearer than that it must render the taxes of each 
one of you three times as much as they would otherwise have Ijeen — for as a commu- 
nity is but an aggregate of individuals, so the debts of the former are due and payable 
in just and fair proportion by the latter ; and as the State reserves a lien upon every 
man's property for its proportion of taxes, this unwisely accumulated debt attaches 
to the property of each of you, operating as a mortgage upon it, to secure the paj'- 
ment of your respective proportions thereof. 

Are you, then, willing to have your property thus subjected, unnecessarily, to a 
triple tax ? No State, whatever its energies and resources, could long withstand the 
destructive power of such a system. Nothing could more effectually check the popu- 
lation and prosperity of our own — for emigrants to a new country are generally of that 
description of people who are neither the most able nor the most willing to pay high 
taxes ; and a public debt, increasing in this ratio, would soon swell to such magnitude 
as would not only be outrageously oppressive to our present inhabitants, but would 
effectually deter others from coming to reside among us. 

Our situation at this time, though better than it was last year, is yet too bad to be 
patiently endured. Our Government is now receiving State paper at par, and paying 
it out .it two dollars for one, which is equivalent to borrowing money at 100 per cent, 
interest ; yet there are not wanting those, and of pretty high authority too, who pro- 
fess to entertain and endeavor to inculcate the opinion that the State is not inter- 
ested in the appreciation of its own paper — the absurdity of which is sufficiently man- 
ifest from this consideration, alone : that for every dollar paid out by the Government 
at fifty cents, we become liable to pay one hundred. And, who does not perceive 
that, as our government is now carried on with State paper, worth only fifty cents on 
the dollar, its appreciation to par value would render only half as much necessary, 
and of course would admit of the reduction of our taxes to one-half of the present 
amount, without pi-oduciug the slightest diminution of our financial capacity. 

A simple fiict is sufficient to present a striking and impressive view of the wasteful, 
injudicious and humiliating character of those measures. It is this : that our revenue 
derivable from non-residents, alone, has, for years past, amounted to between $40,000 
and $50,000 — double, or very nearly double the whole amount of the current expen- 
ses of the Government ; and yet, TYith this resource, and all the contributions that 
have been exacted from the inhabitants of the State, those deplorable defalcations 
as sacrifices, before mentioned, have taken place — and surely nothing can be more 
humiliating to our pride or disreputable to our character abroad, than that, with an 
income from non-residents, alone, sufficient to take up all our paper in about four 
yearsj it should have depreciated to one-half of its nominal value — since this can only 
be accounted for on the assumption of our want of good fiiith and moral honesty. 

There has been, fellow-citizens, another feature in our anomalous revenue system, 
so abhorrent to my feelings that I find it difficult to speak of it, either with the moder- 
ation which becomes my years, or is due to the present occasion. This is odious, in- 



LIFE AND TIMES OP NINIAN EDWARDS. 205 

jirrious and indefensible discrimination between the citizens of tlic State, and non- 
residents — wliereby, while the last article of personal property, not exempt from ex- 
ecution for debt, which the poorest man among us owns, has constantly been liable 
to be taken and sold for his taxes every year, non-residents have not been compelled 
to pay theirs oftener than once in two years, and even then always leaving those due 
for one year uncollected. Now, although I should be one of the last men who would 
wish to disturb that fair equality, as to taxation, which they are entitled to, under 
our compact with the General Government, I must be permitted to observe that if 
any difference had been proper, reason and justice would have required that it should 
have been in favor of a:id not against the actual settlers of the State, on whom its de- 
fense, safety and prosperity depend. 

Whether this measure was the result of design or proceeded from oversight, the 
want of foresight, or ?<o sight at all, I will not pretend to decide. It is demonstrable, 
however, that its tendency has been to create, cherish and support speculation to the 
manifest detriment of your interests. 

As the principal part of our revenue arises from the taxes of non-residents, human 
ingenuity could not have devised a more effectual scheme for producing an annual 
deficit in the treasury than by permitting these taxes always to remain one year in 
arrear ; and this, by creating the necessity for new issues of Auditor's warrants, has 
constantly afforded opportunities of speculating on them, by which the public have 
lost precisely what the speculators have gained — whilst the two years indulgence has 
afforded to the purchasers of lands sold for taxes an opportunity of disposing of them 
at a profit, for that length of time, without being subject to the inconvenience of pay- 
ing taxes upon their property, as you are bound to pay on yours. How, then, is this 
discrimination to be justified ? Are speculators more meritorious and useful than the 
honest cultivators of the soil ? If not, why should they have been so much more 
highly favored ? 

But these are not the only objections to this measure. It was calculated to with- 
draw State paper from circulation among us, to accumulate it in the hands of non-res- 
idents and speculators, and, ultimately, to insure to them the benefit of discharging 
their taxes in that medium, while the great body of our people would have been com- 
pelled, for the want of it, to pay theirs in cash. Depreciated, as our paper had been, 
by our legislation, to less than one-third of its nominal value, and thereby increasing 
the inducements to buy it up, so much of it had, in the early part of last year, passed 
into the hands of non-residents, that its scarcity was greatly felt throughout every 
part of the State. Judging of the future by the past, it is reasonable to infer, from 
the competition which has taken place at every public sale for taxes, and the evidently 
increasing disposition to engage in that speculation, that our paper would have been 
hoarded up for the purpose of being laid out in the purchase of lands, or in the pay- 
ment of taxes on them, at the next sales. These were to have taken place in Janu- 
ary, 1828, when there would have been three years taxes due, which would not have 
amounted to less than between $120,000 and $150,000. Tailing into consideration, 
then, that the whole amount of our State paper is less than $200,000, and that, of 
this, $60,000 arc required by law to be burnt before that time, you may well judge 
how much of it would have remained in circulation, available to our own people in 
the payment of their taxes. 

Regarding the subject in this point of view, and happening to be at Vandalia, at 
the last session of the Legislature, I spared no pains to get this unwise and unjust 
distinction between our own citizens and non-residents abolished ; and I am happy to 
have it in my power to say, that the sales for the taxes of the latter are hereafter to 



206 HISTORY OF ILLINOIS, 



be annual, which (better late than never) will compel them to disburse, and enable 
the Government to get into circulation a large amount of paper, which, in the course 
of next year, cannot fail to afford great relief to the people, but which would other- 
wise have remained hoarded up for at least one year longer. 

The taxes of those non-residents and speculators, for the last year, as well as our 
own, became due on the first day of last October; but while you have been compelled 
to pay yours, not a cent was exacted from them. Had they, like you, been required 
to pay them, there would have been no necessity for a new emission of Auditor's war- 
rants ; the State would have saved all the loss consequent upon the increase of its 
paper and paying it out at $2 for $1, and $40,000 more, at least, would have been 
paid into the treasury, which, by the operations and disbursements of the Government, 
would have been diffused througliout the State, thereby increasing our circulating 
medium and facilitating to you the means of paying your present year's taxes. But 
then tills would have withered if not annihilated that speculation which has so long 
been luxuriating upon the spoliations that have been committed upon the resources 
of the State and the honest earnings of the sweat of your brows. Such impositions 
as these, upon a free, high-minded and independent people, I boldly assert have no 
parallel in the annals of free government, and they are only to be borne by that char- 
ity which hopeth all things, believeth all things, and enduretli all things. 

Nor arc the innovations that have been introduced into our new-fangled revenue 
system,- in regard to the listing of our lands and the payment of our taxes, among the 
least of our grievances. Visionary and impracticable, as their injurious effects upon 
the revenue and the confusion they have created have proved those new regulations 
to be, it is much to be feared that, by their preventing us from listing our own lands 
and at the same time subjecting them to be sold in the names of other persons, many 
an honest man may lose his land before he is apprised of his danger ; but to say noth- 
ing of those other novelties and eccentricities which have given many of us much 
trouble, and puzzled the best informed among us to know how to act to save our 
property according to legal requirements, what reason, justice or propriety is there in 
requiring the lands of residents to be sold for taxes at Vandalia ? If necessary to 
sell them at all, why not, as heretofore, permit them to be sold in the counties in which 
they lie '? The taxes could be collected with equal certainty. An advertisement at 
the court house door would notify more of the inhabitants of a county than its publi- 
cation for a whole year, much less three weeks only, in a paper printed at Vandalia ; 
the lands would be less likely to be sold without the knowledge of the owners, and, 
being sold where they were known, less of them would probably be sacrificed. Is it 
not, then, outrageously and insufferably oppressive that a citizen residing at the 
mouth of the Ohio, or in the extreme northern parts of our settlement, should be sub- 
jected to the expense and trouble of going all the way to Vandalia, either to prevent 
the sale of his lands, to pay the taxes on them, or to redeem them ? For my part, I 
can conceive of no one reason, in favor of this measure, except that it might multiply 
the chances of buying our lands for a trifle. And are we to be converted into "hew- 
ers of wood and drawers of water" to pamper a set of merciless speculators ? 

I had intended to have brought into review some of the topics of our domestic pol- 
icy, but I fear I have already trespassed too long upon your patience. I will, there- 
fore, in conclusion, only add, that with a sincere desire to preserve the blessings of 
liberty, and to assist in relieving our State from its present difficulties and embarrass, 
ments, I offer myself to your consideration as a candidate fjr the office of Governor, 
assuring you that if I shall be fortunate enough to be honored with the approbation of 



LIFE AND TIMES OP NINIAN EDWARDS. 207 

my fellow-citizens, now peculiarly desirable to rae as well from personal as public con- 
siderations, my poor abilities shall be faithfully excited to protect your interests and 
to advance your happiness and prosperity — which is all I can promise. 

It is, fellow-citizens, only in the sunshine of his prosperity that any man can boast 
of his trumpeters. In general all such auxiliaries are dead to him who has been 
overwhelmed by the rough storms of adversity ; no time is more unpropitious for find- 
ing "a friend, indeed," than when "a friend's in need." With those, therefore, who 
consider me a prostrate man, I might be excused from saying a little in my own favor; 
but as I have never been put down by the people, and will not believe that I shall be 
until I am compelled to realize it, I shall not attempt to avail myself of that privilege. 
My public conduct is before you. It is not to be doubted that, in a long, uninter- 
rupted course of public service of nearly twenty-eight years, in various highly impor- 
tant and responsible stations, I must have committed many errors which are liable to 
serious objections. Hoping, however, that your generosity will regard them with all 
those charitable interpretations and indulgencies which are due to human frailty, I 
shall rely exclusively upon your own recollection of such parts of my conduct as may 
have appeared to you meritorious and acceptable. 

I must beg leave, however, to notice one objection urged against me, which 
relates entirely to the future, and, if true, involves no culpability on my part for its 
existence. This is that I am too old. Now, although I freely acknowledge that I 
am old enough to be much better and wiser than I am, and were it not for a very 
contented spirit with which I have been blessed, might even wish to be younger, 
yet if small things may be compared to great ones, I may be permitted to say that I 
am not as old, by between two and three years, as Gen. Washington was when he 
was appointed to the command of our revolutionary army ; and, with all due defer- 
ence for the more disinterested judgment of others, I cannot think that I am so 
entirely frail, leaky and unseaworthy as not to be trusted on one more voyage at 
least. I am indeed too old to be captivated or misled by the ruinous prospects and 
dangerous novelties which I have animadverted upon ; and I am much mistaken if I 
shall not be found quite young enough to convince my fellow-citizens generally of 
the expediency, if not absolute necessity, of a thorough reform in all these particu- 
Iar!>. There are many things, both in the moral and phj'sical world, that grow 
better as time waneth. Even wisdom herself is often improved by the experience 
which age brings to her aid. Old whisky, old wine, old bacon, old servants, old 
acquaintances and old friends are quite agreeable to us all, and I should not be sur- 
prised if you should even like eome of the good old ways by which we contrived to 
get along somehow or other while I had the honor of being your Governor. Every- 
thing, therefore, is not to be rejected merely because it is old ; and among those 
good old things whicli you may not consider the less worthy of your regard on 
account of their age, I hope you will not forget to include the Old Ranger. 

On another occasion, during the canvass for Governor in 182G, Gover- 
nor Edwards, in a speech to his constituents, after making a few introduc- 
tory remarks, proceeded as follows : 

It is evident, however, that in connection Avith other measures adopted by our 
Legislature, it was calculated to render our miserable banking system almost exclu- 
sively subservient to the interest of non-residents and speculators, by its tendency 
to withdraw State paper from circulation among us, to accumulate it in their hands, 
and ultimately to tusure to them the benefits of paying their taxes in that medium, 



208 HISTORY DF ILLINOIS. 



while our own citizens would have been compelled, for the want of it, to pay 
theirs in cash. 

As there could be no inducements to purchase our paper if it were at par, so it is 
only as it depreciates that it admits of any speculation whatever. The greater, 
therefore, its depreciation, the greater the speculation, and consequently the 
stronger must be the inducements of those who have money at command to purchase 
it, because, while they risk less, they have a fair prospect of gaining more than they 
could make under different circumstances. Upon whom then are these inducements 
calculated to operate the most powerfully ? Most certainly upon those non-resi- 
dents who hold such immense tracts of land within our State, and whose taxes alone 
would be sufficient to take up all of our paper within about four or five years at 
most. The great amount due by them is sufficient to awaken their vigilance to pro- 
vide themselves at the earliest possible period with the means of discharging it; and 
thus while our own citizens, owing but comparatively small sums, and being gene- 
rally scarce of money, think only of providing for the payment of their taxes about 
the time the sheriff is expected to demand them, these non-residents and speculators 
have had the opportunity of engrossing nearly all the State paper which in the 
meantime had been in market. Having once got it in their possession, either for 
the paymentof their taxes or for the purchase of lands to be sold for taxes — the only 
uses that have heretofore rendered it valuable — they could have but little induce- 
ments to part with it, even for a much higher price than they gave for it, since they 
could have no certainty of obtaining adequate future supplies, and of course would 
be subjected to the danger of having tliemselves to replace it with specie. It has, 
therefore, constantly been their interest to hoard it up till they could apply it to 
the objects for which they obtained it, and you might just as well talk of catching 
birds by putting fresh salt upon their tails, as to expect to force men who have 
engrossed our paper for these purposes to part with it by reducing its value. This 
would, in fact, only throw so much more into their power. Were there any doubts 
as to these results, the woful experience we have already had is sufficient to remove 
them. The experiment of making our State paper more plenty and more accessible 
to those of our fellow-citizens who stand in need of it by depreciating it, has been 
fully tried, and the result of the experiment has been that it has almost entirely dis- 
appeared from among us. Depreciated, as it was by our legislation, to less than 
one-third of its nominal value in the early part of last year, non-residents having a 
large amount of taxes to pay, and well knowing that the State was and always will 
be bound to receive it at par with specie, employed so many agents and used such 
exertions to purchase it up, that its scarcity was soon perceived, and has been ever 
since severely felt throughout every part of the State. Judging of the future by 
the past, it is reasonable to conclude, from the great competition that has existed 
at every sale of lands for taxes at Vandalia, and from the evidently increasing dis- 
position to engage in that speculation, as evinced at the last sales, that our paper 
would, as it has heretofore been, be hoarded up for the purpose of being laid out in 
the purchase of lands or in the payment of taxes on them at the next sales. These 
were to have taken place, according to the law under consideration, in January, 
1828, when there would have been three years taxes due, which, according to the 
estimate in the report of the last Legislature, could not have amounted to less than 
|120,000. Taking into consideration, then, that the whole amount of our State 
paper is less than .$200,000, and that of this amount more than |G0,000 are required 
by law to be burnt before that time, you may well judge how much of it the policy 
of our legislation would have left in circulation available to our fellow-citizens in 



LIFE AND TIMES OP NINIAN EDWARDS. 209 

the payment of their taxes, or to the unfortunate bank debtor3 in the payment of 
their bank debts, whom the Legislature determined rigorously to coerce at the very 
time that its injudicious measures were so well calculated to lessen their means of 
payment, if not to render it utterly impracticable. 

Experience has ever proved that a paper currency tends to prevent the circulation 
of the precious metals. A proof of this is found la the fact that not a cent of specie 
is now or has been for years past paid into our treasury. And thus, while we are 
deprived by this means of a sound circulating medium, the benefits of our miserable 
State currency are almost exclusively enjoyed by non-residents. The greatest evil 
we now labor under is -the want of an adequate circulating medium of any kind. 
How unwise, then, must have been the policy of this extraordinary indulgence to 
non-residents.which has so clearly tended to aggravate that evil ? Seeing that our 
paper must have been hoarded up in their hands, the most natural and obvious 
policy would have been to have compelled them to disburse it in the payment of 
taxes as often as we could, consistently with our stipulations to place them upon a 
fair equality with ourselves. They might, indeed, have purchased it again, but not 
upon the same terms they did last year. They bought it then at an average of not 
more than 30 cents to the dollar: they would now have to give at least 50 cents; 
and as when once received into the treasury it could only get into market again 
through the medium of our citizens, its re-purchase would have been a clear gain 
to them of 20 per cent, upon the whole amount. 

This extraordinary indulgence to non-residents has been practically extended to 
the purchasers of lands sold for taxes wherever they may have resided. The taxes 
of these non-residents and speculators, as well as our own, for the last year, became 
due on the first day of October last, but, while you have been compelled to pay 
yours, not a cent has been exacted from them, nor did the law to which I am ob- 
jecting require them to pay a cent till January, 1828 — an indulgence of two years 
and three months longer than h3,s been allowed to you. 

Unnatural as this partiality for non-residents and speculators seems to be, and 
unjustifiable upon principle as it surely would be, even if productive of no public 
loss, it is infinitely more reprehensible in consequence of its having been extended 
to them, as I shall presently show, at the sacrifice of your pecuniary interest. 

It must indeed be humiliating to your pride to find that the sympathies of your 
own Legislature have been so much more strongly enlisted in favor of non-residents 
and speculators than yourselves. Such a predilection cannot fail to surprise all 
who arc unable to penetrate the mysterious motives which have produced it. Con- 
gress, judging from the general disposition which the members of a Legislature 
would naturally be expected to cherish towards their immediate constituents, and 
aware of the ordinary springs and motives of human action, deemed it necessary to 
guard against what they supposed a much more probable bias— a partiality in favor of 
our own citizens — and hence insisted upon a stipulation, which we agreed to, lor 
placing non-residents upon a bare equality, as to taxation, with ourselves. How much, 
then, must that enlightened body be surprised to find, not only that their precaution 
was wholly unnecessary, but that our Legislature, not content with placing non-resi- 
dents upon a fair equality, and disdaining the maxim that "charity begins at home," 
have distinguished them by extraordinary indulgencies denied to our own citizens. 

Such conduct certainly appears somewhat inexplicable. It is, however, suscept- 
ible of the clearest demonstration that a further tendency of this indulgence has 
been to create, to cherish and to support an abominable system of speculation to 
the manifest detriment of the public interest. 

—27 



210 HISTORY OF ILLINOIS. 



Let it be remembered that the principal part of our revenue is derived from the 
taxes of non-residents. This being the case, human ingenuity could not have de- 
vised a more efiFectual scheme for producing an annual deficit In the treasury than 
by permitting these taxes always to remain one year in arrear ; and this, by crea- 
ting the necessity for new issues of Auditor's warrants, has constantly afforded 
opportunities of speculating on them, by which the public have lost precisely what 
the speculators have gained, while the two years' indulgence, allowed to the pur- 
chasers of lands sold for taxes, has aff'orded them the opportunity of disposing of 
their lands so purchased at a profit, for that length of time, without being subjected 
to the inconvenience of paying taxes on their property as you are bound to pay on 
yours. How, then, is this discrimination to be justified ? Are speculators more 
useful, more meritorious, more worthy of the forbearance, lenity and encourage- 
ment of the Government than the honest farmers and mechanics of the country, 
who make their livings by the sweat of their brows ? If not, why should they have 
been so much more highly favored ? 

Had those non-residents and speculators been required to pay their taxes last Oc- 
tober, as you were compelled to pay yours, there would then have been no necessity 
for new issues of Auditor's warrants, the State would have saved all the loss conse- 
quent upon the increase of its paper, and paying it out at two dollars for one, and 
forty thousand dollars more at least would have been received into the treasury, which, 
by the disbursement and operations of the Government, would have been diff'used 
throughout the State, thereby increasing our circulating medium and facilitating to 
you the means of paying your present year's taxes ; but then, this would have withered 
if not annihilated that speculation which has been too long luxuriating upon the spoli- 
ations that have been committed upon the resources of the State and the honest 
earnings of the sweat of your brows. 

Were I to assert that you are taxed to support this indulgence to non-residents and 
speculators, would you not consider it too monstrous and incredible for belief? Or, 
believing it, would it not betr.ay a mean, servile and abject spirit, which every inde- 
pendent freeman must ablior, to regard such oppression with anything short of the 
most indignant reprobation ? It was not the trifling amount of the tax on tea, im- 
posed by the British Parliament, but an opposition to the principle imposed by the 
elevated sentiments of freedom, that roused the spirit of resistance and animated the 
exertions of our noble sires in our glorious contest for independence. We should in- 
deed disgrace our lineage, and deserve to be considered their degenerate sons, if we 
could feel reconciled to be placed, in our own State, and by our own Legislature, too, 
on inferior grounds to that of non-residents and speculators. But to be willing to be 
taxed to support a humiliating discrimination between them and us, which violates 
our just claims to a fair equality, would prove us worthy only to become their "hew- 
ers of wood and drawers of water." 

Incredible, however, as it may appear, it is nevertheless true that you are, in fact, 
taxed to support this unjust inequality. The amount of the tax due last October, by 
non-residents, as assumed in the report of the Legislature, before alluded to, is $40,- 
000. They had, then, this amount of our State paper in their hands, or like our own 
citizens they should have had it, which is the same thing to us. It bears an interest 
of two per cent., which, on $40,000, is $800 per year. The interest, therefore, for 
the two years' indulgence extended to non-residents, over and above what has been 
allowed to our own citizens, amounts to $1600, not a cent of which is chargeable to 
them, according to the practical operation of the system, provided their taxes be paid 
at any time within that period. Now, had those taxes been paid last October, as they 



LIFE AND TIMES OF NINIAN EDWAEDS. 211 

ought to have been, the State would have saved that amount of interest, as our pa- 
per, when once received into the treasury, ceases thereafter to bear interest ; but, 
instead of this, this sum of $1600 has been virtually offered as a premium to non-resi- 
dents and speculators not to pay their taxes as you have been compelled to pay yours 
— for they will be allowed precisely that much more, as interest upon our paper, at 
the expiration of the two years' indulgence, than they would have received if they had 
paid it last October. Could it, then, be expected that they would be guilty of the 
egregious folly of overlooking and disregarding this singular advantage ? And who, 
let me ask, has to pay for it ? The interest thus allowed them, every man of common 
sense will see, must be made up by the State. I have already shown that the debts 
of the State are due and payable, in just and fair proportion, by the people of the 
State ; and as the State has no means of raising revenue, paying debts or making up 
any losses whatever, but by taxation, which must necessarily fall equally upon all, it 
is evident that each one of you will be compelled to pay your respective proportion of 
the interest thus gratuitously allowed to non-residents and speculators. And if you 
are willing thus to be taxed to maintain a distinction which degrades you below their 
level, and from which no public benefit can possibly arise, it is hardly to be expected 
that you will, hereafter, feel or manifest any repugnance to the unnecessary multipli- 
cation of offices, or the addition of a few hundred dollars more or less to the salaries 
of our officers. 

But this, my fellow-citizens, is but a bagatelle — a mere atom in the great mass of 
losses that have been sustained by this unfortunate measure, and for which you have 
been and still are, and for years to come must be taxed. I do not intend to be under- 
stood as assailing the motives of any particular individual for the projection of this 
measure, for I neither know nor have I sought to find out who was its original author ; 
but believing it to be not less my duty than my right, as a free-born citizen, to point 
out its consequences, I will say that the powers of the human mind are utterly inca- 
pable of devising a more adroit and artful scheme for perpetrating and increasing the 
evils of our present paper system, and involving the State in hopeless bankruptcy and 
disgrace, than this indulgence to non-residents and speculators, with the auxiliary 
measures that have accompanied it. Nor can a stronger proof of the dextrous nature 
of this destructive policy be desired than is to be found in the fact that, although it 
has been in operation for years past, its ruinous consequences have hitherto escaped 
the general notice of the people. 

Soon after the establishment of our State Bank, its deleterious influence on the 
pi'osperity of the State and its injurious effects upon our revenue became so manifest, 
that no one who had any reputation to hazard could have been found bold enough to 
have encountered the strong public sentiment against it, by even proposing to issue 
the additional $200,000 which the charter admitted ; but our Legislature have stolen 
a march upon you, and have done infinitely worse in issuing Auditor's warrants, both 
because they never can answer the purposes of a circulating medium as well as the 
bank notes, and because the loss upon them to the State must necessarily be greater. 
According to the charter of the bank, it never was intended that the State should 
have sustained any loss. If the law had been executed in good faith, by taking secu- 
rity to double the value of the sums borrowed, it might have sustained none. In 
many cases it will sustain none. But in issuing Auditor's warrants, and paying them 
out at $3 for $1, a loss of two-thirds of their whole amount is realized on their issue, 
without any hope of receiving or any right to claim any indemnification whatever. 
Besides, all those'Varrants have tended to keep down the value of the notes of the 



212 HISTORY OF ILLINOIS. 



bank, and of course to subject the State, which is bound to make them good, to all 
the eventual loss of their depreciation. 

Everj real friend of the State must deplore these accumulating evils ; and while 
every patriotic bosom has been cherishing the fond hope of their gradual diminution 
and final termination, what has been the result ? In five years about $100,000 of 
these bank notes have been withdrawn from circulation, but in a single year a larger 
amount of Auditor's warrants have been substituted in their place ; for during the 
last year, only, warrants to the amount of |10'7,000 were issued. When, then, are 
our embarrassments to end, if as fast, only, as our bank notes are withdrawn from cir- 
culation. Auditor's warrants, at a much greater loss, are to be made to supply their 
place ? 

It has been supposed that this wretched policy was intended to favor bank debtors. 
If so, it would have been far better to have given up those debts altogether, for it can 
be demonstrated with mathematical certainty that an annual loss, equal to that which 
was produced last year by this policy, would, in less than five years, amount to one- 
third more than the whole sum due by bank debtors, and it would surely be wiser to 
give this up than to sacrifice one-third more on their account in so short a time, and 
this, too, without any additional assurance of making ultimate collections from them. 
It would, indeed, have been less grievous if this loss to the State had been the gain 
of the bank debtors, for then it would have been among our own citizens ; but we 
iave, unfortunately, no grounds to solace ourselves with this consolation, for the most 
of these warrants, like our State paper, were soon caught up by the agents of non- 
residents and speculators, who, like the eagle ready to pounce upon its prey, stood 
waiting and prepared for that purpose. 

Let us, then, inquire whence arose the necessity or what furnished the pretext for 
issuing those warrants. Certainly, nothing else created' the one or furnished the other 
than those deficits in the treasury which arose from the indulgence, granted to non- 
residents and speculators, in regard to the payment of their taxes. This pretext, thus 
obtained, may be made to operate with equal force forever, and keep us constantly 
issuing warrants and receiving nothing else from non-residents in the payment of their 
taxes — while they may hold our State paper, bearing an interest of two per cent., until 
the State is bound to redeem it with gold and silver. 

In consequence of those non-residents and speculators not having been compelled 
to pay their taxes last October, it became necessary, as before observed, to issue war- 
rants to the amount of those taxes. These warrants, bearing no interest, and the 
payment of them not being quite as well secured as that of our State paper, could of 
course be bought cheaper. What, then, was to prevent those non-residents and spec- 
ulators from buying them up to pay those very taxes in January, 1828, which ought 
to have been paid last October ? The warrants being thus paid into the treasury, 
the State would only have redeemed them, the treasury would still be as destitute of 
funds as ever, and the Government under the same necessity to issue new warrants 
as when these were issued. And again, new warrants might be paid and substituted 
in like manner, and thus, instead of gradually diminishing our responsibility for the 
notes of the bank, and saving at the rate of $800 a year in interest, the warrants so 
issued in advance might be made to pay the taxes of those non-residents and specula- 
tors, till the expiration of the charter of the bank, when our whole bank debt will 
fall due. 

Let us now inquire how much has been realized to the State, by this system of pol- 
icy, out of the taxes of non-residents, for the last three years. At the close of the 



LIFE AND TIMES OP NINIAN EDWARDS. 213 

Legislature of 1825, neither their taxes for the year 1823 or 1824 had been required 
to be paid. Supposing them to have amounted, for these two years, to $80,000. 
This may be assumed as the amount of the warrants that were issued to supply the 
place of those taxes. These warrants being paid at $3 for $1, of course the State could 
only realize one-third of the amount of those taxes, which is but $2,G6G 60 out of the 
$80,000. The taxes due last October being $40,000, this may be assumed as the 
amount of the warrants to supply their place. These warrants being paid at $2 for 
$1, $20,000 only of these taxes can be saved to the State — thereby, without making 
any deduction for the loss of interest, as already explained, realizing only $46,666 66 
out of $120,000, being at the average rate of a little upwards of $15,000 per year, 
which is not half the amount of last year's expenses. But nothing is more easy than, 
with a few strokes of the pen, to supply every deficiency, however produced, by Au- 
ditor's warrants at $3 for $1, which, however sportful to others, I am afraid you will 
find death to you, unless it can be speedily and effectually checked. 

But let us further inquire how these warrants affect our interest in other respects. 
They were made receivable in payment of bank debts, at par, though issued at three 
times as much as they were paid out at. The amount of the bank debts collected an- 
nually is $30,000. Supposing this sum paid in warrants of the same nominal value, 
but issued at $3 for $1, the State would receive only $10,000 instead of $30,000, and 
from these $10,000 at least $5,000 must be deducted for the salaries of five cashiers, 
and other incidental expenses of the bank, so that the State would, in fact, receive 
only $5,000 out of the $30,000 for which it is accountable, and of course would still 
be liable on this account for the remaining $25,000, which, let it be remembered, 
could only be raised by taxation. 

Supposing the whole debt settled in the same way, and what would be the loss 
which the State would sustain ? The original amount was $300,000, which the State 
agreed to redeem, at the expiration of ten years, with gold and silver coins, and, to 
indemnify it for this responsibility, the borrowers were required to pay one-tenth of 
it, to-wit: $30,000, annually. But if, instead of receiving this sura, the State should 
only secure $5,000 per annum, these for ten years would amount to but $50,000, which 
would leave the State in debt, at the expiration of that period, for the remaining 
$250,000, which, if paid as our Legislature have paid our other debts of every descrip- 
tion, in Auditor's warrants at $3 for $1, would involve us in a debt of precisely $750,- 
000. If paid in Auditor's warrants, at the rate at which they are at present issued , 
to-wit: at $2 for $1, (and there would be the same apology and justification for pay- 
ing this as any other debt in this way,) it would leave us involved in a debt of $500,- 
000, which, let it not be forget, could only be raised by taxation. 

Our losses necessarily arising from the policy that has been pursued by our Legis- 
lature are precisely in this proportion. And upon whom do they fall? You, who 
have bad no agency in this indulgence to non-residents and speculators, nor anything 
to do with the bank — old residents, new settlers and future emigrants — will all have 
to be taxed to pay your respective proportions of these losses. Are you, then, wil- 
ling to be taxed to support a partial and unjust system, or to pay other people's 
debts? If not, you must speak with the voice of authority, and at least forbid the 
issuing of any more warrants upon the ruinous terms upon which they are even now 
daily issued — for, independent of other losses, they must, on these terms, render 
your taxes twice as high as they would otherwise be. Such impositions as these 
upon a free, high-minded and independent people, I boldly assert have no parallels 
in the annals of free government, and they are only to be borne by that Christian 



214 HISTORY OF ILLINOIS, 



charity which hopeth all things, believeth all things, and endureth all things ; but 
with whatever fortitude they may be borne, truth and reason must forever consign 
them to the indignant reprobation of a people who have the judgment to discern, 
the sense to feel and the spirit to resist injustice and oppression. 

Regarding this indulgence to non-residents and speculators with the objections 
which I have pointed out to you, and happening to be at Vandalia during the last 
session of the Legislature, I spared no pains and provoked no little hostility to my- 
self in trying to get this unwise and unjust distinction, between them and our own 
citizens, abolished ; and, although I could not accomplish all I wished in this respect, 
I am happy to say that the sales for their taxes are hereafter to be annual, which 
(better late than never) will compel them to disburse, and enable the Government 
to put into circulation a large amount of our paper — which cannot fail, in the course 
of next year, to afford great relief to the people, but which would otherwise have 
remained hoarded up for at least one year longer. 

There is no danger, fellow-citizens, that I shall ever be deprived of the credit of 
having been the means of effecting this change, for this injurious measure had been 
in operation for years, and no member of the Legislature can acknowledge that he 
foresaAV the consequences I have pointed out, without pronouncing his own condem- 
nation for not having at least attempted its repeal at an earlier period. I ought to 
receive this credit at your hands, for my interposition on this subject has been de- 
nounced as an undue interference with the Legislature, and has elicited against me 
the angry, persecuting and relentless opposition of all those who, by such means, 
have promoted their own ambitious views or satiated tlieir craving avarice. This 
is no wonder, since I have deprived them of the means of feasting sumptuously upon 
the spoils that have been committed upon your interest. But, whatever may be the 
consequences to myself, I glory in what I have done, and only long for an opportu- 
nity to complete the work of reformation, thus begun, by putting an entire stop to 
the issue of Auditor's warrants upon terms which now daily subject you to be taxed 
twice as high as you ought to be, or as there is any necessity for. I denounce the 
whole system of warrants, and never will give my consent, iu any situation, either 
private or public, to the issue of one dollar's worth at any sacrifice whatever of your 
interest. I have ever been a fearless politician — probably too much so, on some 
occasions, for my interest — but I thank my God that I am not to be deterred by the 
log-rolling caucuses of big men assembled at Vandalia, who, arrogating to themselves 
the right of deciding for you, and undertaking to determine whom you shall be per- 
mitted to raise up and put down, issue their orders accordingly to their instruments 
throughout every part of the State. It is true that painful experience has taught 
me not to undervalue the power of such combinations, but I would infinitely rather 
be put down by them, in a manly struggle, than meanly succumb to them. And you 
may be assured the time has arrived when, if you do not set your faces against such 
bargaining systems, you will find your most essential rights bargained away from you. 

My appeal from the self-constituted tribunals is directly to the people, in whose 
virtue, intelligence and ultimate justice I have the most implicit confidence, and on 
which I have ever found the safest dependence. It is, happily, your right to decide 
for yourselves, and whatever may be your decision, I shall be one of the last men 
in this world to complain of it. These powerful combinations hope to influence you 
to oppose me. They may succeed ; but why should they ? Few of those individuals, 
if any, have any just cause of hostility to me. Some of them may even owe much 
of their present power to injure me to my unrequited kindness to them. It would 



LIFE AND TIMES OP NINIAN EDWARDS. 215 

not be the first time that I have raised up a stick to break my own head with. It 
may be my misfortune to be considered as standing in the way of the gratification of 
their own views of personal ambition ; but it would be asking too much of indepen- 
dent freemen, whom I have never injured or even intentionally offended, to become 
my enemies merely because this and that big man happen to be so from their own 
selfish motives. I have always taken the greatest pleasure in rendering any assist- 
ance in my power to my fellow-citizens. I am not conscious of ever having turned 
my back upon any man who has endeavored to seek justice, or the redress of any 
grievance, through my instrumentality. I may have offended some of you, but inex- 
orable, indeed, must be the vengeance I have provoked, if the power of combinations 
have not already prostrated me sufficiently to satisfy it. 

Have the people any interest to advance by assisting those who have brought them 
to the very brink of ruin, to keep down a man who boldly and fearlessly advocates 
their own cause, which each one of us knows to be just? What have I ever done to 
deserve your hostility? Let the time, place, and circumstances — the when, and 
where, and how — be distinctly stated, and I am ready to answer for myself. I dis- 
dain to notice the petty, contemptible, gossiping tales which falsehood and malignity 
are constanting inventing and circulating against me ; but I challenge my enemies 
to show a single act of my whole public life that is as reprehensible as this indul- 
gence to non-residents. I go further: T defy them to show that all my official mis. 
deeds, throughout my long public service, put together, have been as injurious to the 
public interest as this single measure, with its auxiliary of Auditor's warrants at 
three dollars for one, or even at two for one. Could they do this, they would not 
spare me, for it has been my misfortune to owe as little as any man in the world to 
the courtesy and forbearance of my enemies. You do not hear them complaining 
against and denouncing the authors of those measures. Why, then, am I so much 
more obnoxious to their opposition than those whom they are obliged to admit have 
done worse than I have ? I leave you to decide upon the motive. 

Some of them pay me the compliment (probably an undeserved one) of admitting 
that no man in the State is more capable of devising the ways and means of freeing 
it from its present calamitous situation than myself; but then, with sinister premo- 
nition, they inquire, "Is he to be trusted?" I am willing for you to decide this 
question — am I to be trusted. I have been tried for many years — and when, or 
where, or how have I ever deceived the people ? Was it during those Territorial 
times, that tried men's souls ? was it when our frontiers were smoking with the blood 
and strewed with Jthe mangled bodies of our men, women and children, iHdiscrimi- 
nately slaughtered by ruthless savages? Did I then consult my own ease and com- 
fort and interest, or shrink from the highest responsibility? Did I wait for author- 
ity to act ? Did I not unhesitatingly act without it ? and freely risk my commis- 
sion, my reputation, my property and my life to defend my fellow-citizens and 
punish barbarian aggression ? I have letters in possession from some of my present 
persecutors that contain satisfactory answers to all these questions. Did I, then, 
betray or deceive you on any of those great questions, so vitally affecting your inte- 
rest, which were agitated in Congress during the period of my service in that 
body? Let my published speeches and the journals of the Senate answer. 

No, my fellow-citizens, my enemies do not fear that I shall deceive you. They 
well know that if I were to try my best I could not possibly cfiect any measures 
more injurious to your interest than those which are now in daily operation before 
your own eyes, but they believe I possess the capacity to produce reform and they 
fear that I shall obftiin the credit of effecting it — and this is a credit which, if my 



216 HISTORY OP ILLINOIS. 



life and health is spared, they shall not deprive me of, for, so long as oppression 
continues to stalk through our land with such gigantic strides, you shall find one 
man, at least, in the State, whether you reject me or not, bold enough to cry aloud 
and spare not. You may abandon me, but I will not desert your cause ; for an am- 
bition to deserve to be considered as the people's friend is engrafted in my very 
nature, and no man can more strongly confide in their ultimate justice. 

I am charged with attacking the members of the Legislature ; but it is not my 
object to assail any individual whatever. I have explored no journals to see who 
voted this way or that waj'. It is measures, and not men, that I wish to be »nder- 
stpod as opposing. I firmly believe the great majority of our Legislature to have 
been honest, virtuous and patriotic. Many of them, I know, have anxiously desired 
to get rid of all the evils of our paper system ; but I have no doubt that, tired and 
discouraged by unavailing efforts for that purpose, and yielding to a listless despair» 
they have been deceived, and that few of them, if any, ever foresaw the consequen- 
ces I have pointed out; nor is it to be wondered at that they should not. It falls 
to the lot of but few men to be good financiers ; and did they possess the highest 
financial capacities, the opportunities of ascertaining the true state of our treasury, 
and the effects of particular measures upon it, during tlie session of the Legislature, 
when they have so much other business to attend to, are too limited, and hence it 
has been made by our constitution the duty of the executive, who has the requisite 
time for attention to these subjects, to communicate to the Legislature, from time 
to time, the true state of the government — besides all which, those measures have 
generally been adopted near the close of a session, in all the hurry and bustle usual 
about that period. If the evil consequences which I have portrayed escaped their 
notice, I cannot hesitate to believe, as true patriots and real friends to the State, 
they will rejoice, for the sake of the public good, that I have discovered and dis" 
closed them. But, whether or not, if the measures are wrong, as I contend they 
are, I disclaim the authority of any gag-law, legal or moral, to restrain my animad- 
versions upon them. 

The combined powers of Hs political opponents, of tlie bank party, of 
the advocates of the circuit court system, aided by the co-operation of 
some of the most powerful men and purest patriots of the State, who then 
took an erroneous view of his course, but who were afterwards numbered 
among his warmest friends, were all brought to operate against his election. 
In attacking the policy of previous Legislatures, he also dissatisfied many 
of his warmest friends who had supported and voted for many of those 
measures. Against this powerful host he contended almost single-handed. 
But deploring the ruinous measures that had formerly prevailed, and the 
enormous taxes with which the people were at that time oppressed in con- 
sequence thereof, he determined, regardless of personal consequences, to 
produce reform; and neither consulting nor soliciting the aid of any indi- 
vidual, he took such bold grounds in all his addresses, that the politi- 
cians and many of his friends thought it too hazardous to be identified 
with him — ^yet he succeeded, though the candidate for Lieutenant-Gover- 
nor and for Congress, on the same ticket, and many of his political friends, 
were defeated at the same election, and a majority opposed to them and 
himself were returned to the Legislature. This election, when it is con- 



LIFE AND TIMES OP NINIAN EDWARDS. 217 

sidered that Mr. Cook, his son-in-law, was the candidate to represent the 
only Congressional district in the State ; that both of them had represented 
the State, the one in the Senate and the other in the House of Represen- 
tatives of the United States, for nearly the whole period since the admis- 
sion of the State into the Union; that Judges Pope, Alexander, and Abner 
Field, relatives of Grov. Edwards, had also filled important offices — was, 
indeed, in the language of the Hon. William Wirt, "a noble victory." It 
proved to the nation at large that he was sustained by the people of his 
own State. Among his warmest supporters in this election may be num- 
bered such men as Judges Lockwood, Wilson, Breese, Brown, Gov. Ford, 
George Forquer, William H. Brown and Hon. David J. Baker. For a 
history of the financial condition of the State, and other measures of policy 
which he advocated, the reader is referred to his messages and speeches; 
and, indeed, his correspondence and publications furnish such a complete 
history of his times, as to make it unnecessary to write much on the subject. 

In his messages to the legislatures, he recommended the measures which 
he had advocated in his public addresses — most of which were adopted 
without much opposition. 

In the year previous to his being elected Governor, Auditor's warrants, 
which the State was bound to redeem with gold and silver, to the amount 
of $107,000, were issued and paid out at three dollars for one, whereby 
the State sustained a loss in one single year of more than S70,000 — a sum, 
at that time, sufiicicnt to have carried on all the necessary operations of 
the government for three years. The result of the measures which he 
proposed, and which were adopted by the Legislature on his recommenda- 
tion, were as follows : The taxes on lands of residents of the counties in 
which they were situated, which had previously been paid into the State 
treasury, were given up to those counties ; the State was not losing one 
cent by its financial operations; and the taxes could be reduced to at least 
one-third of the amount previously levied. All of these measures were 
eflfected without the aid of any resources which were not in the power of 
the State previous to "the commencement of his administration. Governor 
Ford, in his history of the State, says that he broke down all opposition to 
his administration, carried all his measures, and succeeded in having all 
his candidates elected. 

Judging from the friendly and cordial feelings manifested towards him 
by the Legislature, at the close of his term of office ; from letters he re- 
ceived from every portion of the State; from the kind and affectionate treat- 
ment he met with from his fellow-citizens, wherever he went among them, 
and from the undoubted fact that many who had opposed him were then 
his friends and supporters — he never stood better with the people of the 
State than he did*at the close of his administration. 
—28 



CHAPTER XI. 

The Winnehajo and Black Haivh Wars. 

During Gov. Edwards' administration, as Executive of the State, the 
Indians upon the North-Western frontier began to be very troublesome. 
The different tribes not only commenced a warfare among themselves, in 
regard to their respective boundaries, but they extended their hostilities 
to the white settlements. A treaty of peace, in which the whites acted 
more as mediators than as a party, had been signed at Prairie du Chien, 
on the 19th day of August, 1825, by the terms of which the boundaries 
between the Winncbagoes and the Sioux, Chippeways, Sauks, Foxes, and 
and other tribes, were defined, but it failed to keep them quiet. Their 
depredations and murders continued frequent, and in the summer of 1827, 
their conduct, particularly of the Winnebagoes, became very alarming. 
There is no doubt, however, that the whites, who at this period were im- 
migrating in large numbers to the North- West, and earnestly desired their 
removal further westward, purposely exasperated the Indians, at the same 
time that they greatly exaggerated the actual hostilities committed. 

According to a letter written at this time, by Gen. Street, from Prairie 
du Chien, to Gov. Edwards, the Winnebagoes had been soured by the con- 
duct of the adventurers flocking to and working the lead mines of Fever 
River and vicinity. Of those who went there by land, by for the greatest 
number passed through the country occupied by the Winnebagoes, and no 
doubt behaved very badly towards them. As to the right of that tribe to 
the lands in question, there seems to have been a misunderstanding. It 
appears, by a treaty made by Gen. Harrison, in 1804, that all the lands 
between the mouths of the Wisconsin and Illinois Rivers were purchased 
by the United States from the Sacs and Foxes. In 1816, Gen. Clark, 
Col. Chouteau and Gov. Edwards, as Commissioners of the United States, 
ceded, with certain reservations, all those lands which lie north of a due 
west line from the southern extremity of Lake Michigan to the Mississippi, 
to the OttawaySj Chippeways and Pottawottamies, (denominated the In- 
dians of the Illinois River,) and who therefore appeared to be the real 
owners of the lands. But, according to the treaty of August 19th, 1825, 
the Commissioners seemed to have recognized the right of the Winnebagoes 



LIFE AND TIMES OF NINIAN EDWARDS.* 219 

to this same land. Certainly, whether rightfully or not, the latter tribe 
were, and had been for years, in possession of the territory, and fully be- 
lieved it belonged to them. But without regard to this claim, Mr. Thomas, 
the agent at the mines, freely granted permits to the miners collected there, 
and numerous diggings were industriously pushed far east of the line be- 
tween the Winnebagoes and the Indians of the Illinois River. T^hese 
trespassers procured and took away great quantities of mineral to the 
smelters. The Winnebagoes complained of this as an open violation of 
the treaty; no notice was, however, taken of their complaints. The 
permits continued to be given and the diggings progressed. At last the 
Indians attempted force, which was repelled ; and very angry feelings, by 
consequence, were produced on both sides. 

In this state of excitement some of the Indians left the neighborhood of 
the mines and made a journey above Prairie du Chien, for the purpose, as 
was supposed, of consulting some of their chiefs and influential men there, 
and also to invite the co-operation of the Sioux. They were there met by 
• a Sioux Indian, called Waw-zee-kootee (he that shoots in the pine-tops), 
who told the Winnebagoes that the U. S. commander at Fort Snelling had 
delivered up several Sioux Indians to the Chippeways, by whom they had 
been cruelly murdered, and that at the same time two Winnebagoes, in 
confinement, charged with murder, had been butchered by the whites. It 
appears that just before this time a party of twenty-four Chippeways, while 
on their way to Fort Snelling, had been surprised by a band of Sioux and 
eight of them killed. The murderers had been captured by the U. S. 
commandant and turned over to the Chippeways, by whom they had been 
properly punished ; but that there was no foundation whatever for the rest 
of the exaggerated story detailed to the Winnebago Indians. However, 
they were prevailed upon to seek revenge for the alleged murder of their 
two men — Waw-zee-kootee promising them that the Sioux would assist 
them, so soon as the first blow was struck. It is further evident that Red 
Bird, the chief of the Sioux, (who wished to retaliate on the whites for hav- 
ing, in the Fort Snelling murders, sided with the Chippeways,) was at the 
bottom of this contemplated alliance. The plan was to kill or drive off all 
the whites above Rock River. 

With this understanding the Winnebagoes, on the 24th of July, killed 
two whites, in the vicinity of Prairie du Chien, and on the 30th of the 
same month they attacked two keel boats, which were conveying military 
stores to Fort Snelling — in which attack two of the crew were killed and 
four severely wounded. These murders greatly alarmed the frontier settle- 
ments at Galena and the mining country around that post. 

As soon as intelligence of the hostile attitude which the northern Indians 
were manifesting," towards the whites, reached Gov. Edwards, and even 



220 HISTORY OF ILLINOIS. 



before any blow was struck, as early as the 14tli of July he issued an order 
to the commandants in Gen. Hanson's brigade, located on the east side of 
the Illinois River, (except the Twentieth Regiment,) commanding them to 
take immediate steps for detaching into service one-fourth of their respec- 
tive regiments. Should any part of the frontier south of Rock River be 
found to be invested by the savages, the officer in command of the detach- 
ment was directed, with the least possible delay, to march to the support 
of any point attacked, without further orders. 

On the same day he wrote to Col. Thomas M. Neale, of the Twentieth 
Regiment, mostly from the Hangamon country, in the course of which he 
said: 

You will accept the services of any number of mounted volunteers, not exceeding 
600, who will equip themselves, find their own subsistence, and continue in ser- 
vice thirty days unless sooner discharged. They will rendezvous, as soon as pos- 
sible, at Fort Clark, where you will organize and take the command of them, and 
march, with all possible expedition, to the assistance of our fellow-citizens at 
Galena, where, if you find an officer of the United States army entitled to superior 
command to yourself, you will report to him and receive his orders. In your pro- • 
gress you will avoid rashly exposing your men to unequal contests, but it is expected 
that you will not overlook any proper opportunity of repelling any hostile incursions 
of the savages. 

You will order the officer next you in command to take immediate steps for draft- 
ing from your regiment, according to law, and with the least possible delay, six 
companies of infantry, which are to be held in readiness to march, at a moment's 
warning, to any frontier that may be invaded ; in which event, he is immediately to 
march them to the support of the point attacked, without further orders. None of 
the citizens, however, in the vicinity of the immediate frontier, are to be drafted. 

On the 9th of August, Gov. Edwards wrote to Gen. Clark as follows : 

There being the strongest reason for believing that the Pottawottamies of the 
Illinois River have been depredating upon the property of some of the citizens of 
this State, and the official communication of Dr. Wolcott, Indian agent at Chicago, 
leaving no doubt of their hostile dispositions, it is my duty to inform you that, if 
any future depredations should be committed by them, and immediate reparation 
refused, I will not hesitate to drive them from their present residence, which you 
know they have no right to occupy. 

On the 20th of August, Gov. Edwards wrote to the Secretary of War 

as follows: 

Gen. Cass, and other officers of the United States of great respectability, and with 
the best of opportunities of forming correct opinions on the subject, all concurring 
in the belief that the neighboring Indians intended making war upon us, and these 
Ipdians having committed several daring robberies and other depredations between 
Peoria and Galena, and commenced actual war in other parts, I have felt it my duty 
to call out about five hundred mounted volunteers to defend our frontiers. 

I suppose not less than 1,500 men have been driven by these acts from the vicinity' 
of Galena; and, but for the measures I adopted, several other parts of our frontier, 
from their defenceless situations, would have been depopulated. I, therefore, beg 



LIFE AND TIMES OP NINIAN EDWAKDS. 221 

leave to ask how far it may be the pleasure of the President to recognize the defen- 
sive measures which T have been thus compelled to adopt, and what provisions will 
be made for paying the militia which liave been called into service. 

My power to act in such cases is limited to sudden emergencies. The defense of 
every State belongs to the General Government. I now beg leave to ask, in behalf 
of this State, of the President of the United States such measures of protection 
to our extensive frontier as its peculiar weakness demands. The measures adopted 
by Gen. Atkinson are, I presume, sufficient to insure safety to our western boundary ; 
but they are not the least calculated, nor has he the kind of troops necessary to 
protect these settlements, which extend from the mouth of the Illinois River to 
Chicago. 

I need scarcely remark to you what all experience has proved, that whenever the 
Indians have once made up their minds to commit hostilities, or have actually com- 
mitted such as deserve chastisement, their pacific dispositions never can be safely 
relied upon until they have begged for peace — and begged it so earnestly as to leave 
no doubt of their sincerity. Nothing of this kind has yet occurred. The latter 
part of next month is, of all others, the most favorable time for concentrating their 
forces and striking the most formidable blow. I will add that I should be very 
happy to render, on the present occasion, any services that would be acceptable to 
the President. 

The services of the men I have called out will expire in a few days, and until I 
hear from you I shall not adopt any other measures, but leave it to the General 
Government to provide for such protection and safety as the people have a right to 
expect from it. 

In this crisis, Col. Abner Field, a gentleman of much intelligence and 
high respectability, was deputed by the population of Fever River Mines 
to apply to Gov. Edwards for further assistance to repel the hostilities of 
the Indians, with which they considered themselves daily threatened. He 
arrived at Belleville on the 2d of September, bringing very unflivorable 
news from the exposed frontier, which was fully confirmed by another 
express which arrived the next day from Peoria. 

It appeared that the Winnebagoes had ultimately refused to come to any 
arrangements with Gov. Cass and Col. McKenney ; that information had 
been received, which was believed, that a part at least of the Pottawotta- 
mies had determined to unite with the Winnebagdes in the war • and it 
was apprehended that the people of Fever River would be attacked before 
it would be possible to send them any aid ; that Gen. Atkinson had sent 
an express to that place asking for all the mounted riflemen that could be 
spared from it, and had marched towards Green Bay with about 600 
infantry and 130 mounted riflemen, to attack those Indians. Upon this 
information, Gov. Edwards wrote to the Secretary of War, on the 5th of 
September, as follows : 

No doubt Gen. Atkinson will accomplish all that can be effected with the force 
under his command ; but it is much to be regretted that he has not more mounted 
men ; for if the hostile Indians arc as numerous as Gov. Cass supposes, it is not pos- 
sible that he can.march such a distance through their own country, without having 



222 HISTORY OP ILLINOIS. 



a hard fight at least. Should he be defeated or driven back, it may well be imag- 
ined that the consequences must be truly disastrous to our very extensive and 
exposed settlements all along the Illinois River and its waters. Whatever may be 
their fate, however, if you will only cast your eye upon the map and consider that 
all the hostile Indians, with the exception of one small band, reside between the line 
of march and those settlements, it must, I think, be obvious to you that there is 
either no danger at all, or that they are in very great danger. Regarding them in 
the latter point of view, I feel it my duty to reiterate my former application to the 
President for that protection which their situation demands — a protection, the 
necessity of which is just as apparent as that of any movement which has been made 
under the authority of the government, and which cannot be doubted without an 
utter disbelief of any hostile disposition on the part of those savages, nor without 
questioning the propriety of all those measures of the government which have been 
adopted upon that suggestion. For if the Indians are hostilely disposed, as they 
can attack no where else with the same prospect of success and so little risk to 
themselves, so none can be in more danger than these settlements. Besides their 
lives and property, the people, I humbly conceive, have a fair claim upon the Gov- 
ernment for protection against those interruptions of their tranquillity by the sav- 
ages, which are reasonably calculated to prevent them from resting under the 
shade of their own vines and fig trees without any one to make them afraid. 

I learn from Col. Field that about 3,000 men have been driven from the mines, 
and but for the measures I adopted upon the first alarm, it is scarcely to be doubted 
that other parts of our frontier would have been entirely depopulated. I need not, 
I am sure, attempt to point out to a gentleman of your practical knowledge and 
experience the immense losses and sacrifices that must have resulted, both to indi- 
viduals and the State, from this state of things. 

My authority to act being limited to a sudden emergency, my measures were 
adopted with a view to such duration only as would be sufficient to enable the Gov- 
ernment to get its own into operation ; and I have now only between sixty and 
seventy men in service. Nor had I intended, under any circumstances, to have done 
more on my own responsibility, in consequence of there being no money in our 
State treasury; the impossibility of doing without it and the risk of pecuniary em- 
barrassment, of which I had some experience during the late war, being greater 
than I have felt under any obligations to encounter. These views, however, have 
never been communicated to a single individual ; and looking to consequences to 
the administration from adhering to them, which can scarcely escape your sagacity, 
I have concluded, should actual hostilities be committed on our frontier, immedi- 
ately to repair to it, make it my headquarters, and endeavor, with my own funds 
and at my own risk, to provide subsistence for such volunteers as I may be able to 
call to my aid until I can receive your answer to my letter of the 20th ult. What- 
ever that maybe, if it only shall aiford reasonable ground to expect I shall be sus- 
tained, I will continue to do the best in my power until I receive your answer to 
this letter ; otherwise, unless all danger shall entirely have disappeared, I shall be 
compelled to convene the Legislature and lay the case just as it is before them. 

I beg leave to observe that the experience of three years' hard service on our 
frontiers, during the last war, has convinced me that no other force of any reason- 
able amount is available for such protection as they require than that of mounted 
riflemen. Your infantry on the Wisconsin is too remote to afford the least assist- 
ance. It would be scarcely less available to us if it were at Washington City. 



LIFE AND TIMES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 223 

On the strength of the information communicated by Col. Field, on the 
same day (5th of September), Gov. Edwards issued a further order to 
Brig. Gen. Hanson, commanding him immediately to take all legal mea- 
sures necessary for enrolling in the militia all persons subject thereto, on 
Fever River or in the vicinity of the mines, and for organizing them ac- 
cording to law. 

Before, however, this order was fully executed, intelligence was received 
that Gen. Atkinson, who had marched into the Winnebago country, in 
pursuit of the ofiending Indians, had returned to Prairie du Chien with 
Red Bird, a chief of much prominence, and six other Indians, among whom 
was Black Hawk, who became famous afterwards. They were all com- 
mitted to jail, under the criminal charge of having committed the murder- 
ous attack upon the boats. They were kept in jail many months, awaiting 
their trial, and many threats were made by the Indians that if Red Bird 
should be executed, it would be the signal for a general uprising among 
the different tribes. In regard to Red Bird's capture and imprisonment, 
a letter from Gen. Street to Gov. Edwards, dated at Prairie du Chien, De- 
cember 28th, gives the following account: 

Red Bird is a favorite with his people and had obtained a high reputation among 
the whites previous to the late unprovoked murders. Tou, I doubt not, have had a 
particular account of his voluntary surrender of himself. This manly, chivalric act, 
his open, free and high bearing at the time, has something more than ordinary in it. 
Dressed in his Yanctonuni form of white, unsoiled skins, with a fine, white, dressed- 
Bkin robe cast loosely across his shoulder, and mounted on a fine mettlesome horse, with 
a white flag in his hand, and marching into the camp of "Whistler, unconfined, with 
a pleasant, unclouded brow, to deliver himself up as a murderer, is a little out of the 
ordinary course of such things amongst us. You perhaps have seen him. He is a 
tall, well-made, straight Indian, about thirty or forty years old, and has a very plea- 
sant countenance. There is nothing remarkable about the six other prisoners, if you 
except Eed Bird's son, a lad of twelve or fifteen. He is a pleasant, smiling boy. 
Confinement goes hard with Red Bird, and he does not have good health, but if a 
white man calls to see him, all the nobility of a great savage appears to light up his 
fine and intelligent features, and a stranger would point to him as no every-day char- 
acter. 

I wish the trial and execution of the murderers was over. If a strong force is not 
present when Red Bird is to be hanged, if convicted, (of which I see no reason to 
doubt,) I shall not feel free of apprehensions of danger. There is an opinion prevalent 
at St. Louis, and amongst some here, that the Winnebagoes are greatly alarmed at 
the late events. They were much alarmed at the time Gen. Atkinson and the Illinois 
volunteers were in their country. The movement was sudden, beyond what the 
Indians had been accustomed to, and the expected reinforcements from Illinois, under 
your order for one-fourth the militia, was calculated to take them by surprise, and at 
the time it had its effect. Since then the Indians seem to be gradually awakening, 
as it were, from a deep sleep, until their fears are given to the winds and there is 
dead stillness—^ portentious cahu that all my secret endeavors cannot interpret. 
They cannot be induced to talk on the subject, and they come and go, ask no ques- 



224 HISTORY OP ILLINOIS. 



tions about the prisoners, and if told of their health, answer, to any mention of them, 
"Ugh." Say they are well, or sick, is immaterial — "Ugh !" is the answer, and it is 
evident they wish to avoid the mention of them. At the same time, the wives and 
and relatives of the prisoners are properly attended to. The wife of Red Bird, how- 
ever, does not come near. I learn she is rich, as Red Bird was the best hunter in 
the nation, and great attention is paid to her by the nation. 

But before his trial took place, the chief, Ked Bird, whose lofty spirit 
could not brook confinement, died in prison. Of the other prisoners, a 
part were acquitted and a part convicted and hung. Their execution took 
place on the 26th of December, of the following year. Black Hawk, who 
was one of those acquitted, afterwards acknowledged his guilt and openly 
boasted of it. 

With the death of Bed Bird ended the Winnebago war. The tribe 
seemed to be thoroughly humbled by the result of the campaign ; and al- 
though fears of further hostilities from them were for sometime after en- 
tertained, they continued peaceable. In regard to the lands, about which 
the difficulty with them originated, until the question of ownership could 
be adjusted amicably, they promised to keep away from the mines entirely. 
In regard to their disposition at this time, a letter from Gen. Street to 
Gov. Edwards says : 

The chiefs who have visited me proffer their friendship, but anxiously inquire when 
they may expect their Great Father will settle the line, and mark it, between their 
country and the whites at the mines. They say they have left their country to keep 
their young men from having anything to do with the people at the mines, until they 
hear from their Great Father. "This," say they, "is our promise to Gen. Atkinson, 
and we will keep it." They add, "Gen. Atkinson promised us that next summer per- 
sons should come from our Great Father to consult with us about this matter, and we 
will wait and see them." 

A talk was subsequently held with them, in which they abandoned all 
the country south of the Wisconsin River. After this there was a gene- 
ral peace with the Indians throughout the Western frontier. 

Meanwhile, however. Gov. Edwards, who placed no confidence in Indian 
promises or Indian friendship, was not idle in his endeavors to rid the 
State of the different Indian tribes still within its borders. Having got 
rid of the Winnebagoes, he continued with much persistency to urge upon 
the War Department the pressing necessity for removing all the Indians 
beyond the State. He saw very clearly, from the events of the last few 
years, that the red and white men could not live together, in the same vi- 
cinity, without committing reprisals upon each other and provoking hostile 
feelings. His first communication to the Department, on the subject of 
the removal of the Indians, was written as early as the 4th of September, 
1827, in the course of which he said that "the occupancy, by the differ- 
ent tribes, of the ceded lands, and their constantly traversing every part 



LIFE AND TIMES OP NINIAN EDWARDS. 225 



of it at their pleasure, without any right to do so, could no longer be sub- 
mitted to." He particnlarly mentioned the Pottawottamies who resided 
near Peoria, on lands which had not only been ceded but actually granted 
by the Government to individuals. He regarded it as "a grievance incon- 
sistent with the rights of the State," and the respect of the President for 
those rights ought not to permit him to hesitate to do his duty in the 
premises. 

The Indians who resided at this time on the ceded lands, within the 
State, were the Kickapoos, Pottawottamies, Ottaways and Chippeways, of 
the Illinois Eiver, and the Sacs and Foxes. These Indians, and occasionly 
large parties of Shawnees and Delawares, were in the habit of hunting ex- 
tensively through the settled parts of the State, to the great annoyance of 
the citizens. They not only in a great measure exterminated all the wild 
game, or drove it from the State, but in their marauding expeditions they 
did not hesitate to kill the tame animals belonging to the settlers. 

The Kickapoos were within the agency of Major R. Graham of Missouri. 
The Pottawottamies, Ottaways and Chippeways of the Illinois River were 
within the sub-agency of Mr. Peter Menard, Jr. The Sacs and Foxes 
were within the agency of Thomas Forsyth of St. Louis. The Shawnees 
and Delawares were within the sub-agency of Major Peter Menard of Kas- 
kaskia ; and the whole were within the superintendency of Gen. William 
Clark. 

On the 13th of September, 1827, Gov. Edwards addressed a confidential 
letter to President Adams, on this subject, and proceeded to show that 
the Indians had no right, either by treaty or otherwise, to any of the lands 
in the State, and proceeded to assure the President that "their removal 
could not ftiil to give the greatest satisfaction to the people of the State, 
as being both popular and right." 

On the 29th of October, following. Gov. Edwards received a letter from 
the Secretary of War, Gen. Barbour, informing him that "Gov. Cass had 
been instructed to take such measures as would fulfill the wishes of the 
State in reference to the removal of the Indians occupying the ceded 
lands." The order, he said, was that "the Indians should be removed 
with the least possible delay, consistent with humanity," and in case of in- 
superable difficulties he was to report forthwith to the Department. 

Gov. Edwards replied, acknowledging the prompt attention on the part 
of the General Government to the interests and tranquillity of the State ; 
but, at the same time, on account of the remoteness of Gov. Cass' residence 
and the Indians not being within his superintendency, he doubted if the 
proposed measure promised as speedy a redress of the grievance complained 
of as seemed to be anticipated or was desirable. He wrote that the people 
of Illinois would* hope much more from the interposition of the Indian 
—29 



226 . HISTORY OF ILLINOIS. 



agents on the spot, or from General Clark (the Indian Superintendent for 
Illinois), than from that of any one at so great a distance from the State as 
Gov. Cass. 

The measures adopted by the Government resulted almost as Gov. Ed- 
wards had predicted. The Indians still remained in the State, and kept 
up their marauding incursions through the settlenaents. On the 25th of 
May, of the following year, he wrote to Gen. Clark, Indian Superintendent, 
inquiring whether any and what arrangements had been made for remov- 
ing the Indians in pursuance of the directions of the War Department — 
the letter of the Secretary having given the people of Illinois reason to be- 
lieve that that measure would have been accomplished long before. The 
continued delay caused much indignation, and Gov. Edwards wrote, "the 
General Government has been applied to long enough for its own action 
to have freed us from so serious a grievance. If it declines acting with 
cflfect, it will soon learn that those Indians unll be removed, and that very 
promptly." 

Gen. Clark, (as would appear, also wearied with the want of energy dis- 
played by Gov. Cass, or rather the General Government) had begun to use 
his personal exertions to prevail upon the Indians to remove, as the best 
means, in the excitement which prevailed, of preserving tranquillity be- 
tween them and the citizens, and he did all he could to that end without 
using actual coercion. They continued to promise to go, but still remained. 
Gov. Edwards argued that as pursuasion would not accomplish it, force 
should be substituted. He wrote again to Gen. Clark, on the 29th, that 
"however justifiable might be a temporizing course on the part of the Gov- 
ernment, were Illinois one of its territories, it has no right to authorize 
or permit, even temporarily, an invasion of the rights of a sovereign and 
independent State." 

On the 17th of June he again addressed the Secretary of War, in which 
he stated that the former promises of that Department had justified a rea- 
sonable expectation, on the part of the people, that the energies of the 
Government would long before that time have been exerted to protect the 
State from further annoyance. He concluded by saying: "This grievance 
still continuing, and aggravated as it has become by recent occurrences, of 
which I am bound to presume you are informed, I feel it my duty to ask 
you what further measures, in regard to this matter, may be expected from 
the General Government." 

It appears that, upon the urgent request of the Indians — who made all 
manner of fair promises — twelve months further time, within which to re- 
move from the State, was accorded to them by the General Government. 
This extension was greatly deprecated by Gov. Edwards, who did not be- 
lieve the Indians would, even at the end of that time, remove, without the 



LTPE AND TIMES OP NINIAN EDWARDS. 227 



employment of force ; and ^c wrote to Gen. Clark that, at any rate, if any 
act of hostility should be committed on the frontiers, he [Edwards] would 
not hesitate to remove them on his own responsibility, as Governor of the 
State. 

About this time the President issued his proclamation, according to law, 
and, in pursuance thereof, all the country above the mouth of Rock River 
(the ancient seat of the Sauk nation) was sold to American families, and in 
the year following it was taken possession of by them. To avoid difficulty 
with the tribes another treaty, confirming previous ones, was made with 
the Sacs and Foxes, on the 15th of July, 1830, by the provisions of which 
they were to remove peacefully from the Illinois country. A portion of the 
Sacs, with their principal chief, Keokuk, at their head, quietly retired across 
the Mississippi. With those who remained in the village at the mouth of 
Rock River, an arrangement was made by the Americans who had pur- 
chased the land, by which they were to live together as neighbors, the 
Indians still cultivating their old fields as formerly. Black Hawk, however, 
a restless and uneasy spirit, who had ceased to recognize Keokuk as chief, 
and who was known to be still under the pay of the British, emphatically 
refused either to remove from the lands or to respect the right of the 
Americans to them. He insisted that Keokuk had no authority for making 
such a treaty, and he proceeded to gather around him a large number of 
the warriors and young men of the tribe, who were anxious to distinguish 
themselves as "braves," and placing himself at their head, he determined 
to dispute with the whites the possession of the ancient seat of his nation . 
He had conceived the gigantic scheme, as appears by his own admissions, 
of uniting all the Indians, from the Rock River to the Gulf of Mexico, in 
a war against the United States, and he made use of every pretext for 
gaining accessions to his party. 

In the spring of 1831, he recrossed the river, at the head of five hundred 
warriors of his own tribe, besides some allies from the Pottawottamies and 
Kickapoos, and, bringing with him his women and children, he declared 
his intention of re-establishing himself on the ancient hunting-grounds and 
in the principal village of his nation. He ordered the whites to leave, and, 
destroying their fields, tearing down their fences, and killing or driving off" 
their cattle, he threatened the settlers with instant death if they remained. 
The whites complained to the Governor, who thereupon declared the acts 
of the Indians to be a hostile invasion of the State, and he immediately 
called upon Gen. Gaines for troops to protect the Illinois frontier. At the 
same time, he ordered out seven hundred of the militia of the State, to be 
mounted, and report themselves immediately for service. They were placed 
under the commrand of Gen. Joseph Duncan, who marched them directly 



228 HISTORY OF ILLINOIS. 



to Rock River, where they arrived on the 25th of June, Six companies 
of regular troops were also dispatched, by Gen. Gaines, from Jeflferson Bar- 
racks, to the Sauk village, early in the same month. 

Black Hawk and his party, alarmed at this formidable array of troops, 
fled across the river, and on the 26th the army took possession of the vil- 
lage without firing a gun. On the next day the Indians sent over a flag of 
truce. A parley ensued, and a treaty of peace was made on the spot — by 
the terms of which the Indians promised to remain forever on the west 
bank of the river, and the Americans guaranteed to them the payment of 
a large supply of corn in lieu of that which they were compelled to abandon 
in their fields. 

But the trouble did not end here. Notwithstandinsr the treaty, early in 
the spring of 1832 Black Hawk recrossed the Mississippi, and commenced 
his march up Rock River Valley. Gen. Atkinson, who was stationed at 
Fort Armstrong, warned him against this aggression. His aim was to reach 
the countries of the Pottawottamies and Winnebagoes and make them his 
allies. 

Upon being informed of the movements of Black Hawk, Gov. Reynolds 
issued an order for a thousand mounted volunteers, from the Central and 
Southern parts of the State, to rendezvous at Beardstown, on the Illinois 
River. In a short time (April 15th, 1832) a brigade, armed and equipped 
fori service, under the command of Gen. Samuel Whiteside, accompanied, 
also, by Gov. Reynolds, commenced their march directly for Rock Island, 
where they joined Gen. Atkinson, with about four hundred regular troops 
under his command. From that point the mounted volunteers proceeded 
at once up Rock River, on the south side, by way of the Prophet's town, 
which, although deserted, they burned on their march. At the same time 
Gen. Atkinson ascended the river with the regulars, in boats, taking with 
him supplies for the entire army; but not reaching Dixon's Ferry as soon 
as the command under Gen. Whiteside, the latter were for several days 
entirely destitute of provisions, which rendered their position most embar- 
rassing. 

At Dixon's Gen. Whiteside was reinforced by a body of volunteers from 
the counties of Peoria, Tazewell, etc., under the command of Major Still- 
man. Immediately upon being mustered into service, at their own request, 
they were permitted to start on a tour of observation several miles up the 
river, but instead of returning to the encampment, as they were directed 
to do, they continued their "hunt for Indians" some twelve miles still 
further up. On the evening of the 14th of May, while making preparations 
to encamp, they discovered a body of a party of Indians, five in number. 
Black Hawk says they were the bearers of a white flag, but this is denied. 



LIFE AND flMES OF NINtAN liDWARDS. 229 

However this may be, Stillman's men immediately charged upoa tliem in 
grand style; but just as they came up with them, a band of warriors, num- 
bering several hundred, who were lying in ambush, with a terrible war- 
whoop suddenly sprang up, with Black Hawk at their head, and gave fight 
with so much energy and determination, that the whites faced directly 
about and fled in utter consternation and confusion, not stopping till they 
reached Gen. Whiteside's encampment, thirty miles distant — leaving their 
tents, camp equipage, baggage wagons, ammunition, and some of them even 
their saddles and bridles, to whomsoever chose to appropriate them. In 
this hasty and shameful retreat eleven whites were killed and several 
wounded. The Indians lost four or five killed. 

Gen. Whiteside, convinced, from the exaggerated stories of the panic- 
stricken men, that an Indian force a thousand or two strong must be in the 
vicinity, immediately called a council of war, and determined to march 
forthwith to the fatal field of the previous evening's disaster. But although 
scouting parties were dispatched in all directions, no track or trace of the 
Indians could be found. The whole command then returned to Dixon, 
being almost famished from want of provisions. Here, after another day. 
Gen. Atkinson arrived with the boats, bringing reinforcements and supplies. 

The aff'air at " Stillman's r«?i," exaggerated as it was, alarmed the whole 
State, and Gov. Reynolds forthwith issued orders for three thousand vol- 
unteers, to rendezvous at Hennepin, "to subdue the Indians and drive 
them out of the State." 

Peace was now hopeless, and both sides prepared for retaliation and re- 
prisals. On the 21st of May, a party of Indians attacked the Indian Creek 
settlement, in LaSalle county, killed fifteen men, and took two young women 
prisoners. The latter were, however, afterwards, through the interposition 
of the Winnebagoes, given up. On the following day a party of spies were 
attacked and four of them slain. A number of other murders and outrages 
followed, in rapid succession ; and several engagements between the Indians 
and armed bodies of whites took place at difierent points. 

Gen. Whiteside marched immediately towards Ottawa, but the term of 
service of his brigade having expired, they were discharged, and Gen. 
Atkinson was compelled to await the arrival of the three thousand militia 
ordered by Gov. Reynolds. 

On the 20th of June, the new army rendezvoused near Peru, and were 
organized into three brigades, of about a thousand men each, under the 
charge, respectively, of Gen. Henry, Gen. Alexander, and Gen. Posey. 
They marched forward directly to Rock River, where they were joined by 
the United States troops — the whole being under the command of Gen. 
Atkinson. Congress, also, in June, ordered out six hundred mounted men, 
to be raised for' the defense of the frontier; while Gen. Scott, with nine 



230 HISTOEY OF ILLINOIS. 

companies of artillery, hastened from the seaboard, by way of the lakes, to 
Chicago. 

A spy battalion of one hundred and fifty men, sent forward from Dixon's, 
under the command of Major Dement, in advancing towards Galena, was, 
on the 25th of June, attacked near Buffalo Grove by a party of two hun- 
dred warriors, under Black Hawk. The fight was hotly contested, and at 
one time the Americans were driven back, but, getting possession of the 
block-house, they finally made a stand against the Indians and after a fierce 
struggle, in which great bravery was displayed, they compelled them to 
retreat ; but not being sufficiently strong they did not pursue them. In 
the fight several were killed on both sides. 

The army continued its march up Rock River, near the sources of which 
it was represented that the main body of the Indians were collected. As 
provisions and army stores were scarce and difficult to convey in such a 
country, a detachment of a hundred and sixty men was sent, under the 
charge of Gen. Henry, to Fort Winnebago, at the portage between the 
Wisconsin and Fox Pavers, to procure supplies. This detachment,' learn- 
ing that Black Hawk's army was encamped up on the Whitewater, thirty 
miles distant, resolved to start in immediate pursuit, and overtook them on 
the evening of the 21st of July, near " Blue Mounds." Gen. Henry 
formed his troops into a hollow square, the opening being in the rear, and 
in this manner received the attack of the Indians. The latter first charged 
upon the right (Col. Fry's battalion), where, being repulsed, they attempted 
to break through the left (Col. Collins'), where they were again repulsed. 
The whole line was then ordered to charge the Indians, which order was 
promptly executed, both sides rushing to the rencounter with terrible yells 
and war whoops. The Indians were immediately driven from the field, 
leaving fifty-two of their number dead upon the spot, while only one 
American was killed and eight wounded. It being now quite dark, the 
Americans encamped upon the field without pursuing the enemy. The 
next day they marched to Blue Mounds, twenty-five miles distant, and 
two days after they were joined by Gen. Atkinson and the main body of 
the troops — Gen. Henry having, before the action, sent them word of his 
movements. On the 28th of July, the entire army crossed the Wisconsin 
River in pursuit of Black Hawk, who, with his forces, was hastily retiring 
towards the Mississippi. Upon the banks of that river, nearly opposite 
the Upper Iowa, the Indians were, on the 2d of August, again overtaken. 

Here a decisive action, called the battle of " Bad Axe," took place, 
which resulted again in the defeat of the Indians. Gen. Atkinson, in his 
official account of the battle, says the loss of the Indians was about one 
hundred and fifty killed and thirty-nine women and children taken prison- 
ers. The whites lost eighteen men. The remnant of the enemy, cut up 



LIFE AND TIMES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 231 

and disheartened, crossed to the opposite side of the river and fled into 
the interior. This battle entirely broke the power of Black Hawk. He 
attempted to make his escape, but was seized by the Winnebagoes, (who, 
during the war, were allies of the Americans,) and, on the 27th, delivered 
up to the officers of the United States at Prairie du Chien. He and his 
family were afterwards sent as hostages to Fort Monroe, in the Chesapeake, 
where they were retained till June, 1833. 

In September, the Indian troubles were closed by a treaty, which relin- 
quished to the whites thirty millions of acres of land, constituting what is 
now the eastern portion of the State of Iowa. For this, stipulated annui- 
ties were to be paid, though it was well understood at the time that the 
Sacs and Foxes had no rightful claim to the land. Thus ended the Black 
Hawk war and the Indian troubles in the State of Illinois. The various 
tribes yet remaining found homes beyond the west bank of the Missis- 
sippi River. 

The "Sangamon Journal," at Springfield, Illinois, published a letter of 
Gov. Edwards to our Senators in Congress, of June 5th, 1832, in reference 
to the distressed situation of the frontier settlements during this war with 
the Indians, accompanied with the following notice : " We give the com- 
munication of Gov. Edwards, above referred to. It shows that he is alive 
to the welfare of the State. Would to God that she could boast of more 

of such men, who are willing and able to sustain her rights The 

citizens of this State, and more especially of those of the northern coun- 
ties, will feel themselves deeply indebted to Gov. Edwards for the able 
and independent manner in which he has stated to our Senators in Con- 
gress the distressed situation of our frontier settlements, and the causes of 
those distresses." 



CHAPTER XII. 

Gov. Edwards' Correspondence with the Secretary of the Treasiay on the 
Subject of the Three Per Cent. Fund — His Private Character — His Pur- 
suits — llanagement of his Personal Affairs — His Usefulness as a Citizen 
and Neighbor — Funeral Discourse of the Rec. J. M. Peck. 

THREE PER CENT. FUND. 

Oh the 9th of March, 1829, Gov. Edwards addressed a letter to the 
Commissioner of the General Land Office, advising him of his having 
drawn bills on account of the three per cent, fund due to the State, and 
requiring payment at the treasury. The letter was referred to Samuel D. 
Ingham, the Secretary of the Treasury, who replied to the Governor that 
the act of Congress directs " that an annual account of the application of 
the money shall be transmitted to the Secretary of the Treasury, and in 
default of such return being made, the Secretary of the Treasury is required 
to withhold the payment of any sums that may be due until a return shall 
be made as herein required. This provision of the act not having been 
complied with on the part of the State of Illinois, and the act seeming to 
leave no discretion, I have been constrained to decline the payment of one 
of the bills mentioned in your letter, which has this day been presented ; 
but the holder has at the same time been informed that the bill is for 
part of a sum now due to the State of Illinois, and that immediately upon 
the receipt of the return required by law, payment would be made." On 
the receipt of this letter from Mr. Ingham, Gov. Edwards, on the 2d of 
July — and subsequently the Governor and Commissioners of the School 
Fund — wrote to the Secretary, inclosing an account of the disposition of 
the sums which had been paid to them for the encouragement of learning 
within the State of Illinois, under the act of the 12th of December, 1820. 
Mr. Asbury Dickens, the Acting Secretary, replied "that it would have 
afforded great satisfaction to the Department to have found in that account, 
and in the explanation presented, a justification for the payment of the 
drafts of the Commissioners, but the law must be the rule of action ; and 
as the Department cannot consider the investment which the account shows 
to have been made of the moneys hitherto paid in purchasing the State 



LIFE AND TIMES OP NINIAN EDWARDS. 233 

debt, as an application of those moneys according to law, it deems itself 
prohibited by law from making any further payment until an account is 
presented showing the application of the sums already paid to the purposes 

for which the law declares they shall be applied I have submitted the 

whole subject to the notice of the President, who has been pleased to ap- 
prove of the course which has been adopted." 

Gov. Edwards, considering the doctrines and assumptions in the letter of 
the Acting Secretary, although sanctioned by the President and Secretary 
of the Treasury, as subversive of the just rights and derogatory to the dig- 
nity and honor of the State, contended that Congress had no more right to 
confer such a power on the Secretary than the State would have a right to 
authorize the Auditor to require of the Grovernment of the United States 
an annual account of the application of the money stipulated to be disbursed 
under the direction of Congress in making roads leading to the State. 
The following reply to the letter of the Secretary is an able exposition of 
the rights of the State, and satisfactorily demonstrated that no such power 
could be delegated to the Department as to authorize the withholding of 
this money : 

Belleville, Illinols, June 4, 1829. 

Sir— I had the honor, a day or two ago, to receive your letter of the 13th ult., 
acknowledging and informing me that it would afford great satisfaction to the 
Department to have found in that account, and the explanation presented in my 
communications, a justification for the payment of the drafts of the Commissioners 
for the amount which has subsequently accrued ; but that the law must be the rule 
of action, and as the Department cannot consider the investment which the account 
shows to have been made of the moneys hitherto paid, iu the purchasing the State 
debt, as an application of those moneys according to law, it deems itself prohibited 
by law from making any further payment until an account is presented showing the 
application of the sums already paid to the purposes to which alone the law declares 
they shall be applied; that it is a cause of sincere regret to the Department; that 
with the strongest desire to regard as correct such a disposition of the funds iu 
question as the authorities of the State of Illinois might have deemed proper, it has 
not found grounds to concur in the views wliich they have taken of the subject ; 
and that, anxious on an occasion of so much delicacy and interest, that the State 
should not suffer by any error of judgment on your part, you had submitted the whole 
subject to the notice of the President, who has been pleased to approve of the 
course which has been adopted. 

Not doubting in the least that it would have afforded you great satisfaction to 
have found in the account of the Commissioners a justification for a different deci- 
sion, in a case of so much delicacy and interest to the State, and how great soever 
may have been your regret at finding yourself compelled, by your construction of the 
law referred to, to refuse the payment of the drafts in question, I can truly say it 
cannot liave exceeded that which I sincerely feel at finding myself compelled, by a 
due regard to the high responsibilities which your decision devolves upon me, to 
endeavor to justify the part I have had in this business, and to protest in behalf of 

—30 



234 HISTORY OP ILLINOIS. 



the State against the doctrines and assumptions of your letter, as equally subversive 
of its just rights and derogatory to its dignity and honor. In doing this, I must be 
understood as combatting your opinions only — for as the duty enjoined upon the 
Secretary of the Treasury in this case is purely ministerial, his responsibilities are 
so exclusive that even the President himself has no right to control, no power to 
justify him ; and so long has this principle been established by the highest judicial 
decisions, so universally acquiesced in, and so uniformly acted upon by the Treas- 
ury Department itself, that I can but regard it as an extraordinary inadvertence 
that you, who have so long and often witnessed and participated in its practical 
operation, should have introduced the President's opinion with an oflioial commu- 
nication on a subject so clearly without the sphere of his authority. 

The injuries which the State has already sustained by the decisions of the Depart- 
ment, and losses, greater than the whole amount drawn for, which must inevitably 
result to it, from an adherence to the determination expressed in your letter, will, I 
trust, fully justify the frankest examination, on my part, of the grounds you have as- 
sumed, and invite to a review by the Department of a decision too disastrous, in its 
present and ultimate consequences, to be insisted upon under every doubtful au- 
thority, or without the clearest, most perfect and irresistible conviction of its justice 
and propriety. In pursuance of a practical exposition which had been given to the 
compact between the United States and this State, and to the law you refer to, both 
by Mr. Crawford and by Mr. Rush, as Secretaries of the Treasury, and in conformity to 
the advice and every previous requisition of the Department, the drafts in question 
were drawn — none of the Commissioners anticipating that the Government or any de- 
partment thereof would disown its own acts, and, by a sudden change of its conduct, 
without any previous notice thereof to the State, subject it to the severest losses con- 
sequent upon the protest of those drafts. These losses, however, it has sustained, by 
the decision of Mr. Ingham. Those which must result from yours, are far greater. He 
determined that the drafts could not be paid till "the return required by law" should 
be made ; but by informing the holders of them that, immediately upon the receipt of 
such return, (knowing at the same time that annual ones were then impossible) payment 
would be made, he gave assurance that a strict compliance with the law would not be 
insisted upon. You say, "^/te law must be the rule of action ^ He only decided that a 
return should be made. You claim the right to decide upon its consistency with the ob- 
ligations of the State, and thereby to control its action and cause its submission to your 
own views of its duty. His decision amounted to no more than that payment should be 
postponed. Yours is equivalent to a determination that it shall never bo made. For 
knowing, as you did, that the State had authorized and that the Commissioners had in- 
vested the moneys, hitherto paid, in purchases of the State debt — determining this to be 
illegal, insisting that "//ie law tnusi be the rule of action" and requiring returns which 
those purchases have rendered utterly impossible, can amount to nothing less than an 
absolute refusal to pay at all. Nothing was less anticipated than this result. Mr. Ing- 
ham's letter, with a perfect knowledge that no returns had been made for years past, 
and with the law of the State, authorizing tliose investments in the Department, con- 
taining an assurance that immediately upon the receipt of an account of the application 
of the moneys heretofore received, "payment would be made," and such amount Jiav- 
ing been transmitted, no danger was perceived in renewing the drafts ; and they were 
renewed under a confident expectation that no further difficulty would occur. Your 
decision, however, has not only, a second time in the same year, subjected the State 



LIFE AND TIMES OP NINIAN EDWARDS. 235 

to ail additional loss of ten per cent, upon the whole amount drawn for, but must,. if 
persevered in, force it to incur the expenses of a call of the Legislature, far more con- 
siderable than the whole amount which you have thought fit to withhold. For as no 
doubt was entertained that the Legislature of the State might authorize this fund to 
be loaned upon interest, for the purpose of rendering it a productive source "for the 
encouragement of learning," or that it might authorize the Governor to borrow it 
I'rom the Connuissioners, for the use of the State, upon like terms, and for the same 
purpose, its appropriation in that way was so confidently relied on, as a provision for 
defraying the current expenses of the Government, that its operations must necessa- 
rily be suspended, without other resources — which the Legislature alone is competent 
to supply. 

Is, then, the State to be subjected to such inconveniences, its interest to be thus 
sacrificed and its dignity prostrated at the feet of an acting Secretary of the Treasury 
— however distinguished for his intelligence, integrity and patriotism — merely because, 
"with the strongest desire to regard as correct such a disposition of the funds in ques- 
tion as the authorities of the State of Illinois might have deemed proper," he has 
not found grounds to concur in the views they have taken of the subject '? Such re- 
sults could hardly have been expected at any time ; much less at a time and under 
circumstances so generally regarded as peculiarly auspicious to State rights. It must 
be admitted that there can be no more legitimate object of State authority and juris- 
diction than the "encouragement of learning." "What, then, could be more humilia- 
ting to the just pride of a free and independent State, than that its legislative action 
upon a subject, so unquestionably within the sphere of its sovereign powers, should 
be subjected to the supervision, control and negative of a subordinate officer of a dif- 
ferent government ? The degradation cannot but be most painfully felt in tlie present 
case. As none could have a deeper interest in or higher motives to the "encourage- 
ment of learning" than the State itself, the compact, with no more than reasonable 
confidence, has, without exacting security or providine; any means of coercion what- 
ever, submitted this business to the sound discretion and good faith of the Legislature 
of the State. The Legislature, with a disposition that has never been complained of 
but as too favorable to this object, has, in the exorcise of its best judgment, endea- 
vored to render this fund as available as possible to the purposes for which it was 
granted. The measures adopted witli this view have been and still arc approved by 
the people of the State, and their success is sufficiently evinced by the extraordinary 
augmentation of the fund itself. Yet, your decision, assuming that the Legislature 
was either too ignorant to perceive its duty or too faithless to perform it, requires 
that the State shall retrace its steps, and in default thereof denounces against it con- 
sequences only due to a faithless violation of the most solemn promises and engage- 
ments. And all this because it so happens that you cannot concur in the views that 
liave been taken of this subject by those whose peculiar province it v/as to decide 
upon it. 

If such a decision is to be persevered in, it will not, I trust, be without a favorable 
reception and a deliberate consideration of the objections wliich painful but imperious 
duty calls upon me to make against it. I will not urge the force of precedents. I 
will not rely upon the practical exposition of Mr. Crawford and Mr. Rush, and the ac- 
quiescence of the Government for eight successive years ; but I may be permitted to 
say, that, if you are right, they must have been guilty of flagrant violations of their 
duty, and it is left to the Department to decide how far this serious inculpation of 



236 HISTORY OF ILLINOIS. 



such distinguished aud enlightened public officers should furnish an additional motive 
to that deliberate reconsideration which I have the honor most respectfully to solicit. 
I am perfectly willing to consider the case as res intcgra, and to test your decision 
upon principle. 

And here let me be distinctly understood as not intending to include any oljjectious 
to the decisions of Mr. Ingham. On that branch of the subject, I have nothing to add 
to the views contained in my letter to him of the 2d of April, last. But I contend 
that the Government of the United States is incompetent to confer upon the Secre- 
tary of the Treasury the right, which you have assumed, of deciding upon the validity 
of the account of the application of the fund in question, which the State is required 
to return ; that no such power was intended to be or has been delegated to him, by 
the law referred to, and that, if it had been, your decision is erroneous. 

The propositions oftered by the United States were accepted and agreed to by the 
State on certain conditions. Now, sir, I need not, I am sure, quote authorities to 
show a gentleman of your intelligence that all treaties, conventions and agreements, 
however denominated, made between sovereigns, are public engagements, which, in 
regard to their validity, their execution, the dissolving of them, the rights they con- 
fer, the obligations they impose, are all subject to precisely the same rules. This 
compact, therefore, cannot be considered in an inferior light to that of a treaty, and 
a treaty, too, between equals : because, however different in splendor, pomp and pow- 
er, equal in point of independence — which is all that is essential to sovereign equality. 
This equality, then, at once explodes your doctrine that the "law must be the rule 
of action," as applied to the rights and obligations of the State ; for as law is nothing 
less than a rule of action prescribed by a superior to an inferior, whence can either 
party derive authority to give law to the other. The power of the United States to 
disengage themselves from their promises and nullify a compact, is not intended to be 
questioned ; but the right, on their part, to interpolate into it conditions for which it 
has not provided, and to prescribe the duties of the State by law, cannot be conceded 
without dishonor. Sovereigns acknowledge no competent authority to decide between 
them, and have nothing to rely upon for the fulfillment of their mutual engagements 
but the faith of promises. Neither party has a right to construe the compact at its 
own pleasure, and any difference between them, growing out of it, necessarily becomes 
the subject of negotiation or must eventuate in its nullification. How, then, could 
Congress delegate to you the power to supervise, control and negative the legislative 
action of the State upon this subject ? How authorize you to require the State to 
retrace its steps, and enforce its conformity to your own views of its duty, by a viola- 
tion of the promises of the United States and the exaction of conditions which it had 
never bound itself to perform, and yet recognize the existence of the compact ? The 
refusal of one party to fulfill its stipulation places them in a new attitude towards each 
other, from the very nature of things puts an end to the compact, and is only to be 
justified on the ground of a faithless violation of the promises of the other. The ob- 
ligations of the compact are perfectly reciprocal ; the rights of the parties under it 
ofjual. If, then, the United States can authorize their Secretary of the Treasury to 
require of the State an annual account of the application of the money, stipulated to 
be appropriated by the Legislature thereof, for tlie "encouragement of learning," and 
to withhold payment if he should think the money misapplied, permit mo earnestly to 
ask of you (or of Mr. Ingham, if this letter shall be referred to him,) why may not the 
State authorize its Auditor of Accounts, or any other officer, to require of the United 
States an annual account of the application of the money stipulated to be disbursed. 



LIFE AND TIMES OP NINIAN EDWARDS. 237 

under the direction of Congress, in making roads leading to the State, and to suspend 
the execution of all the promises of the State if he should think this money misapplied V 

To me, it appears that the rights of the State, and the propriety of such a requi- 
sition on its part, are far the most obvious and reasonable, because botli these 
stipulations appear to have been offered as inducements to the State, were obviously 
intended for its benefit, and were granted only upon the condition of an ample 
equivalent, which it has faithfully rendered. Should this right be conceded to the 
State, there is every reason to believe the compact would be of short duration, 
since it is not probable that there is a single individual within its limits who 
really believes that the disbursements of this fund which have been made under the 
direction of Congress have been in conformity to the compact. At all events, they 
are not less questionable than those appropriations under the authority of the 
Legislature of the State, which you have denounced. It cannot be pretended 
that the State has not strictly complied with every condition on whicli the eno-ao-e- 
ments of the United States were made to depend. I3 it, then, reasonable to expect 
that the State should continue to perform those conditions, whilst the stipulated 
equivalents for them are thus arbitrarily withheld ? I think not. Every article of 
a treaty or compact has the force of a condition, which, by a default of the party 
promising, is nullified — for neither party is bound by its promises but upon the 
honest and faithful fulfillment of the engagements of the other. The State may, 
therefore, rightfully and legally absolve itself from its obligations wiienever the 
promises in its favor are violated, or the benefits intended to be secured to it are 
withheld; and as the bargain was a very disadvantageous one on its part, it is 
scarcely to bo doubted that it will avail itself of this right, if this extraordinary 
refusal of payment shall be persisted in. 

It cannot, therefore, be presumed that Congress could ever have intended to dele- 
gate to the Secretary of the Treasury power whose exercise involves such awful 
consequences; and the nature and importance of the case forbids any derivation of 
the power you have assumed from implication. Let us, then, sec whether the power 
you claim has been conferred upon you. The law declares that the Secretary of 
the Treasury shall pay the money in question for the purposes mentioned in the 
compact ; that an account of its application by the State shall be transmitted to 
him ; and that in default of such returns being made to him, he shall withhold the 
payment of any sums that may then be due, or which may thereafter become due, 
until the return shall be made. All, then, that the Secretary is authorized to de- 
mand of the State is that it shall exhibit to him an account of its application of the 
money. This being done, whether he may think the application right or wrong, 
wise or unwise, he is bound to pay, since he has no right to withhold payment but 
in defiiult of such return being made to him. The State is not required to account 
to him for its conduct, to satisfy him that the money has been properly applied ; to 
submit to his control or dictation in a case confided to its own judgment by the 
compact itself, and undeniably included within its legitimate power. Xor has the 
law given him the power to decide upon the validity of the application of the 
money, to arraign the State for its ignorance, or to denounce it for its treachery, 
and subject it to punishment or force it to abandon measures which it knows to have 
been adopted in good faith and believes to be in conformity with the compact, and 
better calculated than any other to advance the very interest for which it was in- 
tended to provide. Had such an awful power been intended to be granted to the 
Secretary, its groat importance and the obvious consequences to which it might lead, 



238 HISTORY OF ILLINOIS. 



forbid the belief that it should have been left to any kind of implication, or that it 
would not have been distinctly expressed and guarded by every prudent precaution. 
It is far more reasonable to suppose that Congress intended to provide the means of 
ascertaining how the money should be disposed of, and to reserve to themselves, and 
not transfer from them to the head of a Department of the Government, the right 
of deciding upon such measures as should thereupon appear to be expedient and 
proper. 

But if this extraordinary power has been granted to the Secretary, it is, Mith all 
due deference, confidently believed that you have decided erroneously. 

Previously, however, to entering upon this branch of the subject, tliat I may not 
be personally involved in the censure implied by j'our decision, I may be permitted, 
in justice to myself, to remark that, as I never participated in the investment of 
the money in question in the purchase of the State debt, I am not entitled to any 
share of the merit or demerit of that measure. It is due, however, to candor to say 
that I have never seen, nor can I now see, any objection to the whole policy that 
has been pursued by the State in regard to this fund, than an over-anxiety to aug- 
ment it for the purposes for which it was granted, and premature efforts to aid the 
interests of learning at the expense of other interests having equal claims. 

In a new State, with a very sparse and greatly dispersed population, it may well 
be imagined that there may have been a time when a regular system for the encour- 
agement of learning bad not been adopted, and that- with the utmost anxiety to 
effect so desirable an object, it may have been unavoidably retarded by circumstan- 
ces which could not be controlled. This was, in fact, the situation of this State at 
the time the money in question was received. There were no existing institutions 
of learning to which it could properly be applied. Should it, then, on this account, 
have been withheld by the Secretary ? If not, was it absolutely necessary that it 
should lie idle and imemployed, when it could be made to yield an increase that 
would greatly facilitate and accelerate the object for which it was intended? Or 
how should it have been used so as to have enabled the State to render an account 
of its application that would have satisfied your construction of the law ? If I 
understand rightly the remarks in your letter, with the reference you make to mine 
of the 2d April, it is just as necessary to exhibit an account to satisfy you tliat the 
money had actually been literally applied to " the encouragement of learning," as 
that it had not been misapplied to any other object. And, indeed, if you have the 
right to decide upon the consistency of the return with the obligations of the State, 
there seems no reasonable distinction between tliose cases, since the cause of learn- 
ing could not bi? less injured by withholding this fund from its aid than by otherwise 
applying it. 

What then is the consequence of this construction V Being unable, and likely to 
continue so a long time, with its own funds exclusively to establish those institu- 
tions of learning which should be the objects of the stipulated appropriation, the 
State in the meantime, though held to a strict and continued performance of the 
equivalent conditions on its part, is to be altogether deprived of the use of this 
money. And this notwithstanding the law itself has declared that it shall be paid 
to it quarterly. Is it to be supposed that such a state of things could be acquiesced 
in by a free, highminded and independent people ? 

I had the honor to state to Mr. Ingham, in my letter of 2d April, to which you 
refer, as follows: "The several sums heretofore received, however, on this account, 
being as yet inadequate to the objects for which they were granted, have not been 
appropriated otherwise than in the purchase of the notes of the State Bank of Illi- 



LIFE AND TIMES OP NINIAN EDWARDS. 



239 



nois and warrants upon its treasury at a great discount, which has considerably 
augmented this fund, all of which is deposited in the treasury of the State, to be 
appropriated in due time exclusively to the objects for whicli it was granted." In- 
stead of a justification for making further payments, you find enough in this state- 
ment, and in the account of the Commissioners, to prohibit them. Why? Because 
you cannot regard as correct such a disposition as has been made of the fund in 
question, which as well iueludes the deposit of the whole amount of it, augmented 
as it has beea, "in the treasury of the State, to be appropriated in due time exclu- 
sively to the objects for which it was granted," as the means by which its augmen- 
tation was effected. Speaking of the latter, as you do, in such close connection 
with the obligations of the State to appropriate the money to " the encouragement 
of learning," you seem to contend that it should, at all events and under all possible 
circumstances, be confined to a specific appropriation, that should directly and im- 
mediately and exclusively operate upon learning only ; and hence it would appear 
that no deposit in the treasury of the State of any sum, under any circumstances, 
till the sums received should be adequate to the intended objects, would meet your 
approbation, since the deposit of the actual sum received could scarcely be more 
satisfactory than that of a much larger amount for the same purposes ; and especially 
as the acknowledgment, by the State, of the receipt of the former from the Com- 
missioners could aflford no greater security than its acknowledgment of the receipt 
of the latter, with the most solemn pledges of its faith to appropriate it exclusively 
"to the encouragement of learning," and to no other object. 

By the Legislature of the State, it has been supposed that this fund was intended 
to aid it in the establishment of institutions of learning, as well as to support them 
after their establishment ; that it was under no imperative obligation, whether pre- 
pared or not, expedient or otherwise, to exhaust every cent received by immediate, 
direct and exclusive appropriations to "the encouragement of learning ;" that it was 
under no absolute necessity to "rip open the goose to get the golden egg;" but that 
it might invest the money in any safe and productive funds, or loan it upon interest, 
and apply the proceeds to those objects. You would have the whole amount re- 
ceived annually exhausted, at all events. You would not permit it to be invested 
even in the stock of the Bank of the United States, since you object to its more 
profitable investment in the debt of the State, unless upon the degrading assumption 
that the former is worthy of all credit and the latter of none. It would seem that 
it could not be more safely loaned than to the State, whose honor and interest 
equally conspire to insure its fidelity to such an engagement; but you would not 
permit it to bo loaned at all, since you refuse to allow the State to use it upon far 
more profitable terms, unless your objection arises from a particular want of confi- 
dence in the ability or good faith of the State. What, then, would you have the 
Commissioners of this fund to do ? Would you wish them to release the State from 
its solemn and explicit obligation to pay the whole amount for which it has receipted 
in the lawful currency of the United States, and to diminish the fund so greatly in- 
creased, by accepting, in discharge of its obligation, the amount only which has been 
received from the United States? And can you believe that this would advance 
the interest which you are so careful to protect ? How would you have that part of 
the fund which is required to be appropriated to a college or university disposed of? 
I confess, I cannot ever conjecture what, with your construction of the law, would 
satisfy you; and I would take it as a favor to be enlightened on the subject by the 
Department. 



240 HISTORY OF ILLINOIS. 

By the compact, it is declared that one-sixth part of the iiione_y contracted to 
be paid by the United States "shall bo exclusively bestowed on a college or univer- 
sity." Now, suppose the amount received within the past year, after the passage 
of the law, to be one thousand dollars, one hundred and sixty-six dollars and sixty- 
six and two-thirds cents of this amount would be applicable to a college or univer- 
sity ; but no such institutions were then in being, nor was the existence of either, 
at that early period, contemplated by either of the contracting parties. The money, 
therefore, could not be directly bestowed on a college or university. It would be 
insufficient for the erection of a suitable building for either ; the annual applica- 
tion of such a sum to such a building could scarcely be expected to eventuate other- 
wise than in its entire loss ; and you will not permit it to be idle or suffer it to be 
employed in any other manner than the strict letter of the compact ; for the State 
is under precisely the same obligations to apply and account for the application of 
this part of the fund as the balance of it. What, then, should be done with it ? 
The State will be greatly interested in being informed on the subject, should it find 
itself compelled to abandon its own, and adopt your views of its rights and obli- 
gations. 

The Legislature of the State, composed, as it has been, of men who claim no ex- 
emption from the fallibility and imperfections common to all mankind, may, doubt- 
less, have erred, but the most rigid scrutiny is defied to detect a single ground to 
justify the imputation, or even the faintest suspicion that it has in any manner 
whatever acted upon the subject without the most scrupulous regard to good faith. 
Influenced by its own construction of its rights and duties, and animated by an 
ardent, if not a rather too exclusive disposition to advance the interests of education, 
it seized with avidity the opportunity to make the investments to which you object, 
as the best possible expedient for rendering this fund the most available for those 
purposes. It authorized all the notes of the State Bank purchased by the Commis- 
sioners, to be canceled, and required the Auditor of Public Accounts to give them a 
certificate for their whole amount, payable in the legal currency of the United 
States — which certificate was delivered to and kept by the Commissioners " as an 
evidence of their claim upon the treasury of the State." It has sufficiently evinced 
its determination to appropriate this fund exclusively to the encouragement of 
learning, and to prevent its diminution in any other way, by having caused a sum 
of which it had been robbed, while it was in deposit for safe keeping in the Bank of 
the State, to be reimbursed to it ; by providing by law that " no part of the said 
three per cent, fund shall ever be applied to any other purpose than the encourage- 
ment of learning in tliis State, and the expenses attending the receipt of any portion 
thereof shall be paid out of any moneys in the treasury not otherwise appropriated ;" 
by establishing a system of free schools, and providing by law "that for the encour- 
agement and support of schools respectively established in this State, according to 
this act, there shall be appropriated, for those purposes, two dollars out of every 
hundred hereafter to bo received in the treasury of this State ; also, five-sixths of 
the interest arising from the school fund (meaning the one in question), which shall 
be divided, annually, between the different counties of this State, in proportion to 
the number of white inhabitants in every county under the age," etc. 

But I will press the subject no further. The whole case resolves itself into this 
simple question; Whether the State is to be compelled to abandon its own opinions, 
iu which there is, probably, not a single dessentient within its limits, and to adopt 
yours ? If this must be so, it cannot be less than a mortal blow to State rights ; 
and whatever the consequences, I, for one, can never yield ray assent to it. 



LIFE AND TIMES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 241 

I have only to add that, whatever may have be^n the freedom of the remarks 
which I have felt myself called upon to make, I beg leave candidly to assure you 
that they have proceeded, not from any unfriendly disposition, but from a sincere 
and anxious desire to avoid a collision but too well calculated to interrupt the peace 
and harmony of the Union itself. 

I need not urge that the peculiar circumstances of the case render it extremely 
important to the State that I shall receive as early an answer to this communication 
as may suit the convenience of the Department. 

I have the honor to be, very respectfully, sir. 

Your most obedient servant, 

N. EDWARDS. 
To AsBURY Dickens, Esq., Acting Secretary of the Treasury. 

Having given a history of Gov. Edwards' character as a public man, and 
of his public services, I propose to say something of his private life — of his' 
pursuits in the management of his personal affairs— and his usefulness as 
a neighbor and citizen. 

At a very early age, as has been previously stated, he was sent by his 
father to Kentucky to take charge of his landed estate. Although only 
nineteen years of age, he took charge of the farm hands, opened and im- 
proved a farm upon which his father afterwards removed, with his nume- 
rous family, from the State of Maryland, built distilleries and tan-yards, 
and gave all the necessary instruction in relation to their construction. 
It was at this time that he indulged in habits of dissipation, from which, 
by a determined resolution, he was snatched like a fire-brand from the 
fire. He broke loose from his associates, removed to Logan county, Ken- 
tucky, where he devoted himself to the study and practice of his profes- 
sion. Very soon after his appointment to the office of judge, he resided 
on a farm, and successfully carried it on until his appointment to the office 
of Grovernor of the Territory. 

After the reformation of his habits, he was intrusted by his father with 
funds to locate lands in Kentucky, and his success was such that he laid 
the foundation for the fine estate which was afterwards realized by his 
brothers and sisters. Though his father was anxious to divide his property 
by giving him an equal share with his brothers and sisters, he insisted upon 
receiving nothing under the will. It appears, from a letter to Mr. Wirt, 
that he declined receiving anything from his father, as early as 1808. Mr. 
Wirt, in a letter of that year, thus alludes to it : "Your delicacy in rela- 
tion to your father's will does you honor ; but you are amply requited for 
it — for a testamentary compliment from such a man and such a father is the 
richest of legacies." 

Although, in the year 1799, he was left without a dollar he could call 
his own, by his practice for the short space of only four years, and his pru- 
dent investment of the money realized from his profession, he amassed 
what was considered in that day a large fortune, cousisting of lauds, notes, 
—31 



242 HISTORY OF ILLINOIS. 



farms and stock, previous to his leaving Kentucky for Illinois, in the year 
1809. Many of his friends expressed surprise that he should leave Ken- 
tucky for the office of Governor of the Territory of Illinois. Speaking 
of his success in Kentucky, Mr. Wirt, in a letter written about that time, 
says, "I had supposed the Presidency of the Court of Appeals, connected 
with the society of your relatives and friends, and its dignity, upheld by 
your own splendid fortune, was an oflSce much more desirable than that 
for which you have exchanged ; and although it gave me great pleasure 
to state to Mr. Madison, at large, my impression of you, yet, I must con- 
fess, in secret, I half wished the application might fail, principally on your 
father's account, whose old age, I believed, reposed in a great degree on 
you. But of all these considerations, you, who was on the ground, are 
certainly best judge, and I will not doubt that you have decided cor- 
rectly." 

For a considerable portion of his time, after his removal to Illinois, he 
resided on his farm near Kaskaskia, to which he brought with him, from 
Kentucky, an improved stock of horses, cattle and sheep, from which the 
agricultural interests of the Territory were much benefited. He also had 
a choice collection of fruit trees, grape vines and shrubbery. He estab- 
lished saw and grist mills, and engaged extensively in the mercantile busi- 
ness — having no less than eight or ten stores in as many places in Missouri 
and Illinois ; and, notwithstanding the arduous duties of his office, he 
almost always purchased his goods himself. He established stores in Kas- 
kaskia, Belleville, Carlisle, Alton and Springfield, in this State; and in 
St. Louis, Franklin and Chariton, in Missouri. 

He was equally u>eful to his fellow-citizens and neighbors as a physi- 
cian ; for, although he did not practice medicine as a profession, yet he 
was devoted to the study of it, and the writer knows of hundreds of instan- 
ces of his visiting and prescribing for the sick without any charge ; and 
it was not unusual for persons to come several hundred miles to consult 
him with regard to cases that were considered of a dangerous character by 
other physicians. 

As in his public life righteousness and faithfulness were the rules of 
his conduct, so in his private afi"airs was he influenced by a love of justice, 
benevolence and truth. He was sued but once in his life, and in that he 
was successful. He was kind and compassionate to the unfortunate, never 
turned away the needy from his door, and was the friend of the widow, the 
fatherless and the poor. I know of widows and ministers of the gospel 
who were indebted to his liberality for their homes. A more afi"ectionate 
and devoted husband, father, brother, or a kinder neighbor, never lived. 
His children so respected and loved him, that it was unusual for either of 



LIFE AND TIMES OP NINIAN EDWARDS. 243 

them ever to incur his displeasure by doing any act which they believed 
would not meet his approbation. 

He resided at and in the vicinity of Kaskaskia from 1809 to 1818 ; in 
Edwardsville from the time of his removal from Kaskaskia until 1824 ; 
from which time, his place of residence was Belleville, St. Clair county, 
where he died on the 20th July, 1833. 

In closing this memoir of Gov. Edwards, I may be permitted to say, 
what indeed can be said of few men who have been engaged so long in the 
public service, that his political opponents were never able to point to a 
single measure which he had supported which did not meet with almost 
the unanimous approbation of his fellow-citizens ; nor to any measure, cal- 
culated to advance the interests of his constituents, which he did not pro- 
pose or favor. At the time of his death, he had scarcely an enemy in the 
State. Gov. Bond, John McLean, (Senator in Congress from this State,) 
and nearly all his former political opponents, were his warmest personal 
friends. In the year 1828, he received a letter from the Hon. John Mc- 
Lean, of Illinois, in which he says, " But that you have always been true 
to your friends and faithful to your engagements, I am and have for a long 
time been fully satisfied ; and it has always been to me a source of regret 
that we were, either with or without cause, in a state of collision. - But 
that is over, and, on my part, I assure you that I only recollect it to regret 
that it ever existed." 

The following sketch of Gov. Edwards' life, extracted from a discourse 
delivered by the Rev. Dr. J. M, Peck, on the 22d of December, 1833, is 
inserted here as embodying, not only some of the leading traits of his 
character, but facts of his history : 

FUNERAL DISCOURSE. 
"Her strong rode were tooken and withered."— Bzekial—xIx: 12, 

Figures of speech were common in ancient times ; the scriptures abound with them. 
Hence, to a right understanding of such expressions of scripture as my text, it is ne- 
cessary to notice the application of the phraseology, and its connection with the sub- 
ject over which the prophet was lamenting. He was here bewailing the ruin of the 
royal family of Judah, and the great calamities that had fallen upon the nation of 
Israel. 

In the connection, the Jewish commonwealth is represented by the figure of a lion- 
ess — her whelps ensnared and taken. — (Verses 3-9.) Allusion appears to be had to 
Jehoahaz, whom the people had made king after Josiah was slain, and whom Pharaoh 
Necho carried, in chains, into Egypt. The people, seeing no hopes in his return, sub- 
mitted to Jehoiakim, whom Pharaoh had made. king. Like a young lion he used his 
power with great cruelty, till he fell under the provoked hostilities of the king of 
Babylon. 

The next figure, to represent the condition of the Jewish nation and their rulers, is 
that of a vine, planted in a fruitful soil. — (Verses 10-14.) Their magistrates and 



244 HISTORY OF ILLINOIS. 



chief men are compared to "strong rods." — (2-11.) The judgments of heaven had 
passed over the land. "The ease whid had dried up her fruit." What the prophet 
alludes to here is not so readily determhied. Was it the pestilence from the east that 
swept off the people and withered the strong rods? Or, was it the allusion to the 
invasion of Judea, by the king of Babylon ? 

"Strong rods" metaphorically denote leading men — rulers of the nation. This is 
manifest from the eleventh verse: "And she had strong rods for the sceptres of them 
that bore rule." Such a metaphor would describe those who had superior talents, and 
in otlier respects were well qualified to rule. 

It is deserving of remark that such a rod should grow out of a weak vine ; but God 
raised up from the Jews, even when the nation was in a low condition, many distin- 
guished and mighty men. For there were periods, in the history of this nation, when 
the people had excellent and wise magistrates for tlieir governors. 

It is affirmed in the text that these strong rods were broken and withered. Death 
had removed them. Imbecility and corruption, or tyranny and cruelty, then charac- 
. terized her rulers. 

The loss of such public men, as were fitly described by the figure "strong rods," 
■was deplored by the prophet as a public calamity. Hence, I regard the text as ex- 
pressing this sentiment : that the death of an able statesman is a public calamity. 

Firtit — I shall contemplate the use and application of the metaphor. 

A parent is a strong rod to his family. The companion of his bosom leans on him 
for support and happiness, and his children look up to him for counsel and example. 

A minister of the gospel is a strong rod to the church over vrhich he has been placed 
as overseer. 

A man eminently qualified for public business and usefulness in a political commu- 
nity, is a strong rod to a nation or a state. 

We will proceed to notice some of these properties in public men, which entitle 
them to the application of the figure "strong rods." 

1. Great natural talents. These are to be found in strong reasoning powers and a 
vigorous understanding; a peculiar aptitude and genius for public business ; a keen 
penetration into the tendencies of measures towards the welfare or injury of the com- 
munity, and the speediest means to advance the one and counteract the other — with 
clear perceptions of right and justice, and the false colors in which unjust measures are 
often disguised. Though these abilities are susceptible of great improvement, by edu- 
cation, self-discipline and experience, yet their foundation seems to be laid in a natu- 
rally vigorous intellect. 

2. In an educated or well cidiivated mind. When great natural talents are well cul- 
tivated by close, systematic study, observation and experience, and by these means 
the mind has become enriched with a large fund of useful knowledge, the foundation 
is laid for a great man. 

Public men should possess considerable knowledge of the history of men, nations 
and governments — knowledge of the whole circle of human affiiirs, (particularly of the 
condition, resources, policy and designs of neighboring nations) — that they may know 
how to direct the affairs of their own with advantage ; and more particularly of the 
constitution, principles, history, laws, and peculiarities of their own Government. 

The peculiar organization of our National Government, with the coordinate and 
subordinate relations of each State — the different circumstances in which each are 
placed in relation to others, and to the Confederate Republic — make it indispensable 
for a well qualified statesman to bring to this subject a mind habituated to severe and 
patient investigation, and well stored with previous reading. 



LIFE AND TIMES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 245 

Considerable knowledge of the nature, sources and obligations of law, and especially 
of the fundamental laws of our country, is a most important acquisition ; so is the 
knowledge of human nature, in general — of our own hearts — of the human passions, 
and especially the power of influencing others to the adoption of important measures. 
A statesman must not only be capable of forming wise plans, but he must be able to 
carry them into effect by bringing the people to cooperate with him. He must also 
possess competent knowledge of the condition and resources of the country he serves, 
and skill to direct those resources to the best advantage. 

It will now be perceived that, without an educated and well cultivated mind, a man 
can never become an eminent statesman, however great may be his native powers. 
Like that potent agent that propels our commerce and drives our machinery, a vigor- 
ous mind, without cultivation and discipline, may do great injury. 

I am not here depreciating the properties of those minds who have not been clas- 
sically or scientiticaliy educated, or whose names have not been recorded on a college 
diploma. Shall I be told that eminent men, profound statesmen and able commanders 
have done honor to our own country and that of other nations, and yet have never 
entered the walls of a literary or scientific institution ? Will the names of Washing- 
ton, Franklin, Sherman, Rittenhouse, Patrick Henry, and a hundred more in the last 
or present generations, be arrayed before ine to confute the position that an educated 
and well cultivated mind is necessary to eminence in public life ? Let it be remarked 
that I have not made a collegiate education and the attendance of able instructors, in 
all cases, indispensable to these attainments. But it is denied that Wasiiington, 
Franklin, and other sages and patriots of like character, were uneducated men, and 
that they attained to eminence and usefulness by mere natural genius, with unculti- 
vated minds. They possessed, most unquestionably, great intellectual powers, but 
these were highly cultivated. They had not the advantages that many others pos- 
sessed, in the means of acquiring their education. By pressure of circumstances they 
were forced, in a considerable degree, to educate themselves. Did such men ever 
arise by the mere flight of unaided genius? No; it was only by patient and long 
continued study — aided by much practical observation — that their mental powers be- 
came developed and exhibited such vigor. 

We admonish young men to beware of the delusion that they can ever become 
"strong rods" in a political community, or eminent in any pursuit, without close study. 
Your partial friends may flatter your vanity by indiscreetly praising your genius and 
natural talents ; but never expect to arise above the common level, without study and 
observation. "Give attendance to reading" is no less applicable to the young patriot 
than to the young preacher. 

3. Self-government is an important requisite in the character we are contemplating. This 
implies the subjugation of our appetites and propensities — equanimity of temper — and 
such power over the passions as will enable tlie judgment and reason to retain the 
ascendency on every emergency. He who cannot rule himself, will rarely succeed in 
governing others and retaining their confidence. 

4. A noble, high-f!ii)ided a7id generous disposition. Nothing servile, base and cring- 
ing. Men of small talents, uncultivated minds and bad tempers are apt to be jealous, 
envious, malignant and revengeful, and are often guilty of low and mean conduct, es- 
pecially towards their rivals. 

In the collisions of party and the heat of political excitement, men of character and 
talents often say and do that which, in their sober and reflecting moments, they deeply 
regret; but the real statesman never will suffer sucii feelings to become habitual. A 
noble mind, cousci»u3 of its own tendency to undue excitement, makes allowances 



246 HISTORY OF ILLINOIS. 



for the same infirmity in others. Such a character will possess self-respect ; and 
the tendency of a due regard to one's own character \vill manifest itself in a proper 
respect to that of others. A man of real greatness of mind abhors those things that 
are mean and sordid. Artifice and clandestine management, to promote his own sel- 
fish designs, cannot be the governing principles of his soul. A just regard to future 
character is the duty of every one. This is far removed from the vices of pride, vain- 
glory or ambition. It arises from self-respect. A man is as much bound to respect 
and preserve his own character, as he is to preserve the members of his body or his 
life ; and he is equally bound to transmit the odor of a good name to posterity as to 
provide for the future happiness of his children. This duty devolves preeminently 
upon public men ; and not only are their personal friends and families immediately 
concerned, but their services and their characters are alike the property of the nation. 

5. Firmness and decision of character are also important , qualities. In all governments 
there are broad, fundamental principles, which must be regarded and maintained, 
whatever may be the risk. On these principles the course of a statesman should 
never vacillate. The right of the people to instruct their representatives is unques- 
tionable — for they in the aggregate, and not a privileged few, possess the governing 
power ; but there may be occasional emergencies when a public man has to take tlie 
responsibility, and risk his popularity, for the benefit of his country. Such instances 
occurred in the gloomy period of the Revolutionary war. In some districts of the 
country a majority of the people fainted in the day of adversity, and would have sub- 
mitted to British domination ; but there were men of uncommon nerve who threw 
themselves into the breach and saved the country. 

It is admitted that this call is not upon the topics of ordinary and common legislation, 
much less for the promotion of party designs. It is only when constitutional princi- 
ples are at stake, the national compact to be preserved, or great and paramount in- 
terests are in jeopardy, that the firmness and integrity of the patriot should be brought 
in collision with the will of his constituents. Yet he should never be obstinate or 
self-willed, but proceed with due deliberation and make up his mind to fall a sacrifice 
to popular resentment, rather than betray his country or violate his conscience. There 
is a moral sublimity in the conduct of a public man who will risk this much for the 
public good. 

He should also be firm and immovable in the administration of law and justice. 
Hence, unbending integrity and an inflexible regard to righteousness should mark 
his course under all circumstances. He should not be "a terror to good works, but 
to the evil." (Rom. xiii, 3 ) 

6. Patriollwi is the last quality I will 7iotice as belonging to a statesman. A patriot ia 
one who is actuated by love of his country, and who will sacrifice his own interests 
rather than the interests of the people. Private interests are merged in public 
good. 

True patriotism does not annul or counteract the duty of universal benevolence, 
for it does not call us to regard our country's interest exclusively, at the expense of 
the general happiness of mankind. It does not abrogate the Divine injunction to 
love all mankind — to love our enemies. The laws of universal justice and equity 
require no one to promote the interests of the country, state, town or neighborhood 
where he resides, at the expense of justice, humanity and the happiness of mankind. 
A nation is exalted only by righteousness, and not by rapine, injustice and artifice. 
" Equal justice t6 all " has been recognized as the sentiment of this nation. 



LIFE AND TIMES OP NINIAN EDWARDS. 247 

True patriotism in a citizen displays itself in zealously supporting the honor, inte- 
rests and prosperity of our country and government on principles of equal justice. 
It never engages in plots or conspiracies to overturn or pervert constitutional prin- 
ciples — though individuals, equally patriotic, may honestly differ in opinion about 
the extent and application of those principles. It never seeks to bring the govern- 
ment or its constituted authorities into contempt ; and though it may approve of 
one set of measures and disapprove of another — it may seek to elevate this man as 
mare fitted to rule than that — yet it never takes pleasure in exposing the errors of 
rulers, or in defaming their characters. A dutiful son may see faults in his father, 
and affectionately remonstrate, but until all affection is extinguished, and self-respect 
is lost, he will not take pleasure in exposing him. 

So with th% real patriot. He delights not in exposing his country's faults. 

Bat the man in office, above all others, is expected to be a true patriot. He must 
exhibit that unquenchable love of country that will prompt him to a cheerful sacri- 
fice of his own interest when placed in competition with the public good. This will 
appear the more necessary when it is noticed that men of wealth as well as influ- 
ence are frequently selected for the higher and more important offices. If such per- 
sons arc not influenced by the spirit of the real patriot, the temptation to sacrifice 
the people's interest to their own will too easily prevail. 

It is unnecessary here to particularize instances where the most elevated patriot- 
ism existed. Their names are found scattered over the records of antiquity. One 
of the most brilliant examples is that of Moses. For in renouncing the pleasures of 
Egypt, and his title, as the adopted son of the king's daughter, to the thione, and in 
preferring the interests of the Hebrew nation in their vassalage, his patriotism was 
not less conspicuous than his piety was elevated. The page of our revolutionary 
history furnishes evidence of entire devotion to the welfare of the nation. He, then, 
only deserves the name of a patriot who enters into public office with the fixed prin- 
ciple of promoting the good of his country and his fellow-men, and who continues to 
be governed by that principle. And, however important are natural talents, a well 
cultivated mind, self-control, magnanimity and high-souled feelings, and decision of 
character, if patriotism is wanting, he may be a great man, but we dare not pro- 
nounce him a great statesman. 

Secondly — The death of such a man is a public calamity. 

1. Because such men are great benefits to society and government. The prosperity of a 
nation depends much more on the character of its public men than is commonly 
imagined. They not only give direction to public sentiment, but, from the consti- 
tution of our natures, and the unavoidable habit of suffering ourselves to.be influ- 
enced by those in whom we repose confidence, they often originate that sentiment. 
All the great, and many of the minor interests of society, are under their care and 
subject to their influence ; and their opportunities to promote the public interest 
are great in every respect. 

The direction they give to public affairs has a tendency to promote the wealth 
and prosperity of the nation, or to impoverish and cover it with the thick cloud of 
adversity. 

The interest and happiness of the whole community, not excepting the humblest 
and most obscure, are materially affected by the character and conduct of those who 
are chosen to rule over the people. And as it is the intention and tendency of all 
good and upright governments to be a terror to all evil-doers and a protection to 



248 HISTORY OF ILLINOIS. 



those who do well, public and private morals and virtue are promoted or retarded 
by the character of public men. ' 

And while, in accordance with the principles of our national and state constitu- 
tions, we protest against all interference, on the part of the civil government, with 
the high and holy attributes of religion, as a subject entirely beyond its province, 
yet it is obvious to every reflecting mind that the character of public men cannot 
but atf'ect materially the influence and prevalence of religious principles. Public 
virtue and sound morality are always affected by the course of human legislation. 
A most striking illustration of this truth is to be found in the history of France, 
when the national convention, controlled by a band of unprincipled atheists, de- 
nounced all religion, set up the Goddess of Keason, severed every bond of moral 
obligation, placed over the gates of the public cemetery the inscription, " Death is 
an eternal sleep," and thus broke over all the restraints that accountability to the 
Divine Being, and the influence of religious principles, have erected as a barrier to 
the depraved passions. 

The butcheries and enormities which followed have furnished the world with a 
dreadful comment of a government without religious piinciples and moral lies. 

Without belief in the general and leading principles of religion — such as the exis- 
tence of a God, our accountability to him, and a future retribution — no laws, pen- 
alties or oaths will have efficient influence on mankind. Not to enlarge upon the 
importance of religion in exciting fear in the human heart of temporal judgments, 
passing by its high authority in communicating sanctity to oaths, and in restraining 
that class of off'enses which human laws can neither detect or punish, we maintain 
it is of the utmost importance in softening the turbulent passions of men and col- 
lecting them together in friendly society. 

Ttius. the prosperity and safety of the people, under God, depend very much on 
such public men as we have described as " strong rods." Hence, when these are 
broken and withered, it is to be regarded as a maik of Divine displeasure, and sub- 
mitted to as a public calamity. 

2. Wise, upright and talented men are, in a great degree, the defense of a nation. 
Innumerable and great are the evils to which nations, states and communities are 
exposed in this sinful world. A people without government are like a city without 
walls or the means of defense, and yet encompassed on every side by enemies. They 
become unavoidably subject to confusion, misery and destruction. 

Government is necessary to defend communities from intestine discord, injustice 
and violence. Its necessity springs from the ignorance, depravity and selfishness 
of human nature. It is equally indispensable to protection from the injustice or 
violence of other nations, and from those individuals who have thrown ofl" the re- 
straints of national government, and, as pirates or robbers, depredate upon the 
property of individuals and communities. 

Qualified statesmen and rulers are equally indispensable to the administration of 
good government. They are the bulwarks of a people in time of war, and the chief 
instruments of their prosperity in time of peace. They see the evil approaching and 
throw themselves into the breach. They survey the resources of the country and 
aid the people in their development. 

Strong rods are necessary to good government. Such was the virtuous Josiah to 
the nation of Israel, who probably was one of the " strong rods" alluded to by the 
prophet. When he fell in an unequal contest with the king of Egypt, "they brought 
him to Jerusalem, and he died and was buried in one of the sepulchres of his fathers, 



LIFE AND TIMES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 249 

and all Judah and Jerusalem mourned for Josiah." With him fell the glory and 
strength of the nation. 

APPLICATION. 

It will be readily perceived by this audience that, in many particulars, our late 
distinguished fellow-citizen, Gov. Edwaids, was a strong rod to this community and 
State. He was justly entitled to the appellation of Father of Illinois. 

After giving a very brief sketch of his life, not materially different 
from that I have given in another part of this work, Dr. Peck proceeds 
as follows : 

From the time of his first election to the Legislature of Kentucky, before he had 
quite attained his majority, up to this period, he had not been out of public ofBce, 
and in every station he had acquitted himself with honor, and to the satisfaction of 
the people. 

It was not to be expected that he woiild be permitted to remain long in retire- 
ment. The people of Illinois, who, in various ways, had expressed their acknowledg- 
ments of the value of his public services, still had claims upon him. He was elected 
Governor of the State in 1826, and whatever might have been the feelings of politi- 
cal opponents upon his entrance into this oflSce, we believe few persons could be 
found who did not approve the general course of his administration. A candid and 
dispassionate review of his correspondence as Governor of the Territory, his speeches 
in Congress, and his messages to the Legislature, would convince even his opponents 
of the entire devotedness on his part to the interests of the State. History and 
posterity will pronounce him a true patriot, and point out many official acts in which 
private interest was sacrificed on the altar of the public welfire. 

Upon the expiration of his constitutional term as Governor, it was his intention 
not to appear before the people again in any public capacity. Enjoying some share 
of his confidence and friendship, I feel authorized in this declaration. But he con- 
sented to suffer his name to be used as a candidate for Congress, at the election in 
1832, by the repeated and urgent solicitations of many friends whose wishes he felt 
bound to respect. This was the first and only election he ever lost before the peo- 
ple, and at this time there were four other respectable candidates for the same 
office — two of whom were considered by the people as belonging to the same politi- 
cal party with himself, to whom many had committed themselves previous to the 
annunciation that Gov. Edwards was a candidate. 

Much of the latter period of his life was devoted to the adjustment of his private 
affairs, and to acts of humanity and benevolence. And he possessed such method 
and system that, notwithstanding his estate was large and his business complicated, 
his affairs were left in such order as to admit of easy adjustment. 

His neighbor^ and fellow-citizens can give ample testimony to his humane, liberal 
and benevolent character. Possessing considerable medical knowledge, with a 
souud discriminating judgment, he frequently administered and prescribed for the 
sick, visited the couch of the dying, and gave consolation to the afflicted. To the 
poor and distressed he was liberal in his personal services and benefactions. The 
poorest man in the State was as fully welcome to the hospitalities of his house and 
table as the most opulent and distinguished. 

In his benefactions to purposes of benevolence and charity, Gov. Edwards was 
liberal without ostentation. It is known to the speaker that in many instances he 
gave liberal sums of which the public knew uothiug. 

—32 ' 



1^50 HISTORY OP ILLINOIS. 



He never made a public profession of religion, yet he was a believer in its doc- 
trines, and there were times in the hitter period of his life, known to the speaker, 
when he became unusually interested in its weighty truths, and was anxious about 
his personal salvation. On these occasions, his conversation was free and evinced 
deep feeling. 

When that dreadful diseafe, the cholera, to which he fell a victim, first appeared 
amongst us. Gov. Edwards was indefatigable in obtaining the most valuable and 
accurate information of the nature of the disease, and the most successful mode of 
treatment, and in diffusing it among the people. When it approached the village 
where he resided, his anxiety for the preservation of others was great. Though of 
feeble health and of impaired constitution, and forewarned by his friends that aa 
attack of the cholera in his system would prove fatal, yet, night and day, he was 
with the sick and dying, till he fell a victim to his humane and charitable exertions 
for the rel ef of others. The first attack on himself was in the form of dysentery, 
which greatly weak'-ned his system, but produced no alarming symptoms. From 
this attack he recovered so far as to leave his room, prepare some papers on busi- 
ness, and converse with his family and friends, which he did for two days, with 
cheerfulness and with the prospect of a speedy recovery. 

On Friday evening, July 19, he was attacked with the cholera in its regular form, 
under which he sunk rapidly till about seven o'clock on Saturday morning, July 20, 
when he expired. He left three sons and one daughter, to feel and mourn the irre- 
parable loss of a kind father. 

Were I to attempt a portraiture of his character, in its various colorings, I could 
say nothing new nor do it ample justice. Yet, it may be necessary to call into remem- 
brance some of its prominent features, to excite your minds to profitable reflection: 

First. Contemplate him again as a youth, a minor — ardent, impetuous, aspiring, 
and sent forth upon the world ; journeying several hundreds of miles from his pater- 
nal guardian and home; entering upon a new and unformed state of society on the 
frontier of Kentucky, and exposed to all the temptations incident to youth in all 
places, with those peculiar to a new country. Sue him, falling before the tempter — 
the structure of a noble mind about to he thrown down in ruins — yielding to the 
seductive influences of youthful follies — lured on to the precipice by giddy and 
thoughtless companions — the hydra monster about to encircle him in his scaly and 
voluminous folds. Pause a moment ! Here are brilliant prospects — promising tal- 
ents — a fine imagination — a cultivated mind^a father's hope, a mother's joy — about 
to be crushed and withered in this deadly embrace, and, as worthless things, thrown 
down the precipice into the gulf of oblivion. And is escape from such toils common? 
Ah, no ! Where one has escaped, thousands have perished. Gaze here, ye young 
men, accustomed to your nightly orgies! Look at that immolation about to be 
offered ! And yet, from this horrid embrace, and these fascinating toils, he did 
escape — marvellously escape ! ^ 

We pause again. A silent, secret resolution begins to heave his youthful breast ; 
it wavers — it struggles — it falters, and struggles again. The hopes of father, mother, 
brother, sisters, and a long line of friends, are flickering — sending forth the last 
feeble rays. The voice of filial love is not quite silent. The voice of conscience is 
upraised. The cheering gleams of hope appear above the distant horizon. The 
struggle is renewed, and victory crowns the conqueror! 

Let our young men here be admonished. Your success depends, not in imitating 
his youthful follies, but in escaping from the snare and devoting your minds to the 
acquisition of useful knowledge and forming habits of virtuous industry. 



LIFE AND TIMES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 251 

We know not which to admire the most — the merciful providence of God to this 
young man, or the uncommon decision and energy of character put forth. Now view 
him as a close, laborious and successful student, determined to qualify himself for 
the profession he had chosen. Breaking away from the fascinations of his youthful 
companions, he puts forth the vigor of manhood and enters upon a life of honor and 
usefulness. 

Secorul. View him "as a public man — ardently devoted to the interests of the peo- 
ple ; receiving their confidence ; chosen by them to important trusts, and, from the 
midst of a constellation of legal talent, placed on the bench of the circuit court at 
the age of twenty-seven — rising, both in the confidence and respect of the people 
and in the judicial station, till he reaches the elevated position of Chief Justice of 
the State of Kentucky before he is thirty-two years of age. Is here imbecility of 
mind, fickleness of purpose, neglect of study, time wasted in gossiping and listless 
folly? Is here anything like indecision ? indolence? waywardness? Far otherwise. 
Here are talents of no common order — moral energies that press through every ob- 
struction — steadiness of purpose that never fails of success — mental discipline that 
will cause the mind to grow brighter and brighter — time husbanded as an invaluable 
treasure. Here is decision of character sufficient for the noblest purposes, industry 
that never tires, and a soul subjected to the government of reason. 

Contemplate him through his future public life. The same traits of character in- 
crease in vividness — the same intellect accumulates strength. All the virtues we 
have contemplated are called into active exercise in forming the character, model- 
ing and administering the government of this Territory. 

View him as a Senator. His weight of character and influence command the 
respect of the nation. His suggestions are listened to as the voice of wisdom and 
experience, while, through all his public services, the people cling to him, as a 
strong rod, for support. 

Third. But it is not in the ardor and buoyancy of youth, nor in the halls of legis- 
lation, nor on the bench of justice, nor yet in the executive chair, that a man's 
whole character is exhibited to the best advantage. Go to the domestic circle, see 
him by the fire-side, around the family altar, and in the every-day dress of his char- 
acter, if you wish to gain a full and distinct view of the picture of a man. Let us 
contemplate our friend in this interesting aspect. As the head of a family and a 
father, few persons have manifested stronger affections in the family circle — few 
fathers were more beloved by their children. Ask that desolate widow, whose affec- 
tions have been scathed as with the lightning's blast, to count up the sum of her loss. 
Ask those disconsolate children hovr much they loved him. Let the circle of rela- 
tives, with the long line of personal friends, draw near, estimate his worth, and the 
loss they have sustained. 

Fourth. Contemplate him as a neighbor and citizen. Though elevated to high 
offices and rank, he was truly your equal. Few men of his station in life ever pos- 
sessed less of the pride of ostentation and greatness. While all trifling and mimicry 
were despicable in his eyes, it was his nature to be sociable, conversant and friendly 
with every class of citizens. As a neighbor, he was kind and obliging. 

Were I to mark the prominent traits of his character, I would place in high relief 
great decision — determined, resistless perseverence — quickness in dispatch of busi- 
ness — sagacity to the public interest — a liberal and philanthropic disposition — and 
a sense of his accountability to God. 



252 HISTORY OF ILLINOIS. 



"We have thus, fellow-citizens, attempted to give»you a brief but imperfect sketch 
of the life and character of our distinguished friend ; and while we are taught, from 
Divine revelation, to submit with humility to that calamity which a wise and myste- 
rious Providence has brought upon this State, in the death of a fellow-citizen of such 
eminent abilities and usefulness, we shall close this discourse with a single reflection. 
"Fornone of us Iweth to himself" is the declaration of an inspired apostle. We ure 
not insulated beings. Our example, influence, wealth, talents and prayers are all to 
be employed for useful purposes, and should be directed in that way that will lessen 
the most misery and promote the most happiness in the world in which we dwell. 
Whatever be our rank — whether as legislators, jurists, magistrates, ministers of the 
gospel, or private citizens — we are capable of doing immense harm or immense good, 
and the influence of this good or evil is not expended upon the present generation, 
merely: ages to come will feel the effects. It will follow in the continuous line of 
succeeding generations ; and future millions will arise to call us blessed, or invoke 
anathemas upon our memories. The laws that are now framed — the moral influence 
exerted — the national or state improvements attempted — the schools established — 
the churches gathered — the preachers ordained — the appointments to office — the 
public and private example of all — the huinble!-t walk of the humblest citizen of this 
State — will prove the means of happiness to individuals and the community for years 
to come. 

Filled and overwhelmed with a sense of this weighty responsibility, let each one 
act well his part in life, that blessings may water his memory when his ashes have 
commingled with their kindred dust. 



CHAPTER XIII. 

Memoir of tJie late Son. Daniel P. Cook. 

The following memoir of the late Hon. Daniel P. Cook, who had been 
a member of Congress from the State from 1819 to 1827, which, by the 
permission of William H. Brown, Esq , I give a place in this work, givea 
a brief sketch of the able and distinguished men who had been the promi- 
nent political opponents of both Mr. Cook and Gov. Edwards. Two of 
them, the Hon. Elias K. Kane, and John McLean, were the successors in 
the Senate of the United States of Gov. Edwards and Judge Thomas, and 
were both distinguished for their talents and usefulness to the State and 
the Nation. They both died while holding their seats in the Senate. 

MEMOIR OF THE LATE HON. DANIEL P. COOK. 

To the Members of the Chicago Historical Society : 

At your request, I have prepared a brief memoir of the late Hon. Daniel P. Cook, 
our second representative in Congress from this State, and in honor of whom the 
county of Cook was appropriately named. I have undertaken the task the more 
readily because I deem it desirable and important to preserve our early statistics, 
and some facts of history in connejction with this gentleman, and because I take 
pleasure in perpetuating the memory of one of my first and constant friends, and 
vindicating his character from some of the aspersions cast upon it in times of high 
political excitement. Though confessedly a labor of friendship, it is believed that 
no partial coloring has impaired the truthfulness of the picture ; and certainly no 
attempt is made to underrate the character or talents of Mr. Cook's competitors to 
enhance his merits or exalt his virtues. 

An interval of thirty years is a potent anodyne. It gives time for many "second 
sober thoughts," and clears the vision of prejudice and passion. It obliterates the 
rough and angular points of character, and brings out the milder virtues of your 
adversary. Gradually and imperceptibly his failings and foibles are forgotten, and 
memory dwells only on what was lovely and of "good report." 

Mr. Cook was born of very respectable parentage, in the county of Scott, in the 
State of Kentucky, about the year 1794. In his early youth, he enjoyed only such 
means of education as were afforded by the cbmraon schools of his native State. If 
he studied the classics at all, it must have been in the later years of his life, and 
after he had entered upon its arduous duties. It is, however, certain he pursued no 
collegiate course, ^ 



254 HISTORY OF ILLINOIS. 



When quite young, he was placed by his parents in a mercantile establishment, 
but continued therein but a short time. This sphere was too limited for his high 
aspirations, and leaving trade and commerce to minds less ardent than his own, he 
commenced the study of the law with the late Hon. John Pope, of Kentucky, then 
in the zenith of his fame, and engaged in a large and lucrative practice. 

Mr. Cook came to the Territory of Illinois in the latter part of the year 1815, and 
established himself in business at Kaskaskia, the seat of the Territorial Goverument, 
and the only considerable town in the country, embracing a population of from 
seven hundred to one thousand inhabitants, two-thirds of whom were native French. 
He entered successfully into the practice of the law, attending the courts in all the 
then organized counties* (except those upon the Wabash), a»d in the lower coun- 
ties in the Territory of Missouri. The business of the courts at this period was 
comparatively small, owing to the few inhabitants in the Territory, and the limited 
business transacted by them. It is probable that few, if any, of the profession, at 
that day, supported themselves exclusively by their practice. Many were engaged 
in agricultural pursuits, and others occupied a portion of their time iu land specu- 
lations. 

In the early part of the year 1816, Mr. Cook became a joint owner in the office of the 
"Illinois Intelligencer," the only newspaper and printing office in the Territory, and 
assumed the duties of an editor. Unfortunately, the files of the paper of that period 
were not preserved, and no opportunity is now afforded to form an opinion of the man- 
ner in which those duties were discharged ; but, from the known talents and industry 
of Mr. C, it may be safely assumed that, while under his management, the paper took 
a high rank amongst its contemporaries, and exerted a healthy influence in the commu- 
nity. With the printing of the laws and journals of the Territorial Legislatures, and 
blanks for the public offices, at prices which would now astonish a practical printer, it 
is certain the business was lucrative and yielded a competent support to its conductors. 

It appears, by 'the record of appointments, that Gov. Edwards conferred upon Mr. 
C. the office of Auditor of Public Accounts, in the month of January of that year. 
If the office v^as accepted by him, he could have continued in it but for a short time. 

Late in this year, or early in 181Y, President Monroe selected Mr. C. as bearer of 
dispatches to the late John Quincy Adams, then Minister at the English Court, to re- 
call that gentleman, preparatory to his assuming the office of Secretary of State, to 
which office he had been appointed tipon the formation of Mr. Monroe's cabinet. Mr. 
C. performed that duty, and in due time returned and resumed his practice and other 
duties. 

Shortly after his return, Mr. Cook was appointed a Circuit Judge. His district 
embraced the counties of Bond, Madison, St. Clair, Randolph and Monroe, containing 
a large territory of nearly one-third of the present limits of the State. He retained 
this office but a short time, and could have held but one or two terms of his courts. 
He acquired, however, an enviable reputation as a Judge, evincing talent, energy and 
promptness, and was as popular as a judicial officer as when pursuing his profession 
at the bar. 

Upon the organization of the State Government, in December, 1818, Mr. C. was 
elected, by the Legislature, Attorney General for the new State, which office he held 
until October in the following year. 

•These counties were Bond, Madieon, St. Clair, Monroe, Eandolph. Jackson, Franklin, Union, 
Johnson, Pope, Gallatin, White, Edwards, Crawiord and Washington. 



LIFE AND TIMES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 255 

The State of Illinois was virtually admitted into the Union in October, 1818 ; but, 
by a provision in the Constitution, an election for State officers, and for a representa- 
tive in Congress, was to be held on the third Thursday of September of that year,, for 
the short session, expiring March 3, 1819. Mr. Cook became a candidate, and was 
opposed by the late Hon. John McLean, then a resident of Shawneetown. It is liardly 
necessary to say that, during the administration of Mr. Monroe, there was a remark- 
able political calm tiiroughout the entire country. The great questions, which before 
had been eagerly and acrimoniously discussed by the people, and had divided the na- 
tion into the two great political parties of Democrats and Federalists, had either been 
decided, or, by general consent, postponed to an hidefiuite future. The course pursued 
by Mr. Monroe gave universal satisfaction, and the people enjoyed, for six or eight 
years, a political millennium. That quietude and peace, in common with others, was 
enjoyed by our early settlers. It is not, however, to be forgotten, that early in the 
territorial history, as well as in the first six years after Illinois became a State, the 
disturbing question of slavery formed an important element in the politics of that 
period. There was a strong party in favor of introducing slavery at the election of 
delegates to the Convention which formed the Constitution ; but it is well known that 
the principles of liberty prevailed, and the whole question was set at rest by the de- 
cisive vote of 1824, when this subject was brought directly before the people. 

Another element of division in our politics was personal preferences, or the exist- 
ence of parties for the advancement of particular hidividuals or their friends. Thus 
there were the Edwards party and the Bond party, the respective adherents of either 
warmly contending and struggling for office and supremacy. The leaders of these 
parties were Gov. Edwards, Judge Nathaniel Pope and Mr. Cook, professed anti- 
slavery men (though the two first were slave-holders) on the one side, and Gov. Bund, 
Elias Kent Kane, his Secretary of State, and John McLean on the other. The former, 
of course, supported Mr. Cook, while the latter naturally fell into Mr. McLean's ranks. 
This gentleman was a Kentuckian by birth, and a leading member of the bar, in the 
south-eastern part of the State. Possessed of fine talents and an unblemished char. 
acter, he was at that tmie, and continued to be until the day of his death, one of the 
most popular men in the State. He was subsequently speaker of our House of Rep- 
resentatives, and, in 1826, was elected a Senator in Congress. He died at an early 
age, possessing, in a rare degree, the confidence and esteem of all who enjoyed his 
personal acquaintance. 

The election thus held in September, seems not to have excited general interest. 
The State ticket was a compromise one — conjposed of Col. Bond, for Governor, from 
the one side, and Col. Pierre Menard, an excellent and worthy French citizen, from 
the other. The contest was mainly for Congress, and Mr. McLean succeeded by only 
fourteen majority. 

At the special election, in the summer of 1810, the same gentlemen were candi- 
dates for Congress, and great exertions were made by the candidates, themselve.-, and 
their respective friends. No election, before or since, caused more feeling and effi)rt. 
The exciting Missouri question had, at the previous session, been brought into the 
halls of Congress, and, upon preliminary votes, Mr. McLean had favored the pro- 
slavery party, and indicated his desire that the State should be admitted witliout the 
proposed restriction. In addition to this, he had been so unfortunate, in some of his 
addresses before the people, as to oifend some of the more recent immigrants from the 
Eastern States, and, as a general thing, lost their votes. Mr. Cook was elected by a 



256 HISTORY OF ILLINOIS. 



fair majority. As in former contests, the old question of slavery was prominent. The 
auti-slavery party rallied around Mr. Cook's standard and insared his success. 

In 1820 the contest was renewed. Mr. McLean, satisfied with the efforts of the 
previous year, and unwilling to risk another defeat, declined to be a candidate. The 
Hon. E. K Kane was brougiit out as Mr. Cook's competitor. 

Tiie question of the admission of the State of Missouri as a slave State was still 
more directly before the people. The old pro-slavery party, represented by Mr. Kane, 
were against imposing any restriction upon the proposed new State — while the other 
party were, to some extent, divided. Many, who theretofore had acted in our local 
struggles as anti-slavery men, were disposed to leave the question to the decision of 
those most immediately interested ; others, and perhaps the larger portion, looked upon 
the admission of another slave State as a great evil, to be resisted at all hazards. Both 
candidates, liowever, were understood to be in favor of the admission of this State 
with a constitution admitting slavery — Mr. Kane from choice, and Mr. Cook from pol- 
icy. The contest, therefore, in 1820, was mostly a personal one, depending mainly 
upoii the popularity of the candidates. Mr. Kane was badly defeated, obtaining a ma- 
jority in only one county in the State Mr. Cook's majority was two tliousaud four 
hundred and eiglity-two, in a vote of less than eight tliousaud, oi- nearly two t6 one 
in his favor. 

On his first entrance into Congress, Mr. C. was placed upon the committee on Pub- 
lic Lands — the most important to the people he represented. At tliis period, and be- 
fore, the government lands were in market at two dollars per acre, one fourta in cash 
and tlie residue upon a credit of five years. The comparatively prosperous years, im- 
mediately before the formation of the State Government, had induced the wildest 
speculations in public lands. Every man who could command the sum of $80 (the 
cash payment upon 160 acres, then the smallest subdivision), became a quasi land 
bolder, and a debtor to the government. The financial revulsion throughout the 
country, soon after the close of the war of 1812, reached the West in 1819. Men 
who liad supposed themselves possessed of large wealth, suddenly discovered their 
error. They had, it is true, an equitable claim to many quarttr sections of land, but 
the claim was valueless, and the land unsalable ; and in addition to tliis embarrass- 
ment, they were largely indebted to the government for the sums remaining unpaid 
upon their purchases. It may be safely stated that, from this cause, at least one-half 
of those who had been considered the men of capital in the country, were reduced 
from supposed wealth to positive bankruptcy. 

To relieve the country from this load of debt, Mr. Cook warmly advocated plans of 
relief, which resulted in a general law, abolishing the credit system and reducing the 
price of land to $1.25 per acre.* Former purchasers were permitted to consolidate 
tlieir entries and relinquish tlie surplus quarter sections to the government By the 
operation of this law individuals secured, in fee simple, the number of acres of land 
tiiey had actually paid for, at the rate of $2 per acre, and were released from their 
liabilities for further payments. Mr. Cook introduced and advocated, at the session 
of 1820-21, a resolution giving preemption rights to settlers on the public land. It 
was tlie first effort made in this direction, and failed of success. It was, however, 
the germ of the policy thereafter adopted, and from which our citizens have derived 
great and incalculable advantages. 

•At a suftsequent election, Mr. Cook, a considerable land owner, under the $2 per acre law, 
■was charged with opposition to the new law. The writer has abundant evidence in his posses- 
Bloa to prove the falsity of this charge. 



LIFE AND TIMES OP NINIAN EDWARDS. 257 

Mr. Cook voted in Congress against tlie admission of Missouri. As he had given 
the people to understand, during the canvass, that he would favor that measure, his 
vote excited surprise, and called forth from his opponents unmerited abuse and bitter 
denunciations. Bribery and corruption, the violation of pledges, deception and dou- 
ble-dealing, were rung upon all their various changes, and, for the time being, Mr C. 
apparently lost his hold upon the confidence and affections of the people. 

His reasons for his change of mind were given in his speech in Congress when the 
bill was before that body ; and, inasmuch as this is one of Mr. Cook's acts which has 
been loudly denounced, it is proper he should be lieard in his defense and in his own 
words. The following extracts, it is thought, will place this subject in a proper 
light, and enable the reader to form an opinion as to the propriety of the course he saw 
fi t to adopt : 

* * * "When," said Mr. C, "he first arrived at Washington, he, for the first 
time, met the objection which was now urged against the Constitution of Missouri; 
and, perhaps, under the influence of a strong anxiety for her admission, had examined 

.the question, as he thought, thoroughly, and for a considerable time saw no reason to 
change his determination. Under the conviction produced by that examination he had, 
as he hoped he always should do, fearlessly expressed his opinion in favor of her admis- 
sion. He even now, notwithstanding his opinion was changed, freely declared that 
all liis predilections were in favor of such a vote. Missouri, he said, was the near 
adjoining neighbor of Illinois ; and, notwithstanding an unhappy difference of opinion 
upon political subjects, had created, between tlieir respective citizens, a rancor and 
animosity which he well knew the vote he was about to give would not in the least 
allay — a vote at which he also knew many of his constituents would be greatly dis- 
turbed when they heard of it — yet he should be glad to see her admitted and placed 
upon an equal footing with the State he had the honor to represent. 

* * * 'ijn order to be a State in the Union, or to be entitled to become such, 
he considered it an indispensable pre-requisite, on her part, to form a constitution 
in conformity to the principles of the Federal Constitution, and in conformity to 
the conditions presented by the act in virtue of which her constitution, upon its 
face, professed to have been formed. That she had not formed such a constitution, 
he thought, was fairly deducible from the argument he was about to make. 

"The constitution of the United States, said he, gives to 'Congress the power to 
dispose of and make all needful rules and regulations respecting the territory and 
other prpperty of the United States.' This, said Mr. C, is a general power ; and in its 
exercise, he apprehended that Congress had a right to dispose of that territory to 
wliomsoever they pleased. He said it had been admitted, by gentlemen on both 
sitles of the question, that free negroes and mulattoes were competent to hold real 
estate ; and that they did hold it in almost, if not quite, every State in the Union. 
• They are, therefore, competent, he observed, upon the admission of all parties, to 
purchase such estate from the United States. But the constitution of Missouri de- 
clares, 'that it shall be the duty of the Legislature, as soon as may be, to pass such 
laws as may be necessary to prevent free negroes and mulattoes from coming to and 
settling in that State, under any pretense whatsoever ;' a provision, said he, which, 
notwithstanding their competency to purchase, and the indisputable power of Con- 
gress to sell to them, clearly asserts a controlling power over the rights of these 
individuals, and the paramount authority of Congress. * * * # Mr. C. said 
there was another view of that clause of the Missouri Constitution, under which it 
seemed still more obviously in violation of the Federal Constitution. Congress, he 
—33* 



258 HISTORY OP ILLINOIS. 



said, by virtue of the general power which it possessed to dispose of the territor_v of 
the United States, for the purpose of obtaining the military services of persons, as 
well of this as every other description, had offered them a land bounty — to many of 
whom, and embracing free negroes and mulattoes, patents had already been issued 
for lands in Missouri. He .-aid peisons of this description, to his own knowledge, 
had purchased land in Illinois, and he had no doubt such was the case in Missouri, 
Whether they had, or not, however, did not vary the case — the principle was the 
same. In the soldier, as well as the purchaser, therefore, he begged leave to say, 
the Government of the United States vested a fee simple estate in those lands. This 
title he considered to consist of the possession, the right of possession and the right 
of property ; and he thought, when he asserted that the Government had guaranteed 
all these features of the right which it vested both in the soldier and purchaser, that 
no honorable member would hazard a denial of that assertion. Under this guaranty, 
he contended the United States incompetent, unless for public purposes — and then 
only by paying a fair equivalent therefor — to deprive them of this property. And 
yet Missouri, through a subordinate Legislature, if her constitution be allowed to 
operate, does virtually take it away without paying any equivalent whatever ; for 
if a person be not allowed to enjoy the possession of his properly, he is virtually 
deprived of it. 

But the United States are bound, both to the soldier and purchaser, to protect 
him in the enjoyment of his property. It constitutes, by every principle of law and 
reason, a part of the original contract. The Government, for this obligation, has 
received a full consideration ; and yet Missouri, in direct violation of that provision 
of the Federal Constitution which forbids any State to pass any 'ex post facto law, or 
law impairing the obligation of contracts,' has virtually provided that those con- 
tracts, which have been completed by the issuing ot patents, shall, by the ex post 
facto operation of her constitution, be annulled, and the force of the contract wholly 
impaired ; and, by its prospective operation, as virtually impairs the obligation of 
those contracts which are as yet executory for the want of patents. 

* * * " Mr. C. repeated that his feelings were in favor of the admission of 
Missouri — that both personal and political reasons combined to render it a desirable 
event — and were it consistent with his sense of the duty which he owed to the coun- 
try and the Constitution, to give such a vote upon the re?olution under consideia- 
tion, he was sure no member on that floor would do it with more pleasure. But, 
while he considered the Constitution the rock upon which our temple of liberty must 
stand, and having sworn to support it, he felt himself called upon to forego all such 
considerations, and defend it against infringement. Should we suffer, said Mr. C., 
our individual feelings and wishes to enter into our deliberations and discussions, so 
far as to govern our public conduct, those feelings and v^ishes, like the imperceptible 
rising of the tide, will finally run over every principle of the Constitution, and we 
shall ultimately find ourselves floating at large upon the open sea of uncertainty, 
without a single landmark to guide us." 

In the summer of 1821, Mr. Cook was united in marriage with Miss Julia Edwards 
(the eldest daughter of the late Gov. Edwards), a young lady of great personal 
charms and finished education — and in all respects fitted to be the companion of a 
statesman who bid so fair to attain high and commanding positions in the councils 
of the nation. Mrs. Cook survived her husband about three years, and died at Belle- 
ville, in the year 1830. 



LIFE AND TIMES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 259 

At the n;eneral elecUon of 1822. Mr. McLean again run as a candidate for Congress 
against Mr. Cook. His iiopes of success were, doubtless, predicated upon the "noise 
and confusion" consequent upon Mr. O.'s vote upon the Missouri question. So great 
was the clamor of interested partisans, that, at the commencement of the canvass, 
the chances of the respective candidates appeared to be nearly equal. In its pro- 
gress, Mr. C. satisfied the people of at least the honesty of his intention in giving 
this vote, if not the propriety of the vote itself. His constituents triumphantly sus- 
tained him, giving him forty-seven hundred and sixty-four votes, and Mr McLean 
thirty-eight hundred and eleven — a majority of nine hundred and fifty-three. 

The project of a canal, to unite the Illinois River with Lake Michigan, was started 
soon after the organization of the State Government. The Legislature of 1820-21 
took initiatory steps in this matter, and it was brought before Congress by a report 
from the topographical corps, giving the results of a partial survey, and demonstra- 
ting its practicability. The canal project was a popular one in the eastern and 
western part of the State (there was no north at that period), and was opposed by 
representatives from the southern counties. Indeed, it found some opposition in 
the then great counties of Madison and St. Clair, growing out of sectional preju. 
dices; for a Senator from one of those counties, in the Legislature of 1822-3, op- 
posed it upon the ground that it would be an inlet for hordes of " blue-bellied 
Yankees," as he termed our eastern people.* The fears of that Senator have been 
realized, and the results are the extensive commerce of our lakes, our rich and 
populous north, and our young and enterprising cities, teeming with life, activity 
and business. 

In 1822, this subject was brought directly before Congress. Mr. Cook labored to 
secure such aid from the General Government as would enable the State to prose- 
cute this important work. He asked for bread and received a stone. The utmost 
extension of Congressional liberality was a grant of a strip of land, ninety feet wide, 
through the public domain, from the Illinois River to the Lake ; and lest, by any 
means, the Congress of the United States, after such a munificent grant, should be 
further committed, a saving proviso was added, that the United States should in no 
wise become liable for any expense incurred by the State in " surveying or opening 
said canal." 

In the intervening years, from 1822 to 1827, Mr. Cook urged this measure in 
Congress, as a national work, in which other States were as directly interested as 
his own, and affording to the Government, in time of war, great facilities in the 
movement of troops and transportation of stores. The result of his labors was the 
passage of the act of 1827 (the last session of his Congressional career), granting, 
in fee simple, to the State, and without any reservation, the alternate five sections 
upon each side of the canal, amounting to more than three hundred thousand acres 
of land, and embracing the site of the city of Chicago. This act was worthy of a 
Congress representing a great nation, and is wonderfully in contrast with that of 

*To defeat or embarrass the canal bill, then before the Legislature, the Senator from St. Clair 
introduced a bill to drain certain l.ikes in the American Bottom, alleged to be injurious to the 
health of the people in their locahties. In committee of the whole, the friend? of the canal were 
admit enough to include in the bill, by the aid of southern Senators, almost every inconsiderable 
pond in what would now be called Southern Illinois. Having thus loaded it to its utmost capa^- 
ci! y, an amendment was proposed, by a canal man, to appropriate some thousand dollars to drain 
Lake Michigan, which also was incorporated in the bill. Thib was a little more than bargained 
for by the Senator, and he was compelled to aid in the destruction of his own bantling. 



260 HISTORY OF ILLINOIS. 



1822. But its greater and more enduring value was the precedent for future grants, 
embracing tiiat for railroad purposes, the effect of which we now feel in the en- 
hancement of the value of property, the increase of business, and the general pros- 
perity of the State. 

Upon the passage of the canal bill, that great and long desired improvement was 
considered as " a fixed fact," and the northern part of the State soon began to be 
settled by an enterprising class of people. It was not commenced until 1836, and, 
under many difBculties and adverse circumstances, was not completed until 1848. 

The proposed national road, intended to have been built by Congress, from Wash- 
ington through the several seats of governments of the Western States, excited 
great interest in the middle and eastern parts of the State. At this time, the road 
(a perfectly macadamized one) had been completed nearly to Wheeling, Va., upon 
its way to Columbus, 0. It was a splendid undertaking on the pare of the National 
Government, and, in the absence of railroads, would have been a very important and 
desirable improvement. 

Mr. Cook urged appropriations to continue the surveys westward of Columbus, 
through Indiana and Illinois, to St. Louis. He succeeded to such an extent that the 
line of the road was located to Vandalia, in this State, the streams bridged, and the 
road partially graded. Before this great thoroughfare was fully completed, even as 
far west as the seat of government of Ohio, its use was suspended by the construc- 
tion of railway lines, so much in advance of the best constructed carriage roads, 
that, by universal consent, the work was abandoned, and the portions finished and 
unfinished conveyed to the several States through which it run. Though never 
completed, enough work was done on that part of the road passing through this 
State, to render it useful to those residing in its vicinity, and to the public gene- 
rally. Extensive and durable structures were thrown over all the streams' it crossed, 
the low bottom lands raised to the proper grade, and the wet ground thrown up, so 
that a line of stages was put upon the road in 1837, and continued thereon to this 
day. 

At the general election in 1824, Mr. C. was again a candidate for re-election to 
Congress. His uniform success and his great popularity rendered him a formidable 
competitor. None of his political adversaries were very desirous to enter the lists 
against him. He had twice beaten Mr. McLean, one of the strongest men in the 
opposition, and almost distanced the real leader of the Bond party, Mr. Kane. It 
was thought necessary, however, to preserve the integrity of the party, to bring out 
a candidate against him in the person of Gov. Bond — the ostensible head — who, two 
years before, had vacated the gubernatorial chair. This latter gentleman had spent 
the most of his life in the Territory and State, residing, until elected Governor, in 
ine present county of Monroe. He was a man possessed of strong natural abilities 
but little improved by education. He stood deservedly high in the community, 
and, in his administration of the State Government, there was nothing particularly 
worthy of condemnation, unless that, in his appointments to office, his political 
friends, sometimes not the most capable, were the general recipients of gubernato- 
torial favors. 

Gov. Bond, though far behind Mr. McLean in talents and oratorical powers, had 
this advantage over him, in that, by a judicious bestowment of his patronage, he 
had created many political friends, who were bound to do battle in his behalf, and 
expend their energies, influence and time in securing his election. It was appa- 



LIFE AND TIMES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 261 

rently the last card that could be played against Mr. C, and like desperate game- 
sters, a disposition was evinced to risk all upon the stake. A presidential election 
was also in progress, which might pass into the House of Representatives, and vest 
the vote of the State in its single representative. The Governor and his friends 
took great interest in the success of Mr. Crawford — then a candidate for the Presi- 
dency — who, though a member of Mr. Monroe's cabinet, had given evident tokens 
of opposition to the administration, and had created an active party of politicians, 
more intent, it was then believed, upon a division of the " loaves and fishes," than 
the promotion of the great interests of the country. Whoever Mr. C. might be for, 
in the contingency the vote came into the House, it was certain he would vote 
against Mr. Crawford. Thus impelled by personal and political motives, the Gover- 
nor and his friends entered warmly into the canvass, and labored zealously, but 
without success. The vote for Mr. Cook was 7,460, while Gov. Bond received only 
4,374. 

It is well known that the presidential contest of 1824 resulted in the failure of 
the people to unite a majority of the votes on either of the four presidential candi- 
dates* before them. The question was therefore determined in the House of Repre- 
sentatives, and the vote of Illinois was given by Mr. Cook to Mr. Adams. 

It is natural for those disappointed in their political aspirations, either by their 
own defeat or that of their favorite candidate, and the consequent loss of power and 
office in expectancy, to give vent to their wounded feelings and crushed hopes. Mr. 
C. had reason to expect that so important a vote as he gave upon this occasion 
would not escape notice or animadversion. Nor was he disappointed in this regard, 
for he was charged with betraying his constituents, of violating his pledges given at 
a previous election, and having basely sold his vote for office. It is, therefore, due 
to his memory, that this matter should be placed in a proper light, and facts substi- 
tuted for reckless assertions — the more especially as, at a subsequent election, he 
was beaten for Congress, thus giving some color to the charges preferred against 
him. 

The electoral college of this State, in December, 1824, gave two votes to Gen. 
Jackson and -one to Mr. Adams ;! and as Mr. C, when before the people in the 
summer of that year, had promised to be governed by the expressed will of his con- 
stitutents at the November election for electors, it was claimed that, as Gen. Jack- 
son had obtained two electoral votes, he was therefore entitled to the vote of the 
State in Congress The fallacy of this assumption is a misunderstanding or a mis- 
representation of Mr. C.'s pledge. He was too wise a man to make such a promise 
as would trammel his action in any given state of the electoral vote; for he well 
knew that, though a large majority of the people might favor the pretensions of one 
candidate, yet, by the division of the electoral districts, a comparatively small 
minority might secure the election of two electors, who would give their votes in 
opposition to the will of that majority. 

What was the promise made by Mr. C. in relation to his vote in Congress? is 
the first question to be determined. It is contained in an address to his constitu- 
ents, dated May 30th, 1824, and is in these words: 

"On the subject of the approaching election of a Chief Magistrate of this country, 
inasmuch as it has become fashionable:]: for members of Congress to endeavor to dic- 

*Messr9. Adams, Jackson, Clay and Crawford. 

tThe presidential vote in 18-2i, was given by districts — ttie State being divided into three. 

tAUadisg to the nomination of Mr. Crawford by eighty odd members of Congress. 



262 HISTORY OF ILLINOIS. 



tate to their constituents for whom they shall vote, you probably may expect me to 
say something Influenced by the principles which govern me as your representative, 
I do not consider it my duty to attempt such dictation. You are as much interested 
as I can be in making a judicious choice. It is over your intei-ests, as well as miiie, 
that he is to preside. To each of you, therefore, as well as to me, it belongs to make 
a free and voluntary choice for yourselves. In voting, in my individual, capacity as a 
citizen, for an elector in the district in which I reside, I shall surely vote for him who 
■will, in the electoral college, support the individual that I believe to be the best cal- 
culated properly and faithfully to administer the executive government ; but, should 
the electors chosen by the people fail to unite a majority of their suffrages on any in- 
dividual, and thereby devolve the duty on the House of Representatives of choosing 
one for them, I shall feel it my duty to vote, as a representative^ in accordance with 
the clearly expressed sense of a majority of those whose will I shall be called upon to 
express. This is all I have to say on that subject." 

Mr. Cook, then, was to be governed by the "clearly expressed sense of a majority 
of those whose will" he was called upon to declare. Not, certainly, the will of the 
electors, who were but three of the many thousands of his constituents. 

The next inquiry is, was the "sense of a majority" of his constituents clearly ex- 
pressed, or was it expressed at all ? 

At the election in August, 1824, the aggregate vote for Congressmen was 11,834, 
and the aggregate vote upon the Convention question (for this was settled at this 
election) was 11,612.* The aggregate vote at the election in November, for all the 
candidates for electors, was 4,707 — making a difference of 7,127 from the highest vote 
given in August, and showing that that number of voters had no will to express, or 
were so indifferent as to the success of the presidental candidates as to fiil to express 
it at all. But if we take the number of votes given in November, 4,7()7, as an ex- 
pression of the will of the people, "a clearly expressed sense of a majority" would 
have required 2,354 votes to have been given to one of the candidates, to have brought 
him within the rule laid down by Mr. C. for his future action. Did any one of the 
candidates receive that number of votes ? 

Of the clear and undisputed votes given upon that occasion, Mr. Adams, through 
his electors, received 1,541 ; Gen. Jackson 1,273; Mr. Clay 1,046 ; and Mr. Crawford 
218. There were also given, at that election, for James Turney, Esq., who run in 
the first district professedly for Clay and Jackson, 629 votes. If Mr. Turney, and 
those who voted for him, were sincere in their preference for either Clay or Jackson, 
in such a calculation as the present one it would be but fair to divide these votes be- 
tween those gentlemen, increasing Gen Jackson's vote (giving him the the odd one) 
to 1,588, and Mr. Clay's to 1,360 ; but giving Gen. Jackson all of Turney's vote, it 
would amount to but 1,901 — leaving him in a minority of 453 votes.-}- 

But it was contended, at the time, that Mr. Turney's candidacy, though ostensibly 
for Jackson and Clay, was really for Mr. Crawford. It was well understood that Mr. 
Adams' strength was mainly in the first district, embracing Fayette county on the 
south, and Sangamon on the north, and that no honest voting could prevent him from 
obtaining the electoral vote of that district. The friends of Mr. Clay and of Gen, 

* The' vote upon the Convention question was, For— 4,972; Against— 6,640. 

tGov. Reynolds, in his "Life and Times," p. 254, says Mr. Cook promised to "give the vote of 
the State lor the presidential candidate who received from the people the most votes through- 
out the State." Comparmg this dictum v, ith Mr. Cook's address, shows that the Governor some- 
times writes ad libitum. 



LIFE AND TIMES OF NINIAN EDWARDS, 263 

Jackson had brought out candidates for electors in the first district for each of tliese 
gentlemen — Dr. John Todd of Springfield representing Mr. Clay, and Messrs. J. W. 
Scott and Jon. Berry, candidates for Gen. Jackson. Mr. Turney was nominated by a 
convention of politicians, convened at Edwardsville in October of that year, in which 
the principal Crawford men of tlie first district figured. The following is a part of • 
one of the resolutions adopted at that meeting, disclosing, to some extent, the object 
desired to be obtained: "And this meeting, reposing their full confidence in the 
well-known republican principles and character of James Turney, Esq., the Attorney 
General of this State, do earnestly recommend him to the democratic-republican citi- 
zens of this district as a suitable person, to be supported at the ensuing election as 
an elector, whom the friends of Henry Clay and Andrew Jackson ought to support, 
with the fullest confidence that he will, in the electoral college, ^vote [not for either 
Clay or Jackson, but] for the one who, at the time of voting, will seem most likely to suc- 
ceed against Air. Adams.'" 

That part of the resolution italicised was evidently intended to pave the way for a 
vote for Mr. Crawford, if he was the one "most likely to succeed against Mr. Adams." 
It was a notorious fact that, in the first district, Mr. Crawford had many strong 
and influential supporters, especially among the politicians* of that day; for, in addi- 
tion to his supposed strong bias to recreate a new political party proper, it was deemed 
certain, from his appointments as Secretary of the Treasury, that the patronage of 
his administration would flow through the Gov. Bond party channel, and that those 
who gathered under tlie Bond banner would be the recipients of the many offices in 
the gift of the President. Notwithstanding, it was not considered politic by the 
leaders of that party to run a candidate in the first district for their chief, or make 
any open demonstration in his favor f The true friends of Mr. Clay and Gen. Jack- 
son would have been slow to complicate the chances of either, by bringing out a can- 
didate to run for both, while each had separate candidates in the field. The inference 
is considered a fair one that Mr. Turney was brought before the people, by the Craw- 
ford party, eitlier to secure a vote for Mr. Crawford or lay the foundation for future 
attacks upon Mr. Cook, should he be called upon to vote, in Congress, for any of the 
presidential aspirants, and especially for Mr. Adams, whom he was known to favor. 

It is conceded that, after the election, in January, 1825, Mr. Turney made a publi- 
cation in one of the newspapers of the day, that, if elected, he should have given the 
electoral vote to Gen. Jackson. And,*no doubt, he then would ; for at the date of 
his publications, and, indeed, for some time before, the votes of the States had been 
ascertained, and though Mr. Crawford was, with Mr. Adams and Gen. Jrfckson, re- 
turned to the House of Representatives, they having the highest electoral vote, yet 
public sentiment had narrowed the contest to these latter gentlemen, and Mr. Craw- 
ford was virtually out of the question. Had Mr. Turney been as free to declare his 
preferences in October as he was in the following January, after the attempted elec- 
tion by the people was over, all doubts, in relation to the views of those who voted 
for him, would have been removed, and the question would have been one of figures 
only. I 

•Among these were the Hon. Jesse B. Thomas, thea one of our Senators in Congress, Hon. T. 
W. Smith, late one of the Judges of the Supreme Court, Emanuel J. West, and other?. 

t Samuel Allen offered himself as a candidate for Mr. Crawford, and received one vote only. 

t "Keep dark, Boone," was a common slang expression, and will be familiar to the older resi- 
dents of the State. It originated from Mr. Turney's course in this election. 



2G4 



HISTORY OF ILLINOIS. 



It may, therefore, be safely said that Mr. Cook, in giving his vote for Mr. Adams, 
violated no pledge previously given, nor did lie act in opposition to the will of his 
constituents, as declared at the November election. The whole subject was referred 
to the people. They determined nothing. He was, therefore, left free to exercise 
'his own judgement, and to vote for the man who, in his opinion, would best execute 
the functions of the Presidential oflBce. If the doctrine of pluralities was to guide 
him, he was bound to vote as he did — Mr. Adams stood highest. His vote was clear 
and undisputed ; that given to Gen, Jackson was complicated and doubtful. And 
was not the comparatively high vote given to Mr. Clay worthy of consideration in 
forming an opinion of the "sense of a majority" of the voters ? If one vote might 
be transferred to another, was not the "elective affinity" of Clay and Adams stronger 
than that of Clay and Jackson ? 

It must also be remembered that, in 1826, Gen. Jackson was a new man for the 
Presidency. Though he had developed extraordinary military talents, his capacity 
for the civil administration of the Government was as yet untried and uncertain, 
and by many doubted. He certainly was not then the Gen. Jackson of 1832. Mr. 
Adams, on the other hand, had been educated as a statesman. The great powers of his 
mind we re. understood and acknowledged ; and, from former precedent from the 
days of Jefferson, as Secretary of State, " he was the presumptive heir to the suc- 
cession." Under all the-e circumstances, the error of Mr, Cook, if error at all, 
must be accounted as only venial — an error of the judgment, and not of the heart.* 



*List of candidates for electors in 1824, as announced in the papers of that day: 

Foe Heney Clay — Doct. John Todd, 1st Dist. ; James Gray and Samuel H. Clubb, 2d Dist. ; 
William H. Bradsby and H. B. Joues, 3d Dist. 

Foe John Quinoy Adams— William H. Harrison, Ist Dist.; Leonard White, 2d Dist. ; Col. 
Pierie Menard, 3d Dist. 

Foe Gen. Jackson — Jon. Berry and J. W. Scott, 1st Dist. ; Henry Eddy, J. M. Street, A. Ram- 
sey and Daniel Boatright, 2d Dist. ; A. P. Field and James S. Smith, 3d Dist. 

Foe Me. Cbawfoed— A. G. S. Wighr, 1st Dist. ; Wm. M. Alexander, 3d Dist. 

Foe Jackson and Ulay- James Turuey. 

The following shows the vote, at the November election, for electors for President in 1824: 







FIEST 


DI8TEI0T. 








Counties. 


Harrison. 


Scott. 


Turney. 


Berry. 


Todd. 


Allen. 


PiVe 


193 
2T 

125 
86 
38 
85 

243 

170 
75 
21 


6 

1 

17 
12 


1 

4 

9 

21 

45 

214 

198 

104 

13 

18 










7 

20 
3 


4 

123 

11 

12 

8 

49 

119 

6 

11 




















1 

1 

6 

13 

7 






5 






1 


Bond 


10 




Montgomery 








Total 


1083 


ei 


629 


58 


343 


1 







LIFE AND TIMES OP NINIAN EDWARDS. 



265 



The last of the charges intimated, viz: that Mr. Cook sold his vote for oflSce — is 
sufficiently answered by the fact, that Mr. C. neither sought nor received any post 
of honor or profit from the new administration. Had his valuable life been spared, 
it is hardly possible that a man of his industry and commanding talents could have 
remained long in private life. His views for the future were disclosed in the fol- 
lowing extract of a letter to the writer of this article, dated April, 1827 : " Of the 
proceedings of Congress, it is not necessary to say anything. You are already 
informed of all that has been done. Whatever of censure or credit I may be entitled, 
I leave to the calm decision of the people ; and when they shall make that decision, 
with the knowledge of all the facts connected with each act, I shall not quarrel with 
them for it. But I am now on a tour to recover my health, if possible — and it may 
be that the voice of praise or censure will be alike unheard by me before any opin- 
ion shall be formed. The probability of such a result, however, does not repress 
the hope that I may yet pass, with the people of the State, through many changes 
of increasing prosperity; and, finally, before the curtain be drawn, see Illinois what 
even in one man's life she may be, and what my feeble exertions have always aimed 
to aid in making her. 



SECOND BIBTEICT. 



Counties. 


Eddy. 


Grav. 


White. 


Clubb. 


Boatright. 


Street. 


Wayne 


62 

31 
199 

64 
111 

36 
1 

3T 

55 


18 
65 
41 
64 

129 

25 

5 

26 

103 


6 
16 
47 
18 
58 

4 
13 
34 
29 








Lawi'("iice 








Gallatin 


1 


i 


28 


Crawford 




Wh te 






30 


Ham.lton 






6 


t,'lark 








Edgar 








Edwards 




5 










Total 


596 


470 


225 


1 


6 


64 









THIKD 


DIBTEIOT. 








Counties. 


Field. 


Menard. 


Jones. 


Alexander, 


Bradaby. 


Pope 


41 
2 
47 
46 
153 
28 
40 
49 
62 
29 


11 

35 

* 149 

6 

15 
3 
2 
1 
1 

30 


32 








11 

177 

7 

3 


30 


Ranflolph 


2 


12 
39 


Union 




10 






1 


Johuson 






4 






5 

1 
14 


9 


Je fforeon 




9 






79 








Total 


497 


253 


34 


218 


193 







BBOAPITTTLATIOK. 



Ist Dist^ 
2d Dist . 
id Dial . 



Total . 



-34 



Adams. 


Jackson. 


Clay. 


Crawford. 


Clay and Jackson (Turney.) 


1063 
2-i5 
253 


irg 
667 
497 


343 

476 




629 






218 






1541 


1273 


1046 


218 


629 



266 HISTORY OF ILLINOIS. 



*' Should I recover my health, so as to feel able to embark iu the business of my 
profession, or any other business for which I am qualified, within a few months, I 
shall return to the State. But should it continue feeble, and yet improve, as I hope 
it will, iu the mild and genial climate of Cuba, the place of my destination, I 
shall probably remain there a year or two, or till, at least, I have fairly tested its 
virtues." 

Mr. Cook was a candidate for re-election to Congress in 1826. His old opponents 
would, doubtless, have suffered this election to go by default. No candidate was 
brought forward to oppose him. In the course of the summer, the people of the 
State were astonished at the temerity of a young gentleman, then but little known, 
in announcing himself as a competitor with Mr. Cook for this ofiice. 

Gen. Joseph Duncan was then a resident of Jackson county, and engaged in mer- 
cantile business. He had served in the regular army as a Lieutenant, in the war of 
1812, and had acquired some distinction in the humble post he occupied. He had 
also been a member of the Senate of this State, from the county of his residence, and 
probably held that office at the time he announced himself for Congress. He was, 
however, but little known beyond the few counties adjacent to Jackson; and no one, 
at the time, supposed he was fitted, either by education or experience, to exercise 
the duties of the office to which he aspired. His chauces of success were apparently 
hopeless; and it is supposed that a betting man, at that period, would not have 
risked one to one hundred dollars upon his election. He canvassed the State, how- 
ever, with diligence and assiduity, and presented as bold a front as if assured of 
success. He was unaccustomed to public speaking, and in this respect compared 
very disadvantageously with Mr. Cook. Yet he had the faculty of presenting his 
ideas in a plain and simple way, easily understood by the masses, and, to a great 
extent, effective in such a population as then constituted the State. 

The old opponents of Mr. Cook, of course, united upon him. As a candidate, ho 
was a perfect God-send to them. Ii he failed in his election, it would be attributed 
not to the weakness of the party, but to the absence of all claims on the part of 
Gen. Duncan to such a position. To these were added the real friends of Geii. 
Jackson, who were dissatisfied with Mr. C. for his vote in Congress. Gen. Duncan 
received 6,321 votes, and Mr. Cook but 5,680, 

No event excited greater surprise and amazement than the result of this election 
— it was totally unexpected to friends and foes. It may be safely said that if aa 
election could have been held immediately after the result was known, the vote 
would have been materially changed. "We did not intend," was a very common 
remark, " to beat little Cook, but so to lessen his majority as to make him feel his 
dependence upon us " It is but just to Gen. Duncan to say, that his constituents 
were happily disappointed in his subsequent development of talents and tact, ren- 
dering him a worthy successor to our second representative.* 

It may be confidently asserted, that Mr. Cook's defeat was not attributable to his 
vote upon the Presidential question. The small majority of 641 obtained by Gen. 
Duncan would indicate this fact. For if, as contended by many at that day, the 
choice of two electors for Gen. Jackson determined the political character of the 
State, a much larger majority would have attended Gen. Duncan's election. Taking, 
however, the votes cast for electors in 1824, as a test of the sentiments of the people, 

•General Duncan remained iu Cougress until 1S34, having been elected Governor in that year. 
Before this time, his original supporters had left him, and he was sustained mainly by Mr. 
Cook's old friends. 



LIFE AND TIMES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 267 

had the election of 1826 turned upon the Presidential question, it will be seen, that 
by adding the vote given to Mr. Clay, 1046 (nearly equal to that given to Gen. 
Jackson), to Mr. Adams' vote, 1541, Mr. Cook ought, upon this issue, to have 
received a majority as 2587 is to 4707, or over four-sevenths of the vote cast, giv- 
ing to his opponent the excess of votes, 167, over the votes given for congressmen 
in 1824. 

Matters of interest in Congress, connected with this State, have been briefly 
intimated in the foregoing pages. At the commencement of the session of 1825-6, 
Mr. C. was transferred from the Committee on the Public Lands, to that of the 
Committee of Ways and Means. The late Mr. McLane, of Delaware, was chairman 
of that committee, and the name of Mr. C was the second on the list of members. 
During the whole of the session of 1826-7, Mr. McLane was absent, and the duties 
of chairman devolved upon Mr. Cook. It was one of his cardinal principles to do 
well and thoroughly whatever he attempted ; and naturally inclined to overtask his 
physical powers, and a desire to acquit himself with honor, led him to devote the 
hours of rest and recreation to examination and study. Occupied during the day in 
explanation of the varied and important measures presented to the House through 
this committee, every interval of time was spent in preparation for the public con- 
flict. His feeblg frame could not long endure the vast amount of labor he performed, 
and the last days of his Congressional life found him confined to a sick room. At 
the close of the session, he embarked, as before intimated, for Cuba, trusting to 
recover health and strength in the mild climate of that island. The journey was a 
vain one — and early in the month of June Mr. Cook returned, with his family, to his 
home at Edwardsville. During the summer, his health gradually declined ; and he 
determined to return to the home of his nativity, and die upon the spot that gave 
him birth. He breathed his last on the 16th day of October, 1827, at the early age 
of thirty-four, and his remains repose in the soil of his native State. 

From this brief statement of some of the incidents in the life of Mr. Cook, it will 
be seen that he was a self-made man. Without the aid of the schools, and by the 
mere force of the native powers of his mind, the few brief years of his public life 
developed intelligence and talent of no ordipary character. His powers seemed to 
expand with the occasion that called them forth. His mind was active and clear, 
and his command of language ready and copious, so as equally to interest the 
scholar, and enlighten the illiterate hearer. But few men, then constituting the 
Congress of the United States, notwithstanding his youth, stood higher in public 
estimation, or were listened to with more attention and interest. His voice, though 
soft and melodious, was of great compass and tone, equal to addresses in the open air 
or in the halls of legislation. 

It has been said that Mr. Cook was a popular man. His popularity was not based 
upon the artifices of the demagogue, or upon assumed traits of character. His 
urbanity of manner and gentlemanly deportment were natural and constant. No 
one doubted his truthfulness or sincerity, and his benevolence and kindness of heart 
was universally conceded. Mr. Cook's conversational powers were remarkable, and 
he made himself an agreeable companion with all classes of society, preserving at 
the same time the dignity and attributes of a well bred gentleman. In all the exci- 
ting contests through which he passed, his manner toward his opponents was such as 
never to disturb social relations or friendly feelings. However strong the opposi- 
tion for the time being, it ceased when the conflict ended; and if defeated, they 
preferred Mr. Cook's success to any other political opponent. Mr. Cook was gener- 
ous to a fault. Hekwas often imposed upon by the unworthy and deceived by the 



268 HISTORY OF ILLINOIS. 



recital of imaginary sufferings. His kind heart forbid the withholding of pecuniary 
assistance whenever demanded ; and he thouglit it safer to err, in his charities, on 
the wrong side, than fail to bestow them upon worthy objects.* 

lu his personal appearance, Mr. Cook was a small spare man, considerably under 
the ordinary hight. His usual weight did not, probably, exceed one hundred and 
twenty pounds. He was straight and erect in his person, and quick and active in 
his movements. His features were plain but marked — and so indicative of intelli- 
gence and kind feeling as to render them agreeable and pleasing. He left behind 
him but one child, a son, now a resident of the city of Springfield in this State, and 
late Mayor of that city. 

In estimating the labors of Mr. Cook, it must be remembered that he was virtu- 
ally the first Representative in Congress after the admission of the State : and that 
the settlement and arrangement of the various matters contained in the act of Con- 
gress changing our territorial to a State government, devolved mainly upon him. 
It is believed that all questions arising out of the change, through his tact, talent 
and perseverance, were decided more favorably to our interests than they probably 
would have been, if entrusted to other hands. Neither must it be forgotten, that in 
obtaining valuable concessions from the General Government, he had no precedent 
to urge, or landmark to guide him. It was subjecting the povvei;s vested in Con- 
gress by the Constitution, to new tests, and applying them to new objects. It was an 
untried field of effort, in which every obstacle was to be overcome. The prejudice 
of opinion was to be combatted, and perhaps honest, but mistaken constitutional 
objections to be removed. To devote the public lands to any other purpose than 
that of replenishing the public treasury, was then deemed by many a political 
heresy. It is now a settled principle, mainly through Mr. Cook's efforts, that the 
public domain is to be used for public purposes, and devoted for the promotion of 
the general interests of the whole people — a principle which, as we have seen, in 
1827, invigorated our waning energies, and in 1851 placed us in the front ranks of 
the States composing our Union, and promises us a future, unless marred by our 
own folly or effeminacy, prolific in all the sources of material wealth, and the 
highest moral and christian civilization. 

Mr. Cook supported other measures, of great importance to his State, 
besides those alluded to in Mr. Brown's memoir. 

On seeing, in the year 1820, an advertisement, in the public prints of 
Baltimore and Washington, over the signature of a Mr. Bond, announcing 
that he was not only authorized by the Treasurer of the State to receive 
the non-residents' land tax, due to the State, but to give receipts therefor, 
he addressed a letter to Mr. McLaughlin, the then Treasurer, admonishing 
him of the danger and impropriety of giving such authority. He said : 
"If Mr. Bond receives a considerable sum (the land tax from non-residents 
being then upwards of $20,000, annually,) and then refuses to pay it over, 

•In one of his journeys to Washingtou, upon the Ohio River, as the steamer approached 
Wheeling, the point of debarkation, ti well dressed person accosted Mr. C, a perfect stranger, 
and apologizius for his intrusion, said, ' 'Sir, 1 am yet some distance from my home, and am out of 
money. I know no one on board the boat. I have closely scanned the countenances of tuy fel ow 
passengers, and have discovere i to gentleman more likely to as>ist me tbnn yourself. Will yon 
please, sir, make me a loan of $50?" "Certainly," Mr. C. immediately replied, and suiting the 
action to the word, opened his pocket book, and handed him the desired sum. 



LIFE AND TIMES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 269 

I cannot see by what means the State is to reach it, otherwise than by a suit 
against the Treasurer, which, in these times, might be a very precarious 
remedy. From the deep interest which I feel for the safety of the public 
money, and being in a situation to warn the Treasurer of the danger he is 
encountering, I conceive it both my right and duty to address a letter to 
him on the subject." 

Congress had, in 1819, pledged the fund reserved to Indiana and Illi- 
nois, for the laying out and making roads to those States, for the repay- 
ment of the money advanced by the United States for constructing the 
Cumberland road to the Ohio River. On a resolution offered by Mr. Cook 
for the repeal of this provision, and asking its appropriation for the con- 
struction of roads to this State, he addressed the House as follows : " In 
offering this resolution to the consideration of the House, I beg leave to 
ask its attention to the act referred to. By that act, the fund reserved for 
the improvement of roads leading to the States of Indiana and Illinois has 
been pledged for the repayment of the money appropriated by Congress 
for the completion of the Cumberland road. This road was commenced, 
I believe, ten or twelve years ago. By the acts of 1816 and 1818, author- 
izing the admission of Indiana and Illinois, respectively, two per cent, of 
the net proceeds arising from the sale of the public lands in those States 
was reserved, by Congress, to the laying out and. making roads leading to 
those States, respectively; and for the consideration of this appropriation, 
made by Congress, with others, which were understood, on all hands, to be 
for the benefit of those States, they respectively surrendered a part of their 
sovereignty: they agreed that the lands of the United States, then remain- 
ing to be sold, should be free from taxation for five years after the day of 
sale — and in Illinois, the bounty lands, given to the soldiers of the late 
army, were also to be exempted from taxation for three years from the date 
of their patents. This surrender of the sovereign right of Illinois to tax 
the lands thus exempted, was the consideration given for the fund now 
under consideration, as well as some other advantages which were granted 
to her, and for which she is grateful to the Government. This, with the 
other propositions made by Congress, are now matters of compact between 
Illinois and the United States, and to divert this fund from the channel in 
which I can but think it was intended to flow, Illinois will consider a vio- 
lation of that compact. To appropriate that fund to the making a road 
terminating at Wheeling, a point several hundred miles from the borders 
of the State, never can be an appropriation in unison with the intention of 
Congress or of the State of Illinois. As well might you appropriate it to 
the making of a road leading from Missouri to Santa Fe, uniting those two 
sovereignties, as to the object for which it stands pledged — for that would 
be a road leading towards Illinois. From an examination of the subject, 



270 HISTORY OF ILLINOIS. 



I find that the revenue which Illinois would derive from a tax on the lands 
which may be sold within the State, and on the bounty land — which she 
cannot now derive in consequence of this compact — would, at a reasonable 
rate, amount to about $280,000, a large proportion of which would now be 
subject to be called into her coffers, and of which she really stands in great 
need. Can it be contended that this fund, which is reserved to Indiana 
and Illinois, respectively, to make roads leading to them — in the one case 
about ten and in the other twelve years after the Cumberland road was 
commenced — was at that time intended or understood, either by these States 
or by the United States, to be subject to defray the expenses of that road? 
It cannot be possible. It seems much more likely to have been reserved 
for the purposes contemplated by the resolution which I offered : to extend 
that road to the borders of those States ; and unless it is so appropriated, 
or at least in making roads leading to and not towards them, I think they 
will have just cause of complaint against the Government. Since the 
admission of those States, I believe, a fund of about $50,000 has already 
accrued from the sale of lands, which should now be lying in the National 
treasury. This sum, although it would not complete the road, would de- 
fray the expense of marking and laying it out, and go far towards opening 
it so as to render it passable ; and, as the fund continues to increase, it 
might be employed to complete it. Indeed, it seems to me to be so obvious 
that the intention of Congress was, that this money should be appropriated 
to the improvement of roads, to facilitate the entrance into those States, 
that reasoning cannot make it plainer ; and any diversion of it to any other 
object, therefore, is a violation of the compact between those States and 
the United States. I trust the resolution will be considered and adopted." 
The resolution was then considered and unanimously adopted. 
On the same day he offered the following resolution : 

Resolved, That the Committee on Public Lands be instructed to inquire into the 
expediency of providing, by law, for the payment of so much of the money arising 
from the sale of the public lands in the State of Illinois, since the 1st day of January, 
1819, as has been reserved by law for the encouragement of learning, to said State. 

Mr. Cook observed that "the object of this resolution is, simply, to ena- 
ble the State of Illinois to obtain the three per cent, fund arising from the 
sale of the public lands, which has been reserved by Congress, to be appro- 
priated by the State to the encouragement of learning. This course has 
been considered necessary, since the Secretary of the Treasury might not, 
otherwise, feel authorized to pay it over." 

This resolution was also adopted, and a law passed in accordance with 
its provisions. 

After Mr. Cook's return to the United States, in 1817, with Mr. Adams, 
he remained for some time in Washington City, undetermined what busi- 



LIFE AND TIMES OP NINIAN EDWARDS. 271 

ness he would engage in. His health was not good. Mr. Adama had 
applied to the President to give hiui the appointment of Secretary of Ala- 
bama. Mr. Cook, in a letter to Gov. Edwards, dated October 2, 1817, says: 
"Had not my application for that ofl&ce been too late, the President said, 
it would have received that attention which it merited, but that he had 
previously promised it to another. I could get into the State Department 
as a clerk ; but experience tells me it will not do for me to engage in close, 
laborious writing, and it would not satisfy my ambition to be buried in an 
office, merely as a servant, where the world, perhaps, would never hear of 
me. Mr. Adams assures me he will, at any time, take pleasure in bringing 
me before the Government, when an opportunity offers. I am advised by 
my own judgment, as well as his, to return to the West, and remain there 
until an opportunity presents itself for my advancement." 

Mr. Cook was, indeed, a very ambitious man. As early as 1824, he had 
a very high standing in Congress. In one of his letters to Gov. Edwards, 
during that session of Congress, he says : " There are none of the opposition 
but Forsyth, and McLane of Delaware, that I will meet, as deserving my 
special notice. This will be taking high ground, to be sure, but I will 
take it, Forsyth and I have had some sparring on the tariff. I think, 
although he has 'been in Spain,' I need not — I certainly do not — dread 
him." 

Hon. John C. Calhoun, as early as 1821, spoke of him thus : "For Mr. 
Cook I have a most genuine respect, both for his character and talent. I 
have read his circular with pleasure ; its independence and sound sense do 
him much honor. He has adopted the proper mode to build up a lasting 
popularity." 

And again, in a letter dated August, 1822, he says: "I take much in- 
terest in Mr. Cook's election, and shall wait with great impatience to hear 
the result. He is honest, capable and bold — ^just such a man as the times 
require. His absence from Congress would be a serious loss." 

Judge McLean spoke of him as follows : " He stands well with all par- 
ties, and is not excelled, in weight of character, talents and influence, by 
any member from the West. For his success in the late election (that of 
1826) I felt a stronger interest than for the success of any other individual, 
not excepting my own brother. Mr. Cook's name is before the President 
for Minister to Columbia. It was placed there by me before the commence- 
ment of the session. If the President does not appoint him, he will forfeit 
all the claims of friendship and gratitude. So far as I have been informed 
no appointment could be made, in the same quarter, more acceptable to the 
friends of Gen. Jackson. I have heard many of them express great kind- 
ness for him, and some of them have expressed a strong wish for his success. 
The duties which devolved uppn him, as Chairman of the Committee of 



272 HISTORY OP ILLINOIS. 



Ways and Means, were very arduous. The labor was more than his health 
could bear, independently of the long confinement every day to the un- 
wholesome atmosphere of the hall. He, however, continued to exert him- 
self until his physical powers gave way, and he was consequently confined 
for some weeks — the greater part of the time to his room. We were favored 
with his company, as one of the family, shortly after he became unwell, 
and I hope contributed, in some degree, to his comfort and restoration." 

On hearing of his death. Judge McLean wrote to Gov. Edwards " that 
all my family were distressed at his loss, and deeply sympathise with his 
disconsolate partner. I fear your State cannot supply his place by a man 
equally useful and respected in public life. His race was short, but it has 
been honorable to himself and useful to his country. No man in Congress, 
from the West, had a higher standing or could exercise a more extensive 
influence." 

The Hon. Tristram Burgess, in a speech delivered by him in Congress, 
on the 15th of January, 1831, speaks of Mr. Cook as follows: "Our rela- 
tions with Cuba have long since been interesting and important. Gentle- 
men will call to mind that we have frequently heard, from Europe, that 
Cuba might be transferred from Spain to some other sovereignty. Such a 
report was rife in this country in the winter of 1826-7. It was believed, 
by the friends of the last administration, that a confidential agent was, by 
Mr. Adams, sent to Cuba, to ascertain, if possible, the truth of this report, 
and that Daniel P. Cook was that agent. * * Permit me to speak a word 
concerning Daniel P. Cook, because every man who hears me did not know 
him as many of us who sat in this House with him. He was a man whom 
the gentleman from New York would probably not call a genius ; but his 
mind was of that cast and capacity, in the transaction of human affairs, to 
which every man would wish to commit the management of his own. His 
sense was that of the every-day intercourse of men, and would pass, like 
the most precious or useful metal, wherever such a commodity could be in 
request. A man, in whatever may be required of manhood; a child, in all 
that singleness of heart and purity of purpose which renders childhood so 
amiable — with those who knew him well, he had so fixed himself in their 
hearts, that, though they might wish to forget the pain of their loss, they 
can never cease to remember his useful public labors and many endearing 
social qualities. 

" Mr. Cook, it was known, was in delicate health, and was about to visit 
Cuba for the benefit of the climate. In the examination of witnesses, the 
whole labor of the gentleman from New York was directed to prove that 
the state of his health would not permit his doing any public service. 
The gentleman was discontented by the result; for it came out in evidence 
that, feeble as was his health, he had performed all that was required of 



LIFE AND TIMES OP NINIAN EDWARDS. 273 

him, * * Mr. Cook was in delicate health, hut that served to place him 
above suspicion of any sinister motive in visiting Cuba. His acquaintance 
with Gen. Vires (the Intendant-General of Cuba), while in this country, 
the known integrity and obvious simplicity of his character, the amenity 
of his manner, and even his delicate health, all combined, must have placed 
him at once in relations of entire confidence and frank intercourse with 
the Intendant, and enabled him to obtain speedily, from that Governor, all 
which it was proper for him to communicate or for our Executive to know. 
The man at whom the gentleman from New York magnanimously aimed 
his arrow, sleeps quietly in the green bosom of his own beloved Illinois." 

Gov. Edwards, in a letter to Mr. Clay, says that Mr. Cook's defeat was 
not attributable to his vote for Mr. Adams, but that "he lost his election 
because both he and his friends felt too sure. None of them, with the 
exception of myself, could be induced to believe there was the least dan- 
ger. His opponent did nothing else, for many months previously, but 
ride through the State and visit the people at their own houses. Mr. Cook 
was confined by sickness and could only visit a few counties. The great- 
est possible eff"orts were used to turn to both his and my disadvantage the 
circumstance of the father-in-law and the son-in-law being before the people 
at the same time for the two highest offices in their gift ; but the circulation 
of thousands of hand-bills, ingeniously contrived, to produce the impres- 
sion that both he and I voted against the reduction of the price of public 
land, at a period too late to be answered or contradicted, had far more in- 
fluence than all other considerations united. A strong proof that his de- 
feat was not produced by his vote on the Presidential election, is to be 
found in the fact that, in the strong Jackson counties (as they are called) 
which he visited, he obtained majorities. Gallatin, Pope, Greene and 
Morgan are the counties most highly distinguished by their partiality to 
Gen. Jackson, and there are no four counties in the State that would give 
him so large a majority — yet, Mr. Cook obtained decided majorities in all 
of them ; while in some of the strongest Administration counties he got 
scarcely any support. Neither Mr. Cook's friends nor his foes believed 
that he would be defeated. The result has surprised everybody. Tlie 
people are already disabused as to the land vote. A powerful reaction 
has already taken place, and very many that opposed him are anxious that 
he should become a candidate for the Senate. Should he do so, I think his 
election beyond doubt. 

"As to myself, it is utterly false that I owed my election in the slightest 
degree to my forbearance, or any kind of temporizing in regard to the can- 
didate for the Presidency. On the other hand, I openly declared that I 
would reserve to myself the right to vote for or oppose whom I pleased, 
and bid defiance to all kind of opposition." 

—36 



CHAPTER XV. 

Letters and Speeches of Ninian Edwards. 

Letter to his constituents during his canvass for Congress agaiust Matthew Lyon, in 1806. 

I have been as busy as you ever saw any man about an election. My pros- 
pects in this quarter seem to brighten every day. I have just returned from 
Muhlenburg county, and I cannot tell what changes may take place hereafter, 
but at present I am well satisfied that Lyon cannot get thirty votes in that 
county. The circumstance of his neglecting his duty, the session before last, 
in going to Frankfort and spending a month there, merely for the purpose of 
getting the Legislature to remove the court house of his county from the 
centre of his own town in one corner, and thereby showing that he would let 
his private interest not only cause him to wish to do an injury to his own 
county, but to neglect his public duty by losing nearly two mouths during 
the session of Congress, is operating most powerfully against him ; and at 
the last session he lost, about his gun-boats, near another month — having 
only arrived at the city about the last of December. Now, suppose every other 
Western member had done the same thing, our country might have suflfered 
greatly, for he himself declares that there is a strong party against us ; and 
as we had a diiference with Spain, which affects the Western country more 
than any other part of the Union, surely every member ought to have been 
at his post, and the people through these counties are of opinion that there 
need not be any greater objection against him than neglect of public duty. 
There has also been much said about his being a contractor under the Post- 
master-General and the Secretary of the Navy, and still holding a seat in 
Congress. Even in the corrupt government of England this thing is not 
allowed, as you will see by the first volume of "Blackstone's Commentaries," 
page 178. Whether our Constitution will admit of it, has been tried by 
Congress. The subject was most lengthily discussed. A majority, however, 
were of opinion that they could not expel such members, but every man who 
spoke on the subject, both those in favor and those against the expulsion, 
unanimously agreed that such conduct was highly improper, unjustifiable and 
dangerous to liberty, and that it ought to be prohibited by some means, and 
the thing has ended in a proposition to amend the Constitution. At first the 
people seemed to think that those were objections merely raised by Lyon's 
enemies ; but now they find all the best Republicans in Congress disapprove 
of such conduct in any member, and think it it necessary to amend the Con- 



LETTERS AND SPEECHES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 275 

stitution. They begin to think seriously about it. Do the people agree that 
such amendment should be made? If they think it ought, surely it would 
not be safe to send Col. Lyon back, because, if he thinks so, his conduct is in 
direct opposition to his opinion, and, for the sake of his interest, he has 
sinned against light and knowledge. It is wrong for contractors to be mem- 
bers of Congress, for many reasons. In the first place the great officers of 
State, those who are the President's council, have the making of those con- 
tracts ; they have the power of favoring the members of Congress, and they 
have a chance of buying up the whole of them — for there are contracts enough 
for all of them. Suppose that these officers should greatly sacrifice the public 
interest and their duty, by granting such favors — where is the check upon 
them ? By whom are they to be called to account ? By Congress — by those very 
jiersons on whose account the malpractice took ijlace — by those they have be- 
friended by the very act of their friendship to them. If this were the case, 
there would be very little chance of impeaching a public officer. But further, 
if these officers are allowed to contract with members of Congress, the mem- 
bers of Congress may be disposed to favor them in various ways. It is well 
known that Col. Lyon voted to give the Postmaster-General $500 more than 
Congress would allow him, for he admits it in one of his circulars. 

Further, if members of Congress are allowed to take contracts, they them- 
selves have to vote for the compensation — for all money bills must originate 
in the House of Representatives — consequently they are voting for their own 
interest ; and if a surveyor among us could not be allowed to hold a seat in 
the Legislature, because it would be blending the Executive and Legislative 
Departments, and would allow a vote for his own compensation for services, 
surely a member of Congress should not place himself in such a situation as 
to vote upon his own interests or disqualify himself from voting at all. But 
this is not all. Suppose a member of Congress should fail to comply with 
a contract, or apjjly for more money — alleging some unforseen occurrence. 
Congress must legislate upon the subject ; they may grant more money, or 
free the person delinquent from suit for his failure. Will not everybody see 
that they would be voting directly upon their own interest ? And where is 
the candid mind that will not admit it is wrong ? But, you may depend on 
it, Lyon is more deeply engaged in contracts than is generally supposed — for 
it is pretty certain that he has some not in his own name, and to a great 
amount. This is improper in another point of view : it is taking an undue 
advantage of his constituents — for these contracts are generally made by 
them. He ought to give them notice that such contracts were to be made, 
that they might have an opportunity of getting them in the first instance — 
for if they are able to perform when contracting with him, they might as 
well do it with the Government at once, and let them derive the advantage 
of it, not himself, because he gets well paid for all his services, and it is his 
constituents who befriend him, and surely he ought to befriend them so far 
as to serve them in this way ; but it is certainly taking an undue advantage, 
when he gets a contract for a certain sum, and lets it out to one of them for 
or |1,000 less than he gets it at — for, if he gets more than it is worth. 



276 LETTERS AND SPEECHES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 

he actually wrongs the Government, and there is very little hope of his try- 
ing to right it, whilst he is himself the instrument of doing the wrong and 
derives the advantage of it ; he would scarcely move to have a committee 
appointed to consider a proper remedy. If, on the other hand, he gets the 
contract at its actual value, he does a wrong and injury to the individual to 
whom he lets it, by letting it to him at so much less. This is a kind of 
speculation which, however pardonable in an individual, is clearly unjustifia- 
ble in a member of Congress. He is presumed to have enough to attend to 
the duties of his station ; he cannot perform such contracts himself, and 
ought not to meddle with them on his own account. 

But there is a charge of still greater magnitude than all those against him. 
The vast importance of the Floridas to us is universally admitted ; without 
them we cannot enjoy the long navigation of the Mobile Bay and Tombig- 
bee River. It is through that channel that we must expect all our imports to 
this country ; and so soon as the country between the Tombigbee and Ten- 
nessee Rivers is settled, so that wagonage can be procured, there is no doubt 
but that all our goods will be imported that way. We are all equally sensi- 
ble of the necessity of settling the country between Natchez and Orleans, 
for the purpose of defending our trade — for the whole proceeds of the sale 
of all the Western produce must return through that country ; and, while it 
remains unsettled, we shall ever be subject to great inconveniencies and be 
infested by bands of robbers. A great part of this very country, and a part 
of that if not the whole that lies between the Bigbeeand Tennessee, belongs 
to the Indians. By getting the Floridas, we remove entirely from our country 
any foreign nation which can have it in its power to set the Indians on us, or 
cause them to refuse to treat with us for such a part of their country as is 
absolutely necessary to us for the purpose of trade. When we shall be their 
only neighbors, it will be no difficult task to manage them. We shall, by the 
acquisition of this country, connect our disjointed territory, avoid the calami- 
ties of war, remove all danger of collision with Spain in future, and be able 
to command the whole West India trade — among which islands is the best 
market the United States enjoys for flour and all kinds of provisions. The 
secret proceedings of Congress are now published. It was this very business 
they engaged in with closed doors. They determined to try to purchase the 
Floridas of S2)ain, and thereby put an end to all disputes with that power ; 
for which purpose they passed a law, appropriating two millions of dollars. 
To the astonishment of everybody, Col. Lyon is joined with every Federalist 
in Congress, without exception, oi^posed to the laws. Uniting with all those 
who were opposed to the purchase of Louisiana, at a former session, he is the 
only solitary Western member who opposed it. Findley and Smiley, two dis- 
tinguished, well-tried Republicans from the western part of Pennsylvania, 
with others from the same quarter; Jackson, a leading member from the 
western part of Virginia; the representation from the State of Ohio; all 
from the State of Tennessee, and every one from this State except Col. Lyon, 
were in favor of the law, and surely no Western man of sound discernment, 
if he meant to do right, ought to have opj)osed this purchase. Each of the 



LETTERS AND SPEECHES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 277 

United States will have to contribute its just proportion towards the pay- 
ment. 

The "Western country will exclusively enjoy the benefit of the purchase. 
By a war (the other alternative) our citizens would have been drafted, put to 
much difficulty and great inconveniencies, and stationed in a most unhealthy 
climate, where disease alone might have vanquished them ; and probably we 
might have been greatly delayed, at least, in obtaining possession of the 
country, if not defeated altogether, and had the mouth of the Mississippi 
blocked up by a ship or two of war. Particularly are we likely to be embroiled 
with England. But a war would have afforded many persons an oppor- 
tunity of making contracts for gun-boats, victualing the army, etc. It would 
have been an advantage to persons engaged in such pursuits, but sui'ely not 
to the people at large ; they always have to bear the burthen, and get the 
least benefit from it. Is it possible the people will prefer Col. Lyon's opin- 
ions to all the other Western members? That they will suppose him entirely 
right, and the Republican members who voted against him wrong? Is it 
possible that, after they have lavished plaudits upon the present administra- 
tion, who certainly were warmly in favor of this measure, that they will still 
think Col. Lyon's opinion superior to the whole of those I have mentioned ? 
Is it possible that they will suppose that he has the prosperity of the Western 
country more at heart than the rest of the members from every part of it — 
particularly as they are not engaged in contracts under the government, are 
not supplying any garrison with provisions, or building any gun-boats and 
wishing to build more, etc. The people have now to judge for themselves. 
' If they elect Col. Lyon, they say we are opposed to the purchase. Strange as 
this conduct may be thought, by those who have always considered the 
Colonel an intelligent, disinterested representative, yet it is no less true, that 
he did actually give this vote on the 14th day of last January, as may be seen 
by the journals. 

But were these all the acts of inconsistency in the Colonel, be might still 
be thought, by his corresponding society, an unchangeable Republican, as 
they in their nocturnal essays describe him. In his circular of the 20th Dec, 
1804, he says : "There is an old proverb which says, 'he that does evil hates 
the light.' " This, as it respects the Government, is perfectly correct. Every- 
thing that concerns the government of a nation, may be with safety as plain 
and simple as that of a family ; and a nation should always be considered as 
a large family. Such is the true science of politics ; and it is in governoients, 
only, where the benefit of the few is aimed at, that the people are prohibited 
from knowing its minutest movements. 

What will those say who have applauded the Colonel for this statement — 
who have professed to believe it correct— provided they should find that he 
has dewarted (most inconsistently, too,) from it — has actually violated the 
very principle that he contended for? Will they stick to him through thick 
and thin — right or wrong? Surely, if they will not, they must say, if he de- 
served credit for the above statement, he deserves condemnation if he has 
acted counter to it. And those who have been attached to him from princi- 
ple, seeing his cohtradictions, will not feel bound to adhere to him any longer. 



278 LETTERS AND SPEECHES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 

No ! Honest, iadependeat men will think and act for themselves, and will 
not steel their minds against conviction. Let such persons, then, know, that, 
notwithstanding the sentiment contained in his circular. Col. Lyon did, on 
the 31st March, 1806, vote against taking off the injunction of secrecy from 
the proceedings of Congress ; did then vote against letting the people know 
•what Congress had been doing, as appears by the journal itself. 

Will the people not let his own words apply to him, "that he who does 
evil hates the light ?" And that it is only those who aim at the benefit of 
these few very contractors, etc., that wish to prohibit the people from know- 
ing the minutest movements of Government ? For my own part, I am very 
strongly of the oj^inion contained in his circular : if the members of Congress 
conceal from the people what they have done, how are the peojjle to know 
whether they have done right, or whether it would be proper to change them 
for others ; and if they conceal one of their acts, what is to prevent them 
from concealing one-half of them, and finally all ? It is a bad precedent, and 
I should like to see a representative, if he errs, err in favor of the people, not 
against them. For this vote of the Colonel there is no apology, and strong 
suspicions that he was afraid to let the people know what he had been doing 
— for on the 15th day of January he voted for taking oflF the injunction of 
secrecy ; on the 16th, the law passed by a large majority. Finding, then, that 
he stood opposed to all the Western rei^resentatives, and united with those 
whom he has hitherto represented as the most hostile to our interests, he 
afterwards refused to take ofl:' the injunction of secrecy. Those on the Repub- 
lican side who voted, with him, against letting the people know what had 
been done, except himself, urged, as their reason, that they were afraid that 
if they gave publicity to the proceedings, it might defeat the very object of 
the law. And this is the very reason, if he meant to be consistent and can- 
did, that he should have voted for the measure — for as he voted against the 
law, if he did it upon proper principles he must have thought it wrong, and 
therefore should have tried to defeat it. From these considerations I infer 
that he was really afraid to let the people know how he had voted ; that he 
really feared the light. 

But since Col. Lyon has commenced to build gun-boats, his sentiments about 
a navy and commerce are entirely changed. In his magazine (commonly called 
his blue-book), where his sentiments are fully stated (pages 16, 17, 18, 19, 
118), he represents commerce as merely the interest of merchants — of the few 
— and that we had better give up the carrying of goods than go to war for 
it, which must affect the people at large ; that back-country people are not 
so much affected by a loss of commerce, and that it is folly to luild a navy^ 
and states the experience we had in this navy business at Lake Champlain 
and Penobscot, for which, he says, we are in debt many millions, although 
millions had been paid for the interest. And in the same book (pages 104-5) 
you will find that Mr. Jefferson, our beloved President, is of the same opin- 
ion ; and, also, that we ought never to think of war unless invaded by land. 

You will find in a newspaper (the "Expositor," No. 312, circulated by the 
Colonel himself) a speech of his, made in Congress, the 35th of March, in 



LETTERS AND SPEECHES OP NINIAN EDWARDS. 279 

which he defends commerce as the interest of the farmers ; and that, instead 
of giving up this same carrying trade, we had better fight for it ; and that 
back-country people are deeply interested in commerce ; and that we ought 
to have a navy, and to look forward to the day when we shall be the greatest 
naval power on earth. 

Formerly, as observed above, he determined not to go to war with England 
or France, although they were then practicing worse treatment on us, or to a 
greater amount, than we have lately received ; and yet, in another speech 
which he made in Congress, (appearing in the same paper. No. , circula- 
ted by himself through his district) he declares himself in favor of war, in 
the most pointed terms, in direct opposition to all his former declarations. 
And what is there to have changed his sentiments ? The debt of the last war 
is not paid oif, we have incurred a debt of thirteen millions for Louisiana, 
and are about to purchase the Floridas. 

Let the people examine for themselves — they have the books and the pa- 
pers ; and let them candidly ask themselves if the Colonel has not completely 
turned about ! Surely an inquiry of this kind is worth the trouble, and the 
people have the means of knowledge. Now, I ask, if the Colonel deserved 
credit for his former conduct, what must be said as to his present motives ? If 
he was right before — and the people have all contended he was — must he not 
be wrong now? A war would now be an advantage to him individually. 
Let the midnight corresponding society look to these things, and say how un- 
changeable their friend is. 



Letter to William Wirt, on the subject of the Bxpeditiou of Col. Burr. 

CoLLiNA, Logan County, Ky., ) 

January 5, 1807. \ 

Dear Sir : 

When I wrote you last I promised you another letter shortly, not doubting 
but that you would be anxious to hear further particulars relative to Col. 
Burr's enterprise, and expecting, before this time, to be able to communicate 
to you something interesting upon that subject ; but in the latter I have been 
considerably disappointed, owing, as I suppose, to three successive failures in 
the Orleans mail, which the public voice attributes to Burr's machinations. 
He has excited so much suspicion and such ftelings in this country, that every- 
thing improper in any of our civil or political relations, that cannot be other- 
wise readily accounted for, is attributed to him ; and, however unjust such 
suspicions as exist against him may be, the promulgation of them is infinitely 
more injurious to the interest of our country than to him, individually — for, 
by magnifying, his power, it fortifies him in the confidence of his adherents 
and well-wishers, strengthens their hopes, and gives more energy to his asser- 
tions ; and I believe it is with this view, and for this purpose, that Gen. Wil- 
kinson made such a pompous display of patriotism before the Chamber of 
Commerce in Orleans, about the 10th ult. He well knew that a great propor- 
tion of the poputetion of Orleans Territory was disaflfected to our Govern- 



280 LETTERS AND SPEECHES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 

ment, anxious for insurrection, impatiently waiting for a favorable conjunc- 
tion, and devoted to Col. Burr ; that, by giving to the conspiracy such un- 
common extension and vast resources, and altogether such dangerous magni- 
tude, he was most effectually cherishing the fondest hopes of the disaffected 
and preparing the minds of others for the moment of a successful attack upon 
them, and causing them to believe that, should he withdraw his support from 
them, their case would be hopeless — in order that when he determined upon 
this step, their efforts might become completely paralyzed. What greater 
encouragement could Burr's ignorant partisans require, than a knowledge 
that the brave and patriotic Gen. Wilkinson, being well-informed upon the 
subject, thought there was great danger of his succeeding — the forces of the 
United States, the non-erected fortifications, the little navy, the union of mer- 
chants, and the embargo, notwithstanding. 

But there was something in the General's propositions extremely insidious, 
if he is not actually a patriot. He wishes to leave Orleans, march up the 
river, and meet Burr. He knew exactly the number of men Burr was to 
have had with him, which nothing but the vigilance of our Government de- 
prived him of, and that could not have been foreseen by the General. He also 
expected forces up the river to attack Orleans, and still was for drawing out 
all the forces from Orleans to attack the malcontents descending the river. 
Suppose his scheme had been adopted. He had no ground to march his men 
on for 150 miles up the river, except the levee, about wide enough for twenty 
men to walk abreast. He could not have expected to have fought to advan- 
tage 'on such ground. He had no naval force adequate to the purpose of 
stopping or destroying Burr's fleet of boats. If he had, it was only necessary 
to have sent forward the gun-boats, without risking his land forces in such 
disadvantageous ground. If he had actually thought that fighting was nec- 
essary, he would have acted most injudiciously. A decisive battle in Burr's 
favor would have rendered him truly formidable, and if he thought there 
would be no fighting, it was a deceitful affectation of patriotism. Knowing, 
as he declared he did, that Burr had many friends in Orleans, he must have 
known that his design of marching up the river would have been communi- 
cated to Burr before his army and fleet could have reached their destination, 
and he could not have expected that Burr would have been so weak as to 
have rushed h<3adlong upon his own ruin, or have been taken by any strate- 
gem that he could have devised iu that situation. Such a project promised 
no solid advantage ; the objections to it and the danger of it are self-evident. 
Wilkinson had to ascend the river ; Burr was descending. The former could 
not travel in the night ; the latter as expeditious as in the day time. In a 
dark nio-ht the latter, knowing the position of the former, could have descended 
silently and unobserved ; or, if he chose to have landed in the night, what 
havoc might he not have made upon the General's encampment on the levee. 
A victory or a rout, which might have been effected had Burr been allowed 
to take down his recruits, would soon have made him master of Orleans. In 
fact, had Wilkinson's plan succeeded, there could not have been one so admi- 
rably devised to have insured success to Burr. The object was to take the 
Orleans volunteers and the well affected on the expedition — none others would 



LETTERS AND SPEECHES OP NINIAN EDWARDS. 281 

have gone. The disaflfected remained in the city, ready to receive him with 
open arms ; and there was nothing to prevent the forces which were expected 
from New York, and some of the Southern States and the Floridas, from 
making a successful approach to the city from the Gulf of Mexico, even if 
the forces descending the river had been checked in their progress ; and it 
ought to be remembered that the General declared he expected an attack in 
both directions. With Consul O'Brian, I think such a plan looked " squally." 
No doubt any longer exists in this and the adjacent States that Burr and 
his partisans have meditated a deadly thrust at the prosperity of our happy 
country ; and, however flattering his prospects appeared at first view, his 
scheme is now almost universally execrated, and both he and his satellites 
have sunk into merited contempt, though some of his supporters, his advo- 
cates and real friends have been among the most choice characters in our 
State. "What his success has been in the lower territories, we have not 
heard a word, since his departure from the mouth of the Cumberland. Much 
speculation exists as to the part Gen. W. will now take. Some fear he will, 
at all hazards, join Burr, notwithstanding all his declarations to the contrary. 
Others, and probably the majority of those acquainted with his character, 
think his conduct will be entirely regulated by Burr's prospects of success ; 
that if he should conceive that the enterprise can succeed, all his talents and 
energies will be devoted to it ; if he sees that it will fail, he will be the most 
prompt to suppress it. But let him act as he may, he never can acquire the 
confidence of this Western country. He is, too, well known to have com- 
menced an intrigue with the agents of Spain for a separation of this country 
from the Atlantic States, some years ago. No one that I have ever conversed 
with, on the subject, doubts his being a Spanish pensioner, and his conduct 
of the last two years has not lessened the suspicion of the present existence 
of his former intrigue. That he was known to have been upon the most inti- 
mate and friendly terms, and to have Jjiad many closetings with Col. Burr, 
when he made his first tour through this and the adjacent country ; that he 
was one of Burr's partners in his Ohio Canal Company, an ostensible scheme 
to divert the attention of the public from the real object ; that his greatest 
favorites, those whom he distinguished most by his patronage in the Territory 
over which he presided as Governor, have proved themselves Burr's warmest 
adherents — are circumstances very unfavorable to his excellency's character. 
The appointment and continuance of this man in so important an ofiice — 
a man whose private character is as exceptionable as his public character 
is suspicious — a bankrupt, devoted to every species of pomp and pageantry, 
without an income adequate to his style of life — and as ambitious as Napoleon 
the first — is the only trait in the present Administration which does not meet 
with the approbation of the Western country. But this I think is the cause 
of universal regret. It is extremely unfortunate that this man should now 
be at the head of our army, even if he is as pure a patriot as I believe the 
President to be — for should any force be necessary from this country, for the 
purpose of either acting against the malcontents, insurgents or the Spanish 
troops below, the^ardor of the true friends to their country would be consid- 
—36 



282 LETTERS AND SPEECHES OP NINIAN EDWARDS. 

erably abated by the consideration that they would be subject to the com- 
mand of a General in whom they have no confidence ; and this circumstance 
would be a stimulus to those we should have to oppose — for they would de- 
rive encouragement from our suspicions and jealousies, even if they had no 
other assurances from the General or his friends. But these misfortunes they 
would actually hope for and expect from his defection as much as we would 
dread it. Were it not for this cause, should events render it necessary, the 
people of Kentucky would, by one universal impulse of patriotism, tender 
their support to the present Administration, and hosts of volunteers would 
be ready to suppress any insurrection or frustrate any traitorous scheme that 
may make its appearance in any part of the Western country ; but I should 
really fear, if Wilkinson retains the command, that there would be but few 
volunteers who could be depended on. One description only could be pro- 
cured with facility, and they would be those who are mere adventurers, whose 
circumstances cannot be worsted in any event, and whose principles would 
not restrain them from taking any side. And this is an opinion I entertain, 
not merely from what very probably would happen, but from what I know 
has actually happened. I know many who have already volunteered them- 
selves, and I know them so well, that I should be extremely unwilling to be 
associated with them in defense of my country in opposition to Aaron Burr. 
They have been too sanguine for his success against Mexico, too ready to 
assist him in all his propositions, and too clamorous about arresting him 
after they knew that it was in vain to attempt it — after he was perfectly out 
of their reach. He, however, very narrowly escaped at the mouth of Cumber- 
land ; had he waited one day longer, I am well convinced we should have 
had no further trouble with him or about him. When the militia of Living- 
ston county were ordered out, a certain Col. Benj. Hardin, of that county — a 
South Carolinian, who had been accustomed to killing tories in the American 
Revolution, and who, about five years ago, killed two men in this country 
for horse-stealing — ignorant enough to think it best, on such occasions, not to 
trouble the civil authority, hardy and bold enough to attempt anything that 
an uninformed mind or a misguided zeal should point out as beneficial to his 
country— had prepared himself and did actually go to the mouth of Cumber- 
land for the express purpose of shooting Burr, having communicated his de- 
sign to only a single individual ; and I am confident he experienced a con- 
siderable chagrin and mortification at his disappointment, when he found 
the little apostate had left that place the day belore his arrival. 

The public mind is all impatient to hear from Orleans. Almost everybody 
expects to hear of some great action — some mighty revelation. This is not 
my case. My opinion is a singular one, such as it is. I hazard it with all the 
rest of my conjectures. I expect to hear nothing more important from Burr 
or Wilkinson than such a show of patriotism by the latter, with the consent 
of the former, as they conceive necessary to quiet suspicion and give more 
time for maturing and perfecting their plan. It is probable that Wilkinson 
will attempt to take Burr, or that Burr will surrender himself for trial at 
Orleans, where no testimony will be procured against him sufficient to con- 



LETTERS AND SPEECHES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 283 

yict him, unless the courts should put off his trial till Gen. Eaton could be 
procured — in which case every attempt will be made to excite the sympathy 
of the people in his favor, or by ingeniously portraying him as an innocent 
and persecuted man — thereby rendering them more favorable to his views, 
and furnishing an apology for any steps he may take. I cannot think he has 
explained himself to any man who can be procured (except Gen. Eaton) in 
such a manner as to render proof against him practicable ; for I entertain an 
opinion similar to what he expressed at Nashville, viz ; that Mr. Daviess, the 
attorney for the United States in this district, must think him a much greater 
fool than he really was, if he thought he had any unlawful enterprise in view, 
and had conducted it in such a manner as to give an opportunity of proving it 
upon him. Whether he may be acquitted, or any uncommon appearance of 
rigor be exercised against him in Orleans, the effects, I am confident, will be 
astonishing ; for I think I am well acquainted with his standing in Orleans. 
All my information from that quarter — except such as is through the public 
agents — leaves no doubt upon my mind that his popularity is immensely 
great and dangerous to the Government ; and I depend much more for cor- 
rect information, as to the state of public sentiment in any particular place, 
upon men in the common walks of life, and who are disinterested, than I do 
upon those who move in superior circles, who are interested or who are 
placed in such a situation as to render concealment towards them indispen- 
sably necessary to the success of any intrigue. No man can conceive what an 
effect Burr's second acquittal in this State had upon the public mind in his 
favor for some time. To have any correct idea of it, a man must have wit- 
nessed it, and it will be proportionably greater at Orleans, as his popularity 
there is greater and his adherents more numerous than here. 

Should either of the events I have suggested take place, and should Gen 
W. not apprehend any danger of removal, nothing decisive, I think, will be 
attempted for some time. Burr's men, owing to the vigilance of our Govern- 
ment, will not be able to join him shortly. They must have time and oppor- 
tunity to collect. The prospect of a Spanish war will delay their operations. 
Should it take place, it will furnish all his adherents an opportunity of 
joining him unmolested and without much reproach. Should it not take 
place, they will await the event of another scheme — which is the proposed 
population by Congress of a tract of land on the west side of the Mississippi . 
Certain I am that unless Congress does encourage the settlement of that coun- 
try, to a certain extent, with the natives of the United States, with men 
attached to the principles of our Government, those lower Territories will 
produce one continued scene of insurrection. I am sensible it is necessary at 
this time. But I know it is at this time dangerous, and any law for that 
purpose ought to be extremely well guarded ; for, unless it is made so, the 
moment such a law passes is the moment at which Burr's adherents will set 
out for that country under the authority of that law, and will be collected at 
a proper point for action before the least hostility towards the United States 
will be indicated. 



284 LETTERS AND SPEECHES OP NINIAN EDWARDS. 

Upon this subject, I feel an uncommon solicitude, and extremely regret my 
want of personal acquaintance with any of the departments of the adminis- 
tration that would justify communication of such circumstances as have or 
may pass under my observation, with my sentiments upon them. I acknowl- 
edge that one of Burr's greatest and best informed friends calculated highly 
both upon such a law and the want of such a law, paradoxical as it may ap- 
pear. If no permission to extend the settlements was allowed, he thought 
the old subjects of Spain would always be instruments to produce revolution. 
If such permission was given, it would afford the means of collecting indi- 
viduals that would be favorable to the views of Col. Burr. Any law, there- 
fore, for this purpose at this conjuncture, ought to be most cautiously enacted, 
for even if the present conspiracy should be crushed, the scheme will not be 

laid aside. 

Truly your friend, 

N. EDWARDS. 
To Wm. Wirt, Esq. 



Elviradb, June 18, 1811. 
Sir : 

I acknowledge the receipt of your letter by your son, Major Whiteside, and 
entirely approve the whole of your conduct. 

Continue the party you have ordered out until further orders. I presume 
they will be sufficient for the purpose for which they were intended, being 
numerous enough to make discoveries and to resist mere stragglers. 

Have the militia under your charge immediately classed out and prepared 
to march at a moment's warning. 

Order every Captain — at least those on the frontiers — to be ready, should 
any depredation be committed within the bounds of his company, to repel 
the attack, or to follow and take those Indians who may commit those out- 
rages. Should circumstances clearly justify a reasonable belief of an invasion 
by any tribe of Indians, you will designate such officers and such force as you 
may think adequate to repel it, and transmit an account thereof to me. 

Should immediate pursuit be made after any Indians who may have stolen 
■ horses or committed murders, etc., and they be overtaken with the property 
in their possession, or be otherwise clearly ascertained to be the indentical 
persons who committed those offenses, your orders must be for the men 
to take them peaceably, if possible, that they may be brought to trial in a 
legal way, and be made examples of; but if they cannot otherwise be taken, 
not to let a single man escape alive. 

As many men might be disposed to take advantage of the latitude here 
given, I shall request you to select as officers (where it is in your power) those 
in whose discretion you can best confide. 

Enjoin it on the officers not to make an attack on any party of Indians, 
under any of the above orders, without being fully prepared and determined 
to make it successfully. 



LETTERS AND SPEECHES OP NINIAN EDWARDS. 285 

I wish you to employ some person as a spy, to go amongst the Indians most 
likely to have committed the late outrages — particularly those near Peoria , 
calling themselves Pottawottamies, under Main-pock. I wish to ascertain 
their numbers, their character, disposition, etc. — every information relative to 
their present settlement. 

I wish i^articularly to ascertain who have committed those recent hostili- 
ties, which are the subject of your letter. 

I am, sir, very respectfully, 

Your most obedient servant, 

NINIAN EDWARDS. 
To CoL. Wm. Whiteside. 



Elvirade, Randolph County, > 
Sir : 



Illinois Territory, June 7, 1811. 



I have the honor to represent to you that, as Superintendent of Indian 
AflEairs in this Territory, I have frequently been under the necessity of obtain - 
ing the aid of an interpreter, who deserves and expects some compensation 
for his services, but between whom and myself no positive stipulations have 
existed, nor do I know whether I should be authorized to draw for any sum, 
and, if any, how much for his use. 

I have also the honor to represent to you that, on some occasions, I have 
been visited by Indians who reside in the upper parts of this Territory, on or 
near the Mississippi River. I have on those occasions detained them as short 
a time as possible, but have necessarily incurred some expense (which I have 
hitherto paid out of my own pocket) in furnishing them with provisions 
during their stay and making them some presents on their departure. 

As, from the aspect of affairs with the Indians up the Mississippi, it is 
likely I shall have much more to do with them, I should be happy to receive 
some instructions from you on the subject of the Indian business under my 
superintendence. 

I have good reason to believe that not less than forty horses have been 
recently stolen from this Territory by some of those Indians, the most lawless 
of whom is a small tribe calling themselves Pottawottamies, but principally 
composed of outcasts and vagabonds of the neighboring tribes, who seem to 
live by depredations, and whose audacity in them is unequalled. 

Yesterday, I was informed,, by unexceptionable authority, that one young 
man on the frontiers, in the county of St. Clair, had been killed and his sis- 
ter carried off by some Indians, who also stole some horses. 

I have been applied to send a belt of wampum and a talk to the chiefs of 
some of the tribes, for the purpose of obtaining restitution of some horses. 
I shall do the best I can in the business, but am not supplied with wampum 
or any other article usual and necessary in intercourse with Indians, nor can 
I procure any of them here. 



286 LETTERS AND SPEECHES OP NINIAN EDWARDS. 

The movements of a part of the Indians, in the uppermost part of this 
Territory, seem strongly indicative of a hostile disposition toward us, but the 
extent of it cannot yet be ascertained, though every means is pursuing for 

that purpose. 

I have the honor to be. 

Very respectfully, sir, 

Your most obedient servant, 

NINIAN EDWARDS. 
To Ho$T. "Wm. Eustis, Secretary of War, Washington City. 



Elvirade, Randolph County, / 
Illinois Territory, June 20, 1811. \ 

Sir : 

I have the honor to transmit to you a copy of an afloidavit of Rebecca Cox 
— a respectable woman and a resident of St. Clair county — containing an 
account of the murder of her brother, the plundering of her father's property, 
and her being taken a prisoner and carried off by a party of Indians. 

As soon as the outrages, which are the subject of the affidavit, were known, 
a party of our citizens were raised, who pursued the Indians and retook the 
young woman, but did not succeed in regaining any of the property that was 
taken with her. 

In the engagement that took place one of our men was wounded, and an 
Indian was certainly killed or else badly wounded. 

Of the truth of the foregoing facts there is no doubt, and I myself have en- 
tire confidence in the following statement : A young man, by the name of 
Lindley, was to have joined the party who pursued the Indians, but did not 
arrive at the place of rendezvous in time. On his return home, he states that 
he was pursued and overtaken by two Indians (supposed to be those spoken 
of by Miss Cox in her affidavit) ; that after running until he was nearly ex- 
hausted, he stopped in the midst of a fallen tree, from which he shot the 
foremost Indian and seized his gun, and with it shot the other Indian as hp 
came up, and actually killed both. 

From the character I have of this young man, and, among others, from the 
circumstance of his fetching in a gun which he did not carry with him, I 
strongly incline to the opinion (which seems very generally entertained) that 
he has told the truth. 

Since my letter to you of the 7th inst., I have received more circumstantial 
accounts of the horses that were said to have been stolen by a party of Pot- 
tawottamie Indians settled near Peoria, under a chief named Main-pock or 
Man-shot. 

Those complaints of the people are corroborated by statements made to 
Gen. Clark by some Pottawottamies now in St. Louis, by similar statements 
of other Indians to the United States Indian interpreter at Chicago, and by 
the testimony of an Indian trader, who saw some of those Indians in posses- 
sion of about eighteen horses which they have stolen at one time. The in- 
formation which the interpreter at Chicago has received, induces him to sup- 



LETTERS AND SPEECHES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 287 

pose that the principal actors in these depredations are two brothers of the 
wife of Main-pock, the chief. These are the same Indians who committed 
the depredations about which I liad the honor to write you last summer. 
They are certainly gaining confidence from impunity, and their conduct is 
getting entirely insuflferable. 

As nothing can be a stronger indication of determined hostility than the 
taking of prisoners, and it is reasonable to suppose that the Indians will be 
disposed to resort to retaliation in consequence of the death of those who 
were killed, and the people on the frontier are getting very much alarmed, I 
deemed it proper to order out a few men, who would be sufficient merely to 
make discoveries or resist stragglers — and issued orders, of which the inclosed 
is a copy, to the Colonels of St. Clair county. In the meantime, I have dis- 
patched a spy, and am taking every means in my power to ascertain what 
Indians they were who committed the outrage upon Cox's family and property. 

We have every reason to believe that the celebrated Indian Prophet is but 
too successful in exciting hostility toward the United States, in various tribes 

of Indians. 

I have the honor to be, 

Very respectfully, sir, 

Your most obedient servant, 

NINIAN EDWARDS. 
To Hon. Wm. Eustis, Secretary War, Washington City. 



Elvirade, Randolph County, ) 
Illinois Territory, June 22, 1811. ) 
Bir : 

I have this moment received a communication from Col. Wm. Whiteside, 
of the county of St. Clair, of which the annexed is a copy, and by which it 
will appear that one more of our citizens was actually killed and the other, 
though living, mortally wounded by some Indians. 

Great alarm exists among the people, and many are quitting their farms 
and seeking safety in the most populous settlements. 

I shall immediately order out a full Captain's company, to protect the fron- 
tiers of St. Clair county and quiet the alarms of the people. 
I have the honor to be, 

With the highest respect, etc., etc., 

NINIAN EDWARDS. 
To Hon. Wm. Eustis, Secretary of War, Washington City. 



Elvirade, Randolph Cox^ty, ) 
June 22, 1811. \ 

Sir : 

I have this moment had the honor to receive your letter of yesterday. I 
must repeat my wish, that the militia under your command be immediately 
organized, so aa to be ready to march at a moment's warning. 



288 LETTERS AND SPEECHES OP NINIAN EDWARDS. 

If Major William B. Whiteside is willing to take command as a Captain, 
stipulating only for Captain's pay, and Samuel Judy should be willing to 
take command under him as a Lieutenant, with the same stipulation, they 
may select any other officer to act as their ensign, and raise as many volun- 
teers, not exceeding a full Captain's company, as they can. In that case you 
are hereby required to order them to the frontiers, with instructions to resist 
all invasions, repel all attacks and aggressions from the Indians, and afford 
protection to the settlers on the frontiers in the most effectual manner in their 
power — to remain in service for thirty days, unless sooner therefrom dis- 
charged. 

Should it not be possible to raise volunteers enough, you must direct a draft 
according to law. 

Should this arrangement not be agreeable to Major Whiteside, then order 
Capt. Judy to take the command of a company, to be raised in like manner, 
and for like service. 

Should the arrangement not be satisfactory to Capt. Judy, Major White- 
side is, nevertheless, (if willing) to take the command of the company, and in 
that case you will select two subalterns to act under him. 

I have the honor, etc., etc., 

NINIAN EDWARDS. 
To CoL. Wm. Whiteside. 



Elvirade, Randolph County, ) 
Illinois Territory, October 16, 1811. \ 
Sir : 

I have the honor to inclose you the proceedings of the citizens of St. Clair 
county, and their address to you — all of which I am convinced is the result 
of apprehensions of danger entertained, not merely by timid minds, but by 
men well acquainted with the geographical situations, habits and dispositions 
of the Indians alluded to — experienced in Indian warfare, and as much dis- 
tinguished by their valor as any other citizens in the Western country. 

The principal facts stated in the address, I have already had the honor to 
communicate to the War Department. 

The Indians residing about Lake Michigan, and on the Illinois River and 
its waters, are those who have committed the depredations which have so 
much alarmed and agitated this Territory, the north-western parts of which 
are very much exposed to their attacks. Whether those Indians visit our 
frontiers by land or water, they pass through Peoria or its immediate vicinity 
both in coming and returning. A garrison, therefore, at that place, would, 
in my opinion, hold in check all those from whom we have most danger to 
apprehend, and in several respects be attended with very beneficial conse- 
quences. 

Believing the proposed measures to be expedient and necessary to the safety 
of the Territory, I have thought it my duty thus far to support the prayer of 



LETTERS AND SPEECHES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 289 

the inclosed petition ; but I had no knowledge that any such was contem- 
plated, till I received the inclosed papers. 
I have the honor to be, 

With the highest respect, sir, 

Your most obedient servant, 

NINIAN EDWARDS. 
To the President of the United States. 

Proceedings of Citizens of St. Clair County, Illinois, and their Address to the President of the 

United States. 

At a large meeting of the inhabitants of St. Clair county, Illinois Territory, 
where Col. Whiteside was conducted to the chair, and Samuel Davidson, Esq., 
appointed Secretary — 

Resolved, uyianimo^idy. That the following memorial be presented to Ninian Edwards, 
Governor of the Territory aforesaid, as the joint sense of the meeting, to be signed 
by the chairman: which humbly showeth that we are highly gratified in the prompt, 
speedy and prudential manner in which your excellency has issued your orders for 
the defense of the exposed frontiers of said county, to oppose the repetition of Indian 
hostilities ; and that we have the utmost and incontrovertible confidence in your abil- 
ities and patriotism for our safety in the present alarming times, as the constitutional 
channel between the General Government and us. 

Wherefore we do confidingly request your excellency to forward the an- 
nexed memorial to the President of the United States, with such statements 
as may appear reasonable and just to gain the object prayed for — as we are 
confident your excellency must feel and see, with us, that one or more garri- 
sons, established and defended by veterans of the United States, would be of 
the utmost safety to the extensive and exposed frontiers of both the Louisi- 
ana and Illinois Territories — in a more particular manner, as the great and 
numerous tribes of Indians, who had the hardihood and insolence to wage 
war against the United States (and in some instances with effect) a few years 
since, infest this region. 

That, by the treaty of Greenville, and other subsequent treaties, they have 
relinquished their title to their former hunting grounds, (which is now trans- 
formed into substantial plantations,) and are changing their habitations fast, 
from the lakes and waters of the Ohio, down the Illinois River to the Missis- 
sippi, where undoubtedly it would be necessary to establish a fort, in order 
to set reasonable bounds to their savage fury and unprovoked disturbance. 
We beg leave to refer your excellency to a view of the great and manifest 
benefits lately obtained by the garrisons established far up on the two great 
rivers, several hundred miles above their junction, where, before the estab- 
lishing these strengths, there did not a season pass by but some innocent per- 
son fell a victim to their savage barbarity on both sides of the river ; and we 
confidently believe it would have the same salutary effect in establishing one 
fort or block-house on the first eminence above either the mouths of the Mis- 
souri or the Illinois Rivers, and another in the seditious village of Peoria — the 
great nursery of hostile Indians and traitorous British Indian traders. 

We hope it will not be thought superfluous to mention that the above re- 
quest is not to gratify our pride or avarice, in obtaining military pomp to 
—37 * 



290 LETTERS AND SPEECHES OP NINIAN EDWARDS. 

decorate our streets, or the expenditures of the public money to buy our pro- 
duce; but it is to keep the improving citizen in peace in a remote region of 
the United States, who is now working to convert the fertile and extensive 
plains of the Mississippi into the fairest portion of the Union. From differ- 
ent circumstances the inhabitants of this county are not in possession of a 
sufficiency of arms to repel any attacks that may be offered ; owing to the 
present alarm it is not in our power to buy any, and a considerable portion 
of the militia are not circumstanced to buy. If your excellency will be 
pleased to make use of your good offices to obtain from the General Govern- 
ment the use of what rifles and muskets as may be thought, in your wisdom, 
needful, it certainly would be of great service to this frontier country. 

WILLIAM WHITESIBE, Chairman. 

SAMUEL p. DAVIDSON, Secretary. 
To His Excellency Ninian Edwards. 

At a numerous meeting of the militia officers, and other inhabitants of St. 

Clair county, Illinois Territory, at the court house, the day of , 

1811, to take into consideration the alarming situation of the frontiers of said 
county, from the numerous and horrid depredations lately committed by the 
Indians, Coi. Whiteside was conducted to the chair, and Samuel Davidson 
was appointed secretary. 

Resolved, That there be a memorial immediately signed by the chairman of this 
meeting, and countersigned by the secretary, stating to the President of the United 
States the necessity of his ordering what regular troops he, in his wisdom, may think 
requisite, to be stationed for the defense of said county. 

Resolved, That said memorial be sent to the Governor of said Territory, requesting 
him to forward the same to the President of the United States, and malie such state- 
ment (to accompany said memorial) as the urgency of the subject may require. 

To James Madison, President of the United Slates — Greeting: 

The memorial of the inhabitants of the aforesaid county most humbly showeth — 
That the inhabitants residing on the frontieis aforesaid have sustained frequent and 
repeated damages from the different and numerous tribes of Indians on and in the 
neighborhood of the Illinois River, these five or six years past, by stealing their 
horses and other property, as well as the cruel murder of some few of the ctizens. 
In lieu of retaliation, that said citizens have curbed their passions and restrained their 
resentment, lest they should be so unfortunate as to draw a stigma on the Govern- 
ment by punishing the innocent for the transgressions of the guilty, and in one instance 
restrained the vindictive spirit by taking two Indians prisoners, in possession of 
stolen property, after a chase of one hundred miles, and gave them up to the law. 
We have become the victims of savage cruelty in a more hasty and general manner 
than what has lately been experienced by the citizens of the United States. The last 
spring there have been numbers of horses stolen. On the 2d of June, the house of 
Mr. Cox was robbed and plundered of valuable eflfects, five horses stolen, a young man 
massacred, and his sister taken prisoner (sad and conclusive effects and presages of 
war), and likewise one other man severely wounded when following said Indians. 

On the 20th of the same month, one other man was killed and scalped and another 
mortally wounded, which can be more fully stated by the Executive of said Territory 



LETTERS AND SPEECHES OP NINIAN EDWARDS. 291 

— all those who suifered being no intruders, but living on their own farms, on the 
north-weatern frontier of said county. 

From our knowledge of the danger we are in and our long suflFerance, we think we 
ask nothing but what is reasonable, and what will be advantageous to the United 
States, when we implore you to station what number of soldiers you may think suflB;- 
cient to establish a garrison at the village of Peoria (commonly called Opea), on the 
Illinois River, and one other on the eastern bank of the Mississippi, at or near the place 
once viewed and adopted by Captains Stodard and Bisswell, six or eight miles below the 
iDouth of said Illinois River — both sites being covered by treaty. We beg to refer 
you to the Governor of said Territory, concerning the urgency and necessity of the 
above calamities, not doubting but that you will grant our request if you think it will 
be for the good of the Union. 

WILLIAM WHITESIDE, 
SAMUEL D. DAVIDSON". 



Elvirade, Randolph County, ) 
Illinois Tebritory, Octoier 22, 1811. ^ 
Sir : 

I have had the honor to receive the proceedings of a meeting of the citizens 
of St. Clair county, at which you were chairman, and have transmitted the 
papers to the President of the United States, supported by my opinion in 
favor of the measure which you solicit. 

I beg leave to express to you, and through you to those who united with 
you, the peculiar gratification which I feel at finding the measures I had pur- 
sued, for the safety and protection of the Territory, so highly approved by 
gentlemen of experience, valor and patriotism. 
This answer has been delayed only by my indisposition. 
I am, very respectfully, sir. 

Your most obedient servant, 

NINIAN EDWARDS. 
To CoL. Wm. Whiteside. 



Elvirade, Randolph County, \ 
Illinois Territory, October 29, 1811. C 

Sir : 

I have the honor to inclose you a receipt from the Kaskaskia tribe of 
Indians, including all the payments that have been made them for their 
annuities since I have had the honor to administer the government. 

I have, also, the honor to inclose you a receipt from the priest who was, 
according to treaty, employed to preach to the Kaskaskia Indians, including all 
th J payments that have been made to him by me. The first year's annuity to 
him, I paid in one hundred dollars which were sent me by Governor Harri- 
son, and the second payment was made out of the proceeds of a draft of one 
hundred dollars, which I had the honor to draw on you for. I am not enabled 
to ascertain whether or not he is entitled to another year's annuity, because 
I caimot ascertain how many he has received. 



292 LETTERS AND SPEECHES OP NINIAN EDWARDS. 

Not having sent forward the receipts last year, because I thought it possi- 
ble I might receive some iustructions on the subject, I have thought it advisa- 
ble to send them now in their present form. 
I have the honor to be, 

Very respectfully, sir, 

Your most obedient servant, 

NINIAN EDWARDS. 
To Hon. Wm. Eustis, Esq., W(w Department, Washington Gity. 



Elvirade, Illinois Tekritobt, ) 
Deceynber 14, 1811. \ 

To the principal Chiefs of the Pottaioottamies residing on the Illinois River and 
its waters : 
My Children, there seems to be some misunderstanding between you and 
your white brethren. I wish to prevent any bad consequences, and, if possi- 
ble, to cause you and your white brethren to unite your hands in friendship. 
This is the wish of your Great Father, the President of the United States. 
You have seen that he does not fear war, because his strength is great ; but he 
loves peace, and will always do justice to those who treat him well. 

I have many things to say to you, which it would be inconvenient to write. 
I therefore wish Gomo, and one or two more chiefs, to come and hear my 
words. 

Capt. Hebert will conduct you, and he will prevent any one from hurting 
you. 

It is your own safety that makes me wish to see you. I will send you back 
again safely. 

NINIAN EDWARDS. 



Elvirade, Deceniber 14, 1811. 
To the principal Chiefs of the Kickapoos : 

My Children, I wrote you last summer that your Great Father, the President 
of the United States, wished to be at peace with you. You must know that 
he is too strong to fear war ; but I tell you again he still wishes for peace, 
because it is a good thing, in itself, and is best for your happiness and that 
of your people. 

That great deceiver, the Shawnee Prophet, has misled some of your peo- 
ple, and caused them to make war on their white brethren. Your people 
were told that the Shawnee Prophet was a bad man — that he was hired by 
the British to tell lies — but they had no ears to hear those things. Their 
eyes must now be opened. They know the Prophet deceived them, and, if 
they will now abandon that bad man, all will still be well. They may have 
peace or war — which they please. 

Many of you, I have reason to believe, did not join the Prophet, but hated 
him the more for deceiving your friends and brothers. 



LETTERS AND SPEECHES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 293 

' ' ♦ 

I wish a few of you to come and hear my words, because then I can say 

more than it is convenient to write. This may explain all things and place 

us again on the footing of confidence as well as friendship. 

Major Whiteside will conduct you, and I will send you back safely. 

NINIAN EDWARDS. 



Elvirade, Raijdolph Gotinty, ) 
Illinois Territory, Jan. 18, 1812. J 
Sir: 

I have the honor to state to you that the militia, who were called out by 
me to defend this country during the last summer, are constantly importuning 
me on the subject of their pay. 

The unexampled unhealthiness of the season, and the attention necessary 
at that time to their crops, made the sacrifice on their part very considerable ; 
and it is now no longer doubted by the most incredulous that their services 
were important to their country, by preventing the savage attacks with 
which it was menaced. Under these circuii:stances, I fear, if those people 
cannot obtain some remuneration, it will have a most unhappy effect upon a 
population too weak, at best, at a time when there is the strongest probability 
that similar services will again be wanting. 

I therefore should be happy to be informed whether they will be paid, 
and, if so, what steps are necessary to be pursued for that purpose. 
I have the honor to be, etc., etc., 

NINIAN EDWARDS. 
To Hon. Wm. Eustis, War Department, Washington City. 



Elvirade, Randolph County, [ 
Illinois Territory, Jan. 10, 1813. ^ 
Sir : 

I have the honor to state to you, that Col. John Grant, formerly of the 
State of Kentucky, desires, through me, to apply to the President for a lease 
of a tract of land at the lower ripple on the Saline Creek, where he now 
resides, with a view to prepare houses for the reception of salt, which is 
constantly sent to that place for deposit till the rise of the water is sufficient 
to carry it out of the creek. 

He states that he has made a contract to receive and take charge of very 
considerable quantities of salt at that place, that the contract is to continue 
two years, and that the houses are necessary to secure it from the weather 
and from thieves, and that he wishes to erect them at his own expense, pro- 
vided he can be permitted to do so. 

For my own part I see no injury that would arise from such a lease, and 
think it very probable that, if it were sufficiently guarded, it might be 
attended with great public conYeniences. But I suppose that a permission 



294 LETTERS AND SPEECHES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 

to remain as tenant at will would be sufficient for him, and would most 
eflfectualiy guard against any injury to the public interest, etc. 

NINIAN EDWARDS. 
To Albert Gallatin, Secretary, etc. 



Elvirade, Randolph County, ) 
Illinois Territory, Jan. 25, 1812. ) 
Sir : 

I have the honor to inform you that, from a knowledge both of the exposed 
situation of our North-western frontier and of the disposition of Indians to 
retaliate upon the white people for the loss of their friends and relations, I, 
shortly after Gov. Harrison's battle, thought it necessary to send out a few 
spies, who have since been kept out in consequence of the hostile threats 
which the Indians are known to have made, and the proximity of the hunt- 
ing ground they were about to occupy to our frontiers. 

Such have been the apprehensions and irritation of the people of St. Clair 
county (those most exposed), that it has been found very difficult to restrain 
them from commencing hostilities, as you may perceive from the inclosed 
letter from Col. Whiteside, who, though not blessed with a good education, 
possesses a strong discriminating mind, is highly distinguished as an Indian 
fighter, and has all the influence that such characters never fail to command 
on a frontier, in times of danger. Upon the receipt of the letter, I immedi- 
ately dispatched the Brigade-Major (express) with orders to put a stop to the 
contemplated expedition. He, however, did not arrive in time, and eighty- 
six well mounted riflemen actually started in search of the Pottawottamies, 
who, either suspecting an attack or having some previous intimation of it, 
had removed and could not be found. Otherwise there certainly would have 
been a hard fight. 

In this state of things I thought it advisable to send for some of the 
Kickapoos and some of the Pottawottamies of the Illinois River, as well to 
ascertain their disposition towards us as to make arrangements that would 
conduce to their safety, provided they should be disposed to be friendly. 
Neither of my messengers have yet arrived, although more than two weeks 
have elapsed beyond the time appointed by each of them for his return. This 
delay occasions great uneasiness among their friends and much speculation 
among the people at large. 

I have also the honor to inform you that I have received information 
(which I am very certain may be relied on) that the Puants, or Winnebago 
Indians, on the 1st inst. attacked the trading establishments on the Missis- 
sippi, below Prairie du Chien, plundered them of their property, killed seve- 
ral men, and declared that they would kill every American that they could 
find— alleging that they had lost a number of their men at the late battle 
at the Prophet's town. 



LETTERS AND SPEECHES OP NINIAN EDWARDS. 295 

Perilous is the situation of a great portion of this Territory, at least ; but 
the danger is greater from the negative state in which we find ourselves, . 
being neither at peace nor at war. 

Notwithstanding the repeated depredations of the bands of Indians on the 
Illinois River, the murders they have committed, and their refusal to deliver 
up the offenders or make any satisfiiction, though solemnly demanded of them 
— and notwithstanding the daily expectations universally pervading the 
country of a renewal of these hostilities — we cannot legally take any meas- 
ures of offense against them, but must wait for another attack, not knowing 
when or where it may be made. For my own part I have not a doubt that our 
north-western frontier at least will be greatly annoyed as soon as the weather 
becomes a little more moderate. Many of these Indians certainly contem- 
plate joining the British. They are in the habit of visiting Fort Maulden, 
annually, and as soon as they are prepared for their departure thither, they 
will (as I believe they have already declared) make inroads upon our settle- 
ments, as well to take scalps as to steal horses. 

If, under these circumstances, we could be authorized to breakup their settle- 
ments on the Illinois River by volunteer expeditions of mounted riflemen, 
taking them by surprise, as was -the case in Kentucky during the former 
Indian war, it would, in my opinion, be attended with the most salutary con- 
sequences. Without this, or a garrison at Peoria, or some other measure of 
offense, a great number of our inhabitants will without doubt be forced to 
abandon their settlements. Peoria is the great highway through which all 
the Illinois Indians and all those about Lake Michigan make their incursions 
into this country, and the latter Indians derive great encouragement from the 
asylum which the villages on the Illinois affords them. 

I beg you, sir, to believe I have felt myself constrained to make these 
observations from the perfect conviction I feel of the dangers to which the 
people of this Territory are exposed, and my knowledge of their defenseless 
situation. 

I have the honor, also, to state to you that I have received a letter from the 
Military Agent at Newport, Ky., advising me that he had forwarded me 116 
muskets, bayonets and cartridge boxes, and 46 pairs of pistols. He stated 
to me that Gov. Harrison had drawn for the rifles, which you had authorized 
me to receive. 

I should be happy to have your order for some rifles and some more arms 
for cavalry, particularly swords, of which there were none forwarded to me. 
I have the honor to be. 

Very respectfully, sir, 

Your most obedient servant, 

NINIAN EDWARDS. 
To Hon. Wm. Eustis, Secretary of War. 



296 LETTERS AND SPEECHES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 

Eltirade, Randolph County, ) 
Illinois Territory, January 26, 1812. \ 
Sir : 

Although I am sensible of the claims which the most important business 
must have upon your attention at this time, I beg leave, most respectfully, to 
solicit of you any information vrhich you can, with propriety and convenience 
to yourself, communicate to me relative to the probable period when the land 
office in this district, for the sale of public lands, will be opened ; and I flat- 
ter myself that a plain statement of facts will convince you that neither an 
indecorous or impertinent curiosity forms any part of my motives in request- 
ing this information. 

At no time have the people been better satisfied with their Territorial offi- 
cers than at the present period ; yet a combination of interests and of views, 
differing materially in their ultimate object, have united the majority of the 
freeholders of all parties in wishing for the second grade of Territorial Gov- 
ernment, that they may thereby obtain a delegate to Congress, through and 
by whom they may make known and support their various wishes, complaints 
and demands. The memorials upon this subject are not yet delivered to me, 
but I am in the daily expectation of receiving them. 

The freeholders of this Territory are a very inconsiderable portion of its 
population. Of the respectable farmers of the country who have made arrange- 
ments and appear to be disposed to be permanent residents, they do not, I am 
sure, constitute the one-tenth — yet they can decide upon the change of govern- 
ment, with all the accumulation of taxes it will bring with it. Afterwards, they 
have the exclusive right of voting for the representatives in the Legislature, 
who will be elected for two years, with the right to nominate the Council to 
be appointed for five years. By which means, a small minority will have the 
power to fix upon a very large and respectable majority of their fellow -citi- 
zens a course of measures which may not be changed, however disagreeable 
to the majority, for five years. Although this danger may be considered prob- 
lematical, yet such are the jealous and independent dispositions of freemen, 
that they will never be satisfied to depend for the security and protection of 
their rights upon the mere courtesy of others. 

The situation of the settlers on the Ohio, and between it and Kaskaskia, is 
peculiarly unfortunate at this juncture. They are in general respectable, 
independent in their circumstances, and anxious to have an opportunity to 
purchase the lands on which they reside, and to be admitted to an equal par- 
ticipation in all the rights of citizens. They constitute nearly one-third of the 
whole population of the Territory, and ought shortly to have a new county, 
yet, among them, there are not more — as far as I can ascertain — than three or 
four freeholders ; so that, while the other counties will have representatives 
by reason of freeholders living interspersed through them, this portion of 
the Territory will have none. 

I, therefore, have thought that if the public sales should be likely to 
commence shortly, it would be proper in me, as a necessary means of concili- 
ating the affections of those people to the Government, when I come to act 
on the contemplated change, to defer the elections till after the public sales 



LETTERS AND SPEECHES OP NINIAN EDWARDS. 297 

are over, and thereby afford them the opportunity to become freeholders, in 
which light they would be considered by purchasing at the sales. 

I beg leave, also, to suggest that, if it be possible to make some provision 
by law, favorable to settlers, previous to the commencement of the sales, 
such a measure would tend greatly to tranquilize the Territory, already 
extremely agitated upon this subject, and to which the principles and doc- 
trines contained in the printed papers herewith sent, inculcated and enforced 
by means of associations already formed, have greatly contributed. 

The appointment of a Register and Receiver to this district created a gene- 
ral impression that lands would shortly thereafter be exposed to sale, and 
many i^ersons settled with the belief that they would have the oijportunity 
to purchase land before their improvements of it would so far enhance its 
value as to render it an object with others to bid against them ; and since 
then, either from necessity or with a hope that something would finally be 
done for their security, they have increased these improvements till they have 
become objects of real importance. 

As the United States would not wish to receive more than the value of the 
land in its unimproved State, or that its increased value from the improve- 
ments of others should fall into the hands of speculators, the public interest, 
I think, cannot suffer by giving to the settlers the pre-emption right to pur- 
chase at the price fixed by Congress. Admitting that they, by having the 
first choice, had occupied the best lands, still the price is high enough ; for 
land of the first quality in the Mississippi Bottom, with indisputable titles, 
has been and now can be bought at that price, with liberal credit. Judges 
Stuart and Thomas, Secretary Pope and myself, have purchased first rate 
tracts and elegant situations, in the American Bottom, adjoining each other, 
without giving more. 

But the supposition, as it relates to the settlers, is not true. Proximity to 
springs and what is called good range for stock — objects not generally found 
in the richest lands — have had a much more decided influence upon them 
than the fertility of the soil or the intrinsic value of the land. 

If, however, it should not be deemed proper to extend to the settlers this 
or some other indulgence, it might be advisable — their numbers being so con- 
siderable — for the agents of the sale to make such arrangements as would 
enable those people, with the least inconvenience to themselves, to attend to 
bid for the lands they occupy. As the sales must continue six weeks, the 
district offered for sale might be divided into six parts. Each division could 
be well described, and the week in which it would be offered for sale might 
be specified — of all which, notice might be given, and every man be thereby 
freed from the necessity of attending longer than one week. 

Since writing the above, I have ascertained for the first time, from Gen. 
Rector, the tract of country which was last summer recommended by the 
commissioners for satisfying unlocated claims, and believe it will include 
nearly every settlement in the county of St. Clair, and also the principal part 
of those in this county, with the exception of those toward the Ohio. 

—38* 



298 LETTERS AND SPEECHES OP NINIAN EDWARDS. 

I am far from wishing to suggest any tiling to the injury of the holders of 
unlocated claims ; for, although those rights have sometimes been purchased 
at low rates, yet it is very certain some of them are in the harlds of the origi- 
nal lona fide holders. Many others have been traded for adequate and valu- 
able considerations ; and all, I presume, have passed a rigid scrutiny by the 
commissioners — notwithstanding which, I cannot refrain from communicating 
the facts and expressing the apprehensions I feel for the tranquillity of the 
Tei'ritory, hoping that the wisdom of Government may thereupon be able to 
devise and adopt such measures as ought to satisfy the reasonable demands of 
all persons, and, at the same time, preserve peace and harmony in the 
Territory. 

In an abstract point of view, it may be considered that the settlers were 
trespassers, and that no claim upon the Government could grow out of their 
own wrong. But may not an evil, when suifered to increase too long, render 
the application of mere unbending, abstract principles inconsonant with the 
dictates of true practical policy ? 

At a time when delusive theories and captivating plans are dispersed 
among the people with success, when, also, the interest of so many is involved, 
while their services are absolutely necessary to repel the attacks of savages, 
and in the crisis in which we find ourselves in regard to foreign nations, I 
cannot but think it true policy to conciliate attachment to our Government, 
if it can be effected without too great a sacrifice of the public interests. 

If, sir, in this communication, I shall be considered as having improperly 
made any suggestions or transgressed any rules of propriety, I sincerely hope 
it will be attributed to the true cause — to an anxiety, honest and sincere, for 
the welfare of my country. 

I have the honor to be. 

Very respectfully, sir, 

Your most obedient servant, 

NINIAN EDWARDS. 



Elvirade, Randolph County, { 
Illinois Territory, February 10, 1812. \ 
Sir: 

The arms, which you advised me that you had forwarded, are not yet 
arrived, but I expect them very shortly. 

As soon as it is in your power, I shall be very glad if you would send on 
some more arms for cavalry — particularly swords, without which I cannot 
equip a single man. 

If you feel authorized to do so, and if it is in your power, I should also be 
vei'y glad to receive rifles enough for one complete rifle company, at least. 

I wish, also, to be furnished, as soon as possible, with powder. I am at a 
loss about the quantity that may be wanting, but that some will be required 
I have every reason to think more than probable. Lead is cheaper here than 



LETTERS AND SPEECHES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 299 

with you, and I shall have no difficulty in procuring a sufficient quantity for 
bullets, but I wish to be furnished with shot for muskets. 

Very respectfully, sir, 

Your obedient servant, 

NINIAN EDWARDS. 
Major Thos. Maktin, Military Agents Newport, Ky. 



[ 



Elvirade, Randolph County, 
Illinois Territory, February 10, 1813. 
Sir: 

Understanding that Congress is about to authorize the President of the 
United States to raise several companies of rangers for the protection of the 
frontiers, I beg leave to recommend Major William Boling Whiteside, of 
this Territory, as pre-eminently qualified to command one of those companies. 

He has been raised on our northwestern frontiers, with which he is well 
acquainted; and on several occasions of the greatest danger and difficulty, 
he has manifested so much prudence, self-command and intrepid bravery, 
that he has both acquired the confidence of his fellow-citizens and become a 
terror to the savages. 

In times of danger, he is one of the most active and useful men in the Ter- 
ritory — his reputation and influence enabling him to associate his fellow-citi- 
zens with him in the most hazardous enterprises, in which he is always fore- 
most to volunteer his own services— and I do him but justice to acknowledge 
that I myself have received essential aid from him in the protection of this 
country. 

In recommending him, I am alone influenced by a knowledge of the satis- 
faction which his appointment would give to the exposed parts of the Terri- 
tory, and a firm belief that no other man's services will be more useful 

I have never spoken to him or one of his friends on the subject, but I have 
no doubt he would accept the appointment with pleasure. And I sincerely 
hope that if this application should not be successful, he may succeed in 
obtaining some other military appointment of the grade of Captain. 

If it should be deemed advisable to station a company at Peoria, during the 
existence of the present dangers, for the protection of our northwestern fron- 
tier, he, I think, would be well qualified for the command — could soon raise 
the proper kind of men for that service, is well acquainted with the country, 
and extremely dreaded by the Indians in that quarter. 

I have the honor to be. 

Very respectfully, sir. 

Your most obedient servant, 

NINIAN EDWARDS. 

To Hon. William Eustis, Secretary of War, Washington City. 



300 LETTERS AND SPEECHES OP NINIAN EDWARDS. 

Elvirade, Randolph County, ) 
Illinois Tekiutory, February 10, 1812. ) 
Sir : 

Understanding that it is probable several companies of rangers will shortly 
be raised for the protection of the frontiers of the United States, I have re- 
commended Major Boling Whiteside, of this Territory, for the command of 
one of them. I shall be happy to have your aid in procuring the appoint- 
ment for him. 

In times of danger, he is one of the most useful men in the Western country, 
is distinguished for his bravery, possesses as great qualifications for Indian 
warfare as any man I ever knew, and has been accustomed to it from his 
infancy. 

I never spoke to him on the subject. I really recommend him for the good 
of the country, and from no other motive. I refer you to John Rice Jones 
for further particulars concerning him. 

The chiefs whom I sent for to meet me in council have evaded my request, 
which augurs badly. The principal chief on the Illinois River sent me word 
that he wished for peace, but that the Winnebagoes would attack our fron- 
tiers. This may be true, but I am sure he also intends it as a cover to the 
depredations which his own party will commit. 

The people are in great alarm, and if troops are not immediately sent to 
our exposed frontier, I repeat again to you, this country will in two months 
lose nearly one-half of its inhabitants. Every day, I hear of their removing in 
all quarters. 

Your friend, 

NINIAN EDWARDS. 
To Hon. John Pope. 



Elvirade, Randolph County, ) 
Illinois Territory, February 10, 1812. ( 
Sir : 

I have the honor to inform you that the messengers whom I sent for the 
chiefs of the Kickapoos and Pottawottamies of the Illinois River have returned 
without being able to prevail on them to visit me'according to my request. 

Gomo, the principal chief of those bands on the Illinois, sent me word that 
he could do nothing until he could have a conference with all the Indians 
who are connected, by alliances and friendship, with those of his own particu- 
lar party. 

In the meantime, he advises me to be on my guard against the Winnebagoes, 
who, he says, will certainly attack our frontiers to revenge themselves for the 
loss and injury of many of their men, who were killed or wounded in the late 
battle at the Prophet's town. 

His thus evading my request augurs unfavorably. If he is not sincere in 
wishing a previous consultation with the chiefs, etc., his conduct is an evi- 
dence of settled and decided hostility. If he actually thought such a consul- 
tation necessary, it clearly indicated his opinion that hostility was contem 



LETTERS AND SPEECHES OP NINTAN EDWARDS. 301 

plated by others, if not by himself. And it evidences that their dispositions 
towards us are of so doubtful a character, at least, that we have no security 
against their attacks. 

He had no inducement to conceal the hostile intentions of the Winnebagoes, 
since they had not only openly and boldly avowed them, but had, in part, 
carried their threats into execution, by attacking the trading establishments 
below Prairie du Chein ; and I strongly suspect his admonition, to be pre- 
pared for them, was designed by him as a cover to the depredations which 
he expected his own party would commit. 

His sincerity cannot in the least be depended upon ; for, notwithstandino- 
all his declarations to the contrary, the Indians who committed the murders 
in this Territory last year are certainly of his party — were present at the time 
I demanded them — have continued to reside with him since, and were seen 
and conversed with by my late messengers. 

The alarms and apprehensions of the people are becoming so universal, that 
really I should not be surprised if we should, in three months, lose more than 
one-half of our present population. In places, in my opinion, entirely out of 
danger, many are removing. In other parts, large settlements are about to 
be totally deserted. Even in my own neighborhood, several families have 
removed, and others are preparing to do so in a week or two. A few days 
past, a gentleman of respectability arrived here from Kentucky, and he 
informed me that he saw on the road, in one day, upwards of twenty wagons 
conveying families out of this Territory. Every eifort to check the prevalence 
of such terror seems to be ineffectual, and although much of it is unreasonably 
indulged, yet it is very certain the Territory will very shortly be in consider- 
able danger. Its physical force is very inconsiderable, and is growing 
weaker, while it presents numerous points of attack. 

The Winnebagoes, Kickapoos and Pottawottamies comprise the principal 
strength of the Prophet's army, and are certainly greatly irritated by their 
losses. The two former, and a large portion of the latter, reside in this Ter- 
ritory, and can, with great facility, make hostile incursions into our settle- 
ments, and they will most certainly do so unless our differenceswith England 
are speedily adjusted ; for, till that event, whatever professions they may 
make, I am convinced we need not flatter ourselves with safety, unless, by 
waging war against them and perpetually harrassing them, we convince them 
that it is their interest to sue for peace. Independent of their present causes 
of irritation, it is very certain that the British emissaries, who are certainly 
among them, have infinitely more influence with them than we have. 

Under these circumstances, I cannot forbear to solicit a portion of the regu- 
lar force for the protection of this Territory. 

My own opinion, which I submit with great deference, is that two com- 
plete companies at least are necessary, and if they were composed of what is 
commonly called backwoods' riflemen, they would furnish the cheapest and 
most eflfectual defense by having stations somewhere on the frontier, from 



302 LETTERS AND SPEECHES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 

which parties should be constantly detached, in different directions, as spies, 
always leaving enough to defend the station. 

If, with this, we should be authorized to carry on some offensive operations, 
and the communication between the Indians and Fort Madison could be inter- 
cepted, and all our own traders be withdrawn from among them, their wants 
and necessities would soon constrain them to ask for peace. 
I have the honor to be. 

Very respectfully, sir, 

Your obedient servant, 

NINIAN EDWARDS. 
To Hon. Wm. Eustis, Secretary of War, Washington City. 



Elvirade, Randolph County, 1 
Illinois Territory, February 13, 1813. ) 
Sir : 

Gov. Howard and myself have recently received information from various 
quarters, which convinces both of us that formidable combinations of the 
savages will very shortly attack the frontier of this and Louisiana Territory. 
Under these circumstances, I shall wish — if it shall eventually appear to be 
necessary — to raise some volunteers in the southern parts of Kentucky, 
provided the measure meets your approbation, which I most respectfully 

solicit. 

I have the honor to be. 

Very respectfully, sir, 

Your most obedient servant, 

NINIAN EDWARDS. 

His Excellency Gov. Scott, Frankfort, Ky. 



Elvirade, Randolph County, I 
Illinois Territory, February 15, 1812. \ 
Sir : 

I think it my duty to transmit you the inclosed proceedings, as they tend 
strongly to corroborate the statements I have heretofore had the honor to 
make relative to the apprehensions of the people of this Territory. 

Their extreme uneasiness seems to have led them into an opinion that I had 
not made the proper representations on the subject, as it appears by their 4 th 
resolution; and, therefore, I inclose copies of my letter of the 16th of Octo- 
ber last and its inclosures. 

For my own part, I have never flattered myself with the belief that Gov. 
Harrison's victory would produce permanent peace with the Indians. It may 
produce a momentary impression upon the neighboring tribes, but I have no 
doubt but this will eventually yield to British policy and British influence. 

The British emissaries, who are constantly among the Indians, will endeavor 
to cause our frontier to be attacked by distant tribes, over which we have no 



LETTERS AND SPEECHES OP NINIAN EDWARDS. 303 

influence, hoping that our people may become so irritated that they will not 
— if they could do so — discriminate between those who are friendly and 
those who are hostile, and that, therefore, all may be compelled to fight in 
their own defense. 

I have the honor, etc., 

N. EDWARDS. 
To the Secretary of War, Washington City. 



Circular, 

Hlvira 

February 15, 1813. 



Elvirade, Ranbolph County, ) 



Sir : 

You are hereby requested to take a census of all the free male inhabitants 
in your county, above the age of twenty-one, and return the same to me as 
soon as possible after the last day of March next. 

I request that you will use the utmost diligence to take in all persons of 
the above description. 

If, however, any whom you take in should hereafter, and before you make 
your return, remove, and this should come to your knowledge, you will take 
especial care to make the correction, as it is my object to know, precisely as 
possible, the number of actual inhabitants above the age of twenty-one at the 
date of your return. 

I have the honor to be, 

Very respectfully, sir, 

Your obedient servant, 

NINIAN EDWARDS. 
To John Hays, Esq., Sheriff of St. Clair County. 



Extract of a letter to Gov. Howard and Gov. Clark. 

Elvirade, IQth February, 1812. 

* * * By the exercise of the plainest common sense I had foreseen, con- 
trary to the general expectation, that Gov. Harrison's victory would not be 
attended with all the good consequences that were fondly anticipated. I 
regret very much that the President seems to have fallen into the same error. 

It is in vain to attribute all the hostility of the Prophet's associates to 
fanaticism. Facts do not justify the conclusion. Religion was totally out of 
the question with many of them, and I doubt very much whether all the 
Prophet's praying and priest-crait had half as much influence in exciting the 
enthusiasm of the Indians as the enterprising spirit, the undaunted valor and 
the bold designs of Tecumseh, who, in conjuncture with British emissaries, 
has long been endeavoring to inspire them with the opinion that we had 
wronged and oppressed them and would continue to do so, unless they boldly 
resisted our encroachments. 



304 LETTERS AND SPEECHES OP NINIAN EDWARDS. 

Admitting this supposition to be true, how is their unfriendly disposition 
towards us to be affected by the exposure of all the Prophet's juggling arts. 
They may hate him for deceiving them, but it will not muke them love us, 
who have not yielded them the lands they claimed or conceded to them any 
other demand. 

The Prophet's pretended conversation with the Great Spirit did not gene- 
rate those hostilities; only gave a new spring to it, not more efficacious than 
British presents, arms, ammunition and promises may be hereafter. 

A defeat may have dampened their ardor for a while, but the momentary 
terror over, revenge, the predominant passion, will occupy its place, and they 
who have so valiantly relied upon their own strength alone, will hardly dis- 
pair when flattered with all the British nation can furnish, nor will they who 
have reposed so much faith in the necromancy of an impostor, have less reli- 
ance on British power and resources. 

I am convinced, in consequence of the momentary impression that may have 
been produced in the neighboring tribes, the British policy will now be, to 
set upon us those who are more distant and over whom we have no influence, 
hopiuf that by these means our people may become so irritated that they 
will not (if they could do so) discriminate between the innocent and the 
guilty, and that eventually all may be found to fight in their own defense. 

Such have been the views which I have fully communicated to the Secre- 
tary of War. I have portrayed, in the strongest colors, the dangers of the 
negative state we are in (being neither at war or peace) ; I have pressed the 
necessity of an expedition against the bands of Illinois, who still retain among 
them the murderers, and refuse to deliver them up, or make any satisfac- 
tion for their depredations ; I have advised that there should be a strong 
garrison at Peoria ; I have stated the universal terror that pervades and is 
desolatino- the Territory ; I have solicited the aid of two regular companies 
of back-woods riflemen, with a view to put them in two stations on the fron- 
tiers from which parties as spies, in all directions, shall be constantly detached, 
always taking care to leave enough to defend the stations ; in fact, I have 
said so much on the subject of danger and the necessity of preparations, that 
I derive great consolation from being fortified by your opinions, for I was 
growing afraid that my representations might be attributed to timidity, 
seeing that the papers, in all directions, held a contrary language. 

For several weeks I have been endeavoring to organize a force for active 
service, and I am assured that there are three companies of volunteers on the 
Ohio awaitin"- my orders. I have also written to Gen. Scott for his approba- 
tion to raise a few men, if necessary, in the southern parts of Kentucky. 
Major Whiteside has directions to raise a company for immediate service. I 
have kept out a few spies, since Harrison's battle, and you may rely on it 
that I am willing to enter on any danger, risk or responsibility for the safety 

of our exposed frontiers. 

I am, etc., 

NINIAN EDWARDS. 

p. s. — I shall be at St. Louis in a day or two— this week at all events. 



LETTERS AND SPEECHES OP NINIAN EDWARDS. 305 

Elvirade, Eandolph County, [ 

February 18, 1812. \ 

Sir : 

I have the honor to inform you that Indian hostility remains no longer a 
matter of conjecture. 

You will have seen, from one of my last communications, that the Winne- 
bagoes were collecting their forces to attack Chicago, Fort Madison, the 
settlements on Salt River, and those below that place. 

On the 10th inst. they attacked and killed a family, consisting of ten per- 
sons, residing about thirty miles below the mouth of Salt River. An express, 
coming from Fort Madison, was also fired at, and. several traces of Indians 
have been discovered in that quarter. Of all this there is no doubt. I have 
seen and conversed with people who have been at the very place where the 
murders were committed, since that unfortunate event. 

I have also heard of another encounter that those Indians have had with 
seven white men, but cannot learn the particulars. We have not heard from 
the settlements on Salt River, but I have great fears on account of those 
people. 

All these hostilities will now be charged to the Winnebagoes exclusively, 
like the depredations of last year were wholly charged to the Prophet's own 
proper party ; but I am convinced that the bands of Pottawottamies on the 
Illinois, and some of the Chippeways, Ottaways and Kickapoos, will be 
equally guilty, and I should not be surprised at a general and open combina- 
tion among them. 

Under these circumstances Gov. Howard and myself have thought it would 
be improper in us to remain inactive, waiting for orders, and permit those 
fellows to murder our fellow-citizens with impunity. We have therefore 
determined,to order out a force, consisting of rangers, sufiicient to protect 
the frontiers ; and I trust, sir, if our conduct in this particular shall not be 
disapproved, that provision may be made to meet the expense that may be 
necessarily incurred, as we have been obliged to pledge our words for the 
payment of it. 

I have the honor to be, etc., 

NINIAN EDWARDS. 
To William Eustis, Esq. 

P. S. — ^If you should wish to acquire any information relative to this 
country, with a view to any military establishments, there is now a gentleman in 
your city who is probably better acquainted with its history and geography 
than any other person you can meet with. This is John Rice Jones, who, I 
presume, has very probably been introduced to you. — N. Edwards. 



Elvirade, February 21, 1812. 
Sir : 

Every information I have received indicates the hostile disposition of the 
neighboring Indians. In consequence of which you are hereby required to 
cause to be enrolled and classed every militia man in your Regiment, and to 
—39 



306 LETTEKS AND SPEECHES OP NINIAN EDWARD^. 

make such preparations in giving notices according to law, as will enable you 
to detach at least one-half of your Regiment into actual service at a moment's 
warning. ' 

The necessity that compels me to go immediately into the upper country, 
to put it into a proper attitude of defense, will greatly increase your respon- 
sibility, because, should circumstances require it, it will be your duty to call 
out the militia and defend this country, during my absence, as you will per- 
ceive by a reference to the law. 

The danger at present is considerable, but I expect it will be of short dura- 
tion, as every effort in my power has been used to procure assistance. I 
doubt not those efforts will be crowned with success. 

At present it is not proper that either you or I should merely content our- 
selves with issuing orders. We must turn out actively and help to execute 

them. 

Yours, etc., 

NINIAN EDWARDS. 
To Coii. Thos. Levins, Commanding \st Regiment Militia, B. C. 



'■\ 



Elvirade, Ranbolph Coitnty, 
March 14, 1813. 
Dear Sir : 

I hope the sincere desire which I feel to serve the people of this Territory, 
and their having no delegate in Congress, will be accepted as an apology 
for the trouble which this letter will give you. 

At no time, since the organization of this government, have the people, as 
far as I can learn, been better satisfied with their Territorial ofiicers than at 
the present juncture. But a variety of different wishes and motives have 
combined to induce them to wish to enter the second grade of Territorial 
government, merely for the purpose of obtaining a delegate to Congress, 
•which I always supposed might with as much jiropriety have been allowed 
them, without their being obliged to incur, for that purpose alone, the expen- 
ses of the second grade — more especially since, if the same rights should be 
extended to them that are enjoyed by the Indiana Territory, the delegate 
will be wholly independent of the Legislature. 

The Dopulatiou of this Territory, as appears by the late census, amounts to 
12,283, in the whole of which there does not exceed between two and three hun- 
dred freeholders, (two hundred and twenty, I am convinced, is the extent.) 
This is owing to the sale of public lands being postponed much beyond any 
period that was anticipated, from the appointment of a Register and Receiver 
to this District. This very small portion of freeholders have the exclusive 
right of determining upon the contemplated change of government, after 
which they alone will have the right to vote for the members of the Legisla- 
ture, who will be elected for two years, with the right to nominate the Coun- 
cil, who will be appointed for five years, by which a small minority will have 
the power to fix upon a very large and respectable majority of their fellow 
citizens a course of measures which may not be changed, however disagreea- 



LETTERS AND SPEECHES OP NINIAN EDWARDS. 307 

ble to the majority, for five years. Even if the danger to be apprehended 
should be problematical, still such is the jealousy and independence of free- 
men, that they never will be satisfied to depend for the security of their 
rights upon the courtesy of others. 

A number of petitions have been presented to me, by the freeholders, in 
favor of organizing a General Assembly, and not one against the measure has 
been received — so that there is no doubt that the change will very soon take 
place ; and I have this day issued a proclamation for taking, in a formal 
manner, the sense of the freeholders on this subject. 

Under these circumstances I am sure I do not miscalculate, when I suppose 
your attachment to republican principles will lead you to wish to extend their 
salutary intluence to the people of this Territory, by enlarging the right of 
suffrage. It is the more just and necessary because it is not the fault of the 
people that they are not freeholders, for many of them are able and anxiously 
waiting to buy land, as soon as the public sales shall be opened. These sales 
will certainly commence shortly, and the number of freeholders will thereby 
be greatly augmented. Yet, unless immediate provision be made for them, 
they may, for the reasons before given, be excluded from the benefits of rep- 
resentation for five years. 

These considerations also demonstrate the propriety of giving the people of 
this Territory the right to elect their delegate to Congress, as was done for 
Indiana whilst this Territory was an integral part of that. A delegate was 
designed to represent thewhole people of the Territory, and not any particular 
description of citizens only. Except as to the right of voting in Congress, he 
stands precisely in the same relation to the people of a territory that any 
representative in Congress does to the jieople of his district. Why, then, 
should the election of the one be made by the Legislature, and the other by 
the people themselves ? It is more necessary that the people here should have 
this right secured to them, than any where else ; for, owing to the peculiar 
situation of this Territory, in consequence of the sale of public lands being 
so long delayed, one hundred and thirty freeholders, having an interest dis- 
tinct from that of the great body of the people, by uniting would constitute 
the majority of the freeholders, and could elect the delegate in opposition to 
the interest and wishes of all the rest of a population consisting of 13,383 
persons. It surely is enough that such an inconsiderable minority should 
possess the power of legislating for the whole Territory ; but to secure, also, 
the additional advantage of a delegate to Congress, is a reason strongly urged 
to pass into the second grade of government before the public sales shall 
open, and thereby increase the number of persons who could participate in 
the equal rights of free government. 

Independent of the reasons growing out of the peculiarity of our situation, 
in favor of the measure, it is strongly recommended by considerations of 
justice and polic^-, upon general principles. Our House of Representatives 
will consist of seven members, the Legislative Council of five — making, in 
the aggregate, twelve. While these men have the sole right to elect the dele- 
gate, scenes of intrigue will constantly present themselves, which, while they 



308 LETTERS AND SPEECHES OP NINIAN EDWARDS. 

may gratify the ambition of individuals, will greatly disturb the repose and 
tranquillity of our Territorial government, and hazard much of the best inte- 
rests of the best citizens thereof. 

The situation of the settlers between Kaskaskia and the Ohio most cogently 
demands consideration. The appointment of a Register and Receiver to 
this District, several years ago, induced the people to believe (as the obvious 
and common duty of such officers is to sell lands and receive money) that the 
sale would very shortly thereafter commence — by which means they were 
induced to settle on the lands they proposed to buy. They now constitute 
at least one-third of the whole population of the Territory, and a great por- 
tion of them will become freeholders as soon as the sales shall be open. Yet, 
unless Congress interposes to extend to them the rights of suffrage, etc., they 
must be deprived of the benefits of representation. The ordinance, and laws 
amendatory thereof, require that so soon as the Governor shall receive satis- 
factory evidence that the organization of the General Assembly in the Terri- 
tory is the wish of the majority of the freeholders, he shall order an election 
for representatives, whose numbers shall not be less than seven or more than 
nine, and these he shall apportion to the several counties in the Territory 
according to the number of free males above the age of twenty-one years. 
At present there are but two counties in the Territory, so that I must give at 
least four representatives to one and three to the other. This power is given 
to the Governor for the purpose of getting the second grade of government 
into operation, after which he has no power to apportion the representation 
by taking a member from one or both the counties to which he had previ- 
ously given them. This must depend on the Legislature, which will consist 
of the representatives of two counties only, and it is not a safe calculation 
that they will have magnanimity enough to relinquish all that justice would 
require. The people of whom I have spoken as residing between Kaskaskia 
and the Ohio, in Randolph county, will be counted for it in the appor- 
tionment of representatives, and yet will have no vote. If I separate those 
people from Randolph by laying off a new county, (which I have only been 
prevented from doing in consequence of their being, in legal estimation, 
intruders on the public land,) and should apportion to them their share of 
representatives, still I do not know that there is one man among them who is 
qualified to be a representative by having a freehold of two hundred acres 
of land, and not more than three or four qualified to vote by having a free- 
hold in fifty acres — which are the qualifications fixed by the ordinance. 

Convinced, as I am, that nothing more than a fair representation of the 
situation of the people of this Territory, at the present time, to Congress, 
can be necessary to procure the justice which their situation imperiously calls 
for, I beg leave in this behalf most earnestly to entreat your aid in procuring 
the passage of a law to extend the right of suffrage iri, all cases, and for the 
election of a delegate to Congress by the people at large, instead of by the 
Legislature. An early passage of the law, alone, can secure the advantages 
which it may propose, or otherwise the second grade will be forced on, so as 
to defeat its beneficial purposes. The business of Territories, however urgent, 



LETTERS AND SPEECHES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 309 

it is understood is too often postponed, when they are unfortunately not 
represented, because no one particularly feels sufficient interest to take upon 
himself, exclusively, the trouble of preparing and attending to it. 

If, under such circumstances, the people should be fortunate enough to 
obtain your aid, I am sure they will feel and be proud to acknowledge 
everlasting obligations to you. I would thank you to inform me what may 
be the prospect of having the right of suffrage extended, because, should I 
be assured that that event would certainly take place, I would postpone the 
elections a little beyond the period I should otherwise appoint for them. I 
therefore shall be greatly obliged if you can iind it convenient to write me 
on the receipt hereof. 

Your friend, 

NINIAN EDWARDS. 
To Hon. R. M. Johnson, in Congress. 



Elvirade, Randolph County, \ 
March 15, 1812. \ 

Dear Sir : 

I received your letter yesterday, by Mr. Moore, and although it furnishes 
no ground to question the correctness of your motives, yet I learn with ex- 
treme regret that you should have felt it necessary to have called any court- 
martial for the trial of any officers, for speaking disrespectfully "of the Ex- 
ecutive of the Territory and their superior officers," without intending any 
reflection of the least unfriendly nature. I am fearful that a little too much 
hastiness of temper, or too much zeal if possible, or the want of due reflection 
as to the nature of the late orders, have had rather too great influence on your 
mind. 

At a time when the pressure of circumstances require much individual sac- 
rifice, it is natural that feelings and not reason should predominate among 
those from whom those sacrifices are necessarily required ; and, being one of 
the defects of our natures, great allowance should be made for it. For my 
own part, I feel such sensibility to the privations, inconveniences and sacri- 
fices that a call on the militia always produces on my fellow-citizens, however 
necessary it may be, that I can bear their complaints without the least re- 
sentment. 

As to the late orders — so far as they were for the purpose of raising volun- 
teers, their very essence and nature implied a liberty as free as air itself, and 
no opposition from any quarter whatever could, therefore, in this view of 
the subject, be at all illegal, nor consequently any off'ense. Being a matter 
of mere choice, one man had as great a right to advise against it as another 
in favor of it; and when men exercise a right, however injudicious it may 
be, they are liable to no official censure. 

As to myself, I certainly desire very much that no charge may be exhibited 
against any man for any abuse of me. 

If I am misrepresented, time and the uniform tenor of my conduct will 
prove a corrective. * Many a worthy man, seeing my actions through a false 



310 LETTERS AND SPEECHES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 

medium, may innocently mistake my views and motives. Many may have 
had erroneous information, and all are liable to the domination of prejudice 
in a greater or less degree. Force always aggravates these errors and false 
views, but never corrects them ; and from any opinion the people may be led 
to entertain, concerning me, I can apprehend no danger — for whenever it may 
become actually necessary, I shall completely have it in my power to silence 
clamor and convince them that their substantial interests have, at all times, 
occupied my thoughts and engaged my most industrious exertions. 

These things are always best attempted when clamor has exhausted its ut- 
most fury. The times are now pretty hard at best, and, from the most friendly 
motives, I advise great moderation and forbearance, having no doubt that my 
candor and frankness will not be misconstrued by you. 
Your most obedient, 

NINIAN EDWARDS. 

To Col. Wm. Whiteside. 

p, s. — I am informed that the militia were greatly dissatisfied at not seeing 
me on the 3d of March. I had certainly not promised to attend, but there 
is nothing that would have gratified me more, had I not been obliged to re- 
turn home to send off for arms, which I actually did. It must be understood 
that when my duty calls, I must obey; and no reasonable man can be dissat- 
isfied, on reflection. I wish this thing understood. — N. Edwards. 



i 



EiiViRADE, Randolph County, 
March 15, 1812. 
Sir : 

I am gratified by the faithful and attentive manner in which you have ex- 
ecuted my orders in your town up the Illinois River. If Major Whiteside 
has any thoughts of going to Peoria, or invading the Indian territory at pres- 
ent, I certainly wish him stopped. This would have a very bad effect, when 
I have sent a messenger to the Indians who reside there, and might jeopard- 
ize his life. 

I wish Major Whiteside strictly to execute the orders I gave him, but not 

to exceed them. 

NINIAN EDWARDS. 
To Col. Wm. Whiteside. 



St. Louis, February/ 27, 1812, 
Sir : 

I have had information that a Mr. Lucas is now trading with the Indians 
on the Mississippi, at a point nearly opposite the mouth of Jefferson, and that 
certain other gentlemen are trading on the Illinois River — with all or some 
of whom, I am informed, you are interested. Not being at home, I cannot 
now ascertain whether those gentlemen have a license from me, and, if you 
have any interest in their adventure, I should be glad to hear from you on 
the subject. 



LETTERS AND SPEECHES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 311 

Whether those gentlemen are licensed, or not, our relations with those In- 
dians are of such a character that a continuation of further intercourse with 
them, for the present, is wholly inexpedient and must be discontinued. A 
letter addressed to me at Cahokia will reach me, as I shall continue there 
some days. 

Your obedient servant, 

NINIAN EDWARDS. 
To Gov. Howard, St. Louis, Mo. 



Elvirade, March 23, 1812. 
Sir : 

I have the honor to inform you that I have this moment received commu- 
nications from Chicago, Peoria and Fort Madison, which leave no rational 
doubt of the decidedly hostile views of the major part of the Indians between 
the Lakes and the Illinois and Mississippi Rivers. 

Strong circumstances are stated which seem to justify a belief that the 
Sioux have joined or are about joining the hostile confederacy, and, if so, it 
will be the most formidable one with which the Western country has had to 
contend. 

One of the soldiers at Fort Madison was murdered on the 3d inst., in the 
most barbarous manner, within a mile and a half of the fort. An attempt 
was also made to shoot one of the guard. No one dare venture out of the 
fort ; and every one within believes it in danger of being taken. 
Yours, etc., 

NINIAN EDWARDS. 

To Hon. Wm. Eustis, Secretary of War. 

P. S. — I have a company of rangers still out to defend the frontiers, co- 
operating with those that Gov. Howard has ordered into service. I have 
taken this measure upon my own responsibility, from the urgency of the case, 
and I stand personally pledged to pay the men. My situation is very unpleas- 
ant, and unless I shall be shortly authorized, they will abandon the service, 
in spite of every effort I can make. — Ninian Edwards. 



Elvirade, RANDOLPn County, ) 
March 2, 1813. \ 

Sir: 

Herewith I send you the commission which I have just received from Hon. 
William Eustis, Secretary of War, appointing you a Captain of Rangers. 

Accompanying the said commission was a letter from the Secretary, from 
which I give you extracts. 

If you accept the commission, you may take the oath of fidelity to the Uni- 
ted States, and the oath of office, before some judge or justice of the peace. 

You must return a muster-roll and pay-roll of all the men that have been 
in service, under any order, from the 3d of March to 14th of April, at which 
time you were directed to organize your company under the law of Congress. 



312 LETTERS AND SPEECHES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 

From the 14th inst. you will consider your company as enlisted, according 
to the forms herewith sent. These, certified by you and countersigned by 
myself, will constitute the proper voucher for payment. 

You may discharge those men who were enlisted, by any order, for three 
months, as fast you can supply their places by the enlistment of others for 
twelve months, according to the foregoing instructions — always observing to 
muster your men when you discharge any, upon receiving new recruits, and 
be very particular to note the term of enlistment of each man. 

You are so to arrange matters as to subject the three months' men to as 
little inconvenience in discharging them as possible. You may discharge any 
of them who wish it, provided your company will not, in your opinion, be 
too much weakened by it. 

Considering the service you are, by existing orders, required to perform, 
your company must not exceed sixty-eight men, including the non-commis- 
sioned officers. As often as you have an opportunity, let me hear from you. 
I presume opportunities will frequently occur from Fort Madison. Request 
Mr. Payton to keep notes of everything remarkable in the geography and sit- 
uation of that part of the country in which you are now stationed. He is 
very competent, and the information will be useful to me. 

NINIAN EDWARDS. 
To Capt. Wm. B. Whiteside. 



Elvirade, Randoi-ph County, ) 
May 6, 1812. \ 

Sir : 

About four weeks ago I had the honor to receive your letters of the 28th of 
February and 11th of March last, just as I was starting to the county of St. 
Clair, to hold a council with the Ottaways, Chippeways, Kickapoos and Pot- 
tawottamies. After the council was over I found it absolutely necessary to 
visit our extreme frontiers, from which I returned only two days past, con- 
siderably indisposed and enfeebled by fatigue and a severe attack of inter- 
mittent fever. On my return home I had the honor to receive another letter 
from you, of the 16th of March, and shall proceed to reply to the whole of 
them as well as my health and strength admit. 

For the leading features of the council I beg leave to refer you to the in- 
closed newspapers, which also contain other important information that can 
be relied on. In my speech to the Indians I intended, also, to operate on the 
traders (many of whom attended) by convincing them that their trade de- 
pended on the preservation of peace. I was, so far, successful, and I have no 
doubt all of them will use their utmost exertions to promote our views in re- 
gard to the Indians. I endeavored to satisfy them that we had no intention 
or wish to take their lands from them. Upon this subject they had great 
uneasiness, and I fear that our policy of buying their land too frequently has 
given rise to it. ily own opinion is, that no contract of the kind ought to 
be attempted with the chiefs, unless the whole tribe had previously mani- 
fested a willingness to it. 



LETTERS AND SPEECHES OF NINIAN EDWARt)S. 313 

On the receipt of your letter, of the 11th of March, I at once determined to 
take Captain Whiteside's rangers and a company of militia with me to the 
River Sainquemon, and to have built a fort where the trail from Cahokia to 
Peoria crosses the river. This I designed, for the present, as a station for 
the rangers. It is about one and a half day's march from Peoria. I could 
liave thrown any quantity of provisions into it, and the whole body of troops 
intended to build the fort at Peoria, without giving them the least ground 
to suspect my intentions. I also intended to direct Mr. Forsyth (the sub- 
agent), or some other reliable person at Peoria, to procure a quantity of logs, 
for the apparent purpose of building for himself two large cabins, and to 
have them all collected at a proper point, when, everything being in readi- 
ness, I contemplated a forced march to Peoria, to seize the logs, split them, 
and instantly have erected a fortification that we could have defended. From 
this plan I was diverted by the necessity I found myself under of giving an 
entirely diflFerent direction to the rangers to repel the attacks of the Winne- 
bagoes and others. 

I am now using all the address in my power to get the Indians to consent 
to the erection of the contemplated fort without being seen or suspected in 
it. If they do not consent, I can assure you that one thousand ^picked men 
will not be sufficient to effect it. It might have been easily done in the spring, 
before the Indians returned from their hunt, but they are all now concentra- 
ting their forces about Peoria, and, with five days' previous notice, can rally 
a force of 1000 warriors, independent of any assistance from the Prophet, 
whose village is only four days' march from theirs ; and it ought to be ob- 
served that, though the Prophet cannot prevail upon all those Indians to 
unite with him on the Wabash, because they have not taken a decided part 
against us, yet there would be no difficulty in their procuring his aid, and he 
would gladly change the seat of war, in consequence of the prospects which 
their invitation would hold out to him. 

Whatever may be the difficulties of building the fort, the advantages will 
be in proportion to them — which will be obvious to you from the rough 
geographical notes I intend to send herewith, if I shall be able to set up long 
enough. I have heretofore taken great pains to acquire necessary informa- 
tion for any object the Administration may contemplate in this quarter, and 
shall continue to do so ; that Avhich I intend to transmit I am sure is sub- 
stantially correct. Information from the Indians with whom I held the coun- 
cil, from the Sacs and Foxes, from Prairie du Chien, from Peoria, Chicago 
and a number of traders in different directions, confirms the hostile machina- 
tions of the Prophet and the determined hostilities of the Vv^'inuebagoes, who, 
it was agreed, were approaching our frontiers in different directions with hos- 
tile intentions, which the Indians above mentioned say nothing but death 
can prevent them from executing. 

Under these circumstances. Gov. Howard and myself held a conference and 
concerted measures of cooperation : his rangers to guard the usual ingress to 
Louisiana, about 120 miles above St. Louis, on the Mississippi, and Capt. 
Whiteside to occujpy the ground from the same point on the Mississippi to 

—40 



314 LETTERS AND SPEECriES OP NINIAN EDWARDS. 

the mouth of Sangamon, on the Illinois River — the point on the Mississippi 
and that on the Illinois, required to be occupied, no^ exceeding a day and a 
half's march. To complete the measure of defense, I was obliged to order 
out a volunteer company of mounted riflemen, to range from the mouth of 
Sangamon, up it and in au eastern direction to the heads of the Kaskaskia, a 
distance of between 70 and 100 miles, covering our north-western frontier. 
With one-half of the company of mounted riflemen, the Captain regularly 
commences his route from the mouth of Sangamon, while the Lieutenant, 
at the same time, with the residue of the company, commences his from the 
heads of the Kaskaskia, and they alternately pass to each others. The 
ground thus occupied by Whiteside and the mounted riflemen, by an arrange- 
ment with the Indians, was agreed on as the boundary for them, and us also, 
till some change of circumstances should take place. 

I could have no difficulty, if I could have a personal interview with you, in 
convincing you of the proprietyand absolute necessity of those arrangements ; 
and even in the imperfect mode of satisfying you that is alone allowed me, I 
still hoi)e I shall not have much diflicalty. But it will not long be possible 
for me, without I shall be enabled to give the people some assurance that they 
will be paid by the Government, to turn out, upon any sudden emergency, a 
force sufficient to meet it. Already have I had great difficulties, independ- 
ent of performing almost the drudgery of a corporal, to efl'ect as much as I 
have done, and in organizing AVhiteside's company upon my own responsi- 
bility, I had to pledge my private fortune for the payment of them. It is 
now well understood that had not Gov. Howard and myself taken those 
measures on our own responsibility, our frontiers would have been deluged 
with the blood of our fellow-citizens. About that time a party of Indians, 
(under White-hair, a Pottawottamie chief,) consisting of about sixty, were 
within thirty miles of the frontier, and had actually agreed to commence 
hostilities and retreat to the head of the Illinois River. One hundred and 
fifty warriors were below Peoria, on the river, many of whom would have 
followed White-hair's example. The Kickapoos certainly did murder O'lSTcal's 
family on the Mississippi, thus attbrding melancholy evidences to fortify the 
opinion, that I have constantly maintained since Gov. Harrison's* battle, 
that the danger was not ocer, and that all the beneflts of that battle would be 
lost unless it should be succeeded by measures to coerce satisfaction for all 
past aggressions. Should we have war with England, jieace with the Indians 
need not be expected till, by excluding them from all British trade, with- 
drawing all our own traders and pushing a vigorous campaign against them, 
they shall be brought to their senses — which these measures would soon 
effect. • None of the rangers destined for the defense of the frontier have yet 
arrived. The present is the time when, of all others, we have cause to appro- 
liend most danger, and I hope, under such circumstances, I shall stand justi- 
fied in calling out the company of mounted riflemen and continuing them in 
service till the arrival of some company of rangers. I feel anxious on this 
subject. Had I a right to exercise any discretion, I should have no dread of 
the responsibility ; but I have no such right. 



LETTERS AND SPEECHES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 315 

AVhiteside, under my order, mustered into service seventy-two men on the 8d 
of March, enlisted for three months. These continued until the 14th ult., 
when I received your letter and directed the organization of thccompany 
conformably thereto. 

It is impossible for the rangers to supply themselves with rations and be as 
serviceable as they otherwise might be. I have already had to become respon- 
sible for a deposit for them at their station on the Mississippi, which they 
agree shall be deducted out of their pay — a measure they at all times prefer. 
1 most sincerely hope those men called out by my order may be paid : Avithout 
which, cither they or myself must be greatly injured; and I believe Gov. 
Howard and his rangers are in precisely the same situation. 

Capt. Whiteside accepts his commission, and I think will do honor to it. 

I recommended William Savage as First and Isaac Hill as Second Lieuten- 
ants. They were chosen by the company, and I have since become acquainted 
with them and approve the choice. Mr. CTreene, whom I mentioned in my 
last letter, was chosen Ensign. He is a very brave man, but I cannot recom- 
mend him as an officer. P^'or Ensign I recommend Craven Peyton, who was 
one of the first men who joined the company, has already distiuguished him- 
self, and, Jn my opinion, will make a first rate officer. Should a commission 
come for Greene, I shall not deliver it till I receive an answer to this letter, 
hoping that Peyton's will not be delayed for the return of Greene's. 

I have a relation living with me, whom I have been educating — the son of 
a man who spent his best days and his whole fortune in the American Revo- 
lution. This youth is between seventeen and eighteen years of age. His 
name is Benjamin Sanford Edwards. I am very desirous of getting him into 
the military school, and will thank you to inform me whether my wishes in 
this particular can be gratified. 

I have the honor, etc., etc., 

NINIAN EDWARDS. 
To Hon. W.m. Eustis, Setretanj of War. 

P. S. — Two rangers of Louisiana a few days ago attacked and killed two 
Indians, on the east of the Mississippi, without receiving any injury. The 
Indians are said to be Winnebagoes. — N. E. 



Elviradk, Randolph County, ) 
Illinois Territory, 3{atj — , 1813. \ 

Sir : 

The Pottawottamies of the Illinois River are divided into three bands, viz : 
That of Gorao, the principal Chief, consisting of about one hundred and 
fifty men, who now reside on the Peoria Lake, seven leagues above Peoria. 
Pepper's band, at Sand River, about two leagues below the Quin-que-que, 
consisting of about two hundred men, of different nations — Pottawottamies, 
Chippeways and Ottaways. Little Chief was, last year, head of this band. 
He is now dead, and Pepper has succeeded him. Letourney and Mette- 
tat, brothers, botk Ottaways, are war chiefs of this band, under Pepper. 
Their village is fifty leagues above Peoria and twenty below Lake Michigan. 



316 LETTERS AND SPEECHES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 

Main-pock's band, consisting of lifty men, residing seven leagues up the 
Quin-que-que. This chief is reputed brave and (Jesperate, although his 
number of men is less than either Pepper's or Gomo's. He is said to have 
more influence, in collecting followers for an enterprise of any kind, than 
both the others. His influence is very considerable with some of the bands 
on the south and east of Lake Michigan. 

At Little Makina, a river on the south side of Illinois, live leagues below 
Peoria, is a band, consisting of Kickapoos, Chippeways, Ottaways and Potta- 
wottamies. They are called warriors, and their head man is Lebourse or 
Sulky. Their number is sixty men, all desperate fellows and great plunderers. 

On Fox River, which empties into the Illinois River at the Charboniere, or 
Coal-pit, about thirty-five leagues above Peoria, there is another band, con- 
sisting of Pottawottamies, Chippeways and Ottaways. Wa-bee-sous is their 
leader. Their number is not less than thirty. The river on which they reside 
takes its source from Mil-waa-kee. The principal part of the other Potta- 
wottamies reside on the River St. Joseph, that empties into Lake Michigan, 
and they have on that river three or four villages. 

The Kickapoos in the Illinois Territory are divided into three bands. 
Pam-a-wa-tam is the principal chief His band consists of one hundred and 
fifty men. They have left their old village, and are now building a village 
on Peoria Lake, three leagues from Peoria. 

Little Deer has also left the great village, and is now building one oppo- 
site Gomo's village. His band consists of one hundred and twenty. 

The other Kickapoos are those above described, who live at Little Makina 
below Peoria. From these three bands of Kickapoos there are now with the 
Prophet about one hundred men. 

At Mil-waa kee, thirty leagues from Chicago, just on the west of Lake 
Michigan, there are several villages of Pottawottamies and Fulsowines. 

At Sauk River, on the same side of the lake, is a village of Ottaways and 
Chippeways. At Sha-boi-ee-gan is another village of Ottaways and Chippe 
ways. From this river to Green Bay it is twelve leagues. At Two Rivers 
there is another village of Ottaways. Between Two Rivers and Little Detroit 
there are two villages of Ottaways. At the Little Detroit there is another 
village of Ottaways. This is fifty leagues from Michilliraacinac. At Manis- 
tee, thirty leagues from Michillimacinac, is another village. 

The Winnebago village of Rock River is between thirty and forty leagues 
above the mouth of the river ; it is about two days' march from Peoria. The 
country is prairie, or very fine, open woodland. 

From the village of Rock River to the old Winnebago village on Lake 
App-quay, or the Fox River of Green Bay, it is one day's journey ; and to Mil- 
waa-kee, can be traveled in one day and a half 

From Peoria to the villages of the Sacs and Foxes, it can be traveled in 
three days at most. The Sacs have eight hundred and the Foxes six hundred 
warriors. 

From Peoria to the Prophet's town, it is about four days' journey, over fine, 
high, dry country. 



LETTERS AND SPEECHES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 317 

At the carrying place at Chicago, three leagues from the fort, is a village of 
Pottawottamies and Ottaways, of three hundred men. 

Five leagues from Chicago, on the south side of Lake Michigan, is a river 
called the Little Calamick, on which there is a village, consisting of about 
one hundred men, of Pottawottamies, Chippeways and Ottaways. Old 
Cam-pig-nam was their chief last year. One of his hands has been greatly 
injured by a burn, and his nose has been broken or cut to pieces. It was 
reported that he was killed this spring in going from Detroit to Niagara. 
Nan-non-quy was the second chief, and, probably, will be the first. 

Thirty leagues from Chicago is the river St. Josepli. Ten leagues up that 
river is a village of about ten Pottawottamies ; no particular chief to lead 
them. 

At the Terreoupe is a village of about one hundred Pottawottamies. This 
village is ten leagues, by laud, to the lake. It is also about thirty leagues to 
Chicago, over fine, open country and good traveling. 

On the St. Joseph, about forty leagues from its mouth, is another small 
village of Pottawottamies, at the mouth of a small river called the Riviere 
Pivellee (or Speckled River.) The chief is called Nan-neck-quai-bee. 

On Stag-heart River, ten leagues from its mouth, is another small village of 
I'ottawottamies. Their chief is Nan-quai-sai. Stag-heart River empties into 
the St. Joseph. The most of those Indians described as being on the south 
of Lake Michigan and on the St. Joseph or its waters, are now with the 
Prophet, on the Wabash. 

At the mouth of the River Kick-kaa-la-maa-zo, which empties into the 
lake fifteen leagues beyond St. Joseph, is a village of seven or eight men. 
About twenty-fivs leagues up the river is a village of Pottawottamies and 
Ottaways, of sixty or seventy men. 

On Grand River, which empties into the lake ten leagues beyond the Kick- 
kaa-la-maa-zo, there are four villages of Ottaways, altogether containing 
about two hundred men. The first village is about three leagues from the 
mouth, the .second about fifteen, the third about twenty-five, and the fourth 
about forty leagues. This last is on a small river called Riviere des Plains. 
Grande Riviere goes near Detroit. 

On Mush-kec-gom River, which is four leagues beyond Grande Riviere, 
there are two villages of Ottaways. The first, about fif een leagues from the 
mouth, numbers about ten men. Peck-keoo-nai (or The Snake) is their chief 
The others are about fifteen leagues up, and number about twenty-five men. 
"Wampum is their chief 

On the bluffs, one league beyond White River, which itself is four leagues 
beyond the Mush-kee-gom, is a village of Ottaways, called the Bluff Village ; 
number of men about seventy or eighty. On Pierre Marquette River, which 
is twelve leagues beyond White River, is another small village of Ottaways ; 
number of men about ten. 



318 LETTERS AND SPEECHES OP NINIAN EDAVARDS. 



The total number of the Indians of the Illinois, including those of the port- 
age of Chicago, is, therefore, 790 men, yiz : 

At the Portage oO men. 

Pepper's band 200 " 

Main-pock's band oO " 

Wa-bee-sau's band 30 " 

Gomo's band 1 50 " 

P.'s band 150 " 

Little Deer's band 120 " 

At Makina, under Sulky GO " 

In all ~90 men. 

Those Indians, in the late council I held with them, told me they were 
about to settle themselves together in a large town at or near Peoria. 

The facility with which those about the lake and St. Joseph's can join 
them is obvious, as they can transport themselves in canoes all the way, are 
constantly in the habit of passing in that manner, and most decidedly prefer 
it to any other mode of travel. 

The proximity of the Indians between Lake ]!ilichigan and the Mississippi 
to Peoria, would enable all those bands to unite their forces in a very few 
days. If the Prophet should be driven from his present ground, or the Illi- 
nois Indians become decidedly hostile, he will rally all his forces on the 
Illinois River, from which he can do more injury to our people, with less 
danger to himself and his followers, than from his present station. 

These notes already show that this is the most vulnerable frontier that 
belongs to the United States. Bat I will add further ones in regard to the 
Illinois River and its waters. 

Names of the rivers emptying into the Illinois : River Fouchai is the first 
on the south side, and two leagues above the mouth of the latter ; River Ma- 
kapinn two leagues above Fouchai, south side ; River Lenois four leagues 
from Mee ka-pinn, south side ; River A'la Pomme two leagues from Lenois, 
south side; River Cha-bot two leagues above xVla Pomme, north side, (from 
here to the mouth of Salt River, on the Mississippi, the Indians can go and 
come in a day ou foot) ; Mouse River four leagues above Cha-bot, south side, 
(one day's march, on foot, to the Mississippi — fine, open country) ; Blue River 
two and a half leagues above Mouse River, north side; Arrowstone River 
two leagues above Blue River, south side ; Mauvaisterre River one and a half 
leagues above Negro River, north side, (from here near ten days' march to the 
Mississippi — fine, open country) ; Le Ballanson four leagues above Mau- 
vaisterre, south side ; Mine River, two leagues above Le Ballanson, north side, 

one and a half days' march to the Mississippi. 

N. EDWARDS. 
To the Skcretary of War. 



LETTERS AND SPEECHES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 319 



Elvirade, Randolph County, [ 
Illinois Territory, May 12, 1812. \ 

Sir : 

I have the houor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 7th ult., 
but as yet I have heard nothing from any of the companies of rangers that 
you informed me were to repair to tliis quarter for the protection and defense 
of the frontier. 

This is particularly unfortunate at the present conjuncture, because a great 
part of the very object contemplated in providing this force will be lost by 
the delay. Every person acquainted with the Indian customs and habits 
knows very well that the present is the time to apprehend the most danger 
from their predatory parties. Their hunt is over, they are done making- 
sugar, their women are all collected at their villages and preparing to make 
their corn. The men have now nothing to do but make war, and a thick 
foliage favors their mode of warfare — objects at all times appreciated by 
them. 

Hitherto, M-ith nothing to mislead or guide me beyond very humble preten- 
sions to common sense, I have invariably held the opinion that there was no 
prospect of jjeace with the Indians, and that nothing could produce it but 
rigorous coercive measures on the part of Government. Others of superior 
information and experience have thought otherwise, and I find a difference of 
opinion must still jirevail — not as to the existence of danger, but as to the 
nature of it. My own opinion is that the war w'ill be carried on by the 
Indians, for some time to come, in small parties, who will infest the frontiers, 
attack all exposed parts, and surprise and murder men, women and children. A 
general attack upon some of our towns and villages may possibly happen, but 
I do not consider it a jsrobablc event at the present time. The Indians would 
not undertake such a measure without collecting a great force ; and, although 
they can live on very little, yet I cannot foresee how they could calculate on 
providing enough for their suj^i^ort when collected together. They cannot 
depend on hunting ; this is the time to supply themselves by plundering. 
The Prophet's store of corn was destroyed last fall. His ammunition and many 
guns were taken, and so serious were the consequences of the battle, that his 
party had enough to do to keep themselves from starving, and, therefore, had 
very little opportunity, by their hunt, to supply provisions sufficient for a 
campaign against one of our towns. 

If, however, such a measure as this should be adojDted, and the Illinois 
Indians should become decidedly hostile, the greatest danger is to this or 
Louisiana Territory. Many of these Indians were not in the battle of Tip- 
pecanoe. All of them cultivated their corn and none of them lost any, nor 
had they to encounter any extraordinary difficulties in their hunt. They are, 
therefore, better prepared. Their force is .superior to the Prophet's, and, if 
the facility of traveling by water is any temptation to them, the Illinois is 
more easily navigated than any other water-course that could be used, and 
lias no garrison on it to command or guard it. If they travel by land to St. 
Louis, of Louisiana Territory, and Cahokia of this, both are nearer to the 



320 tiSTTERS AND SPEECHES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 

Illinois villages aud to the Prophet's town than Vincennes is, as I am well 
informed ; aud it is well known that neither of those Territories can, with 
the same facility, obtain assistance from the neighboring States ; aud, more- 
over, a considerable portion of our population cannot so far lose sight of old 
customs and their former government, as to be sincerely friendly to ours. 

' The danger of these Territories will be greatly increased should the Prophet 
be driven from his present ground, and the Illinois Indians be hostile ; for 
they will most certainly unite on the Illinois, from Which they can do us im- 
mense injury. This consideration has led me to exert myself as much as 
possible to maintain peace with those on the Illinois, aud nothing would con- 
tribute so much to aid those eiforts as the display of military force. With 
that,' I do believe they would be decisively successful. Otherwise, those 
Indians will openly declare war against us. 

I may be wrong in all my conjectures, and the respect I feel for the opinions 
of others of more experience induces me to entertain my own with great dif- 
fidence ; l)ut till convinced of my error, I feel it my duty (although I may be 
mistaken) to suggest, most respectfully, to you, those opinions and impres- 
sions that I have deliberately formed, not upon a few isolated facts, l)ut upon 
a combination of all circumstances that have come within my knowledge. 

I do not think we have the less danger to apprehend in consequence of 
believing that a general attack will not be made on our towns, for already I 
think it highly probable that as many have been killed in this year as we 
lost in Gov. Harrison's battle. I do not recollect the exact number of either, 
and I cannot ascertain our late losses ; but since I wrote you last, I have ascer- 
tained an additional account of murders committed in this Territory, contain- 
ing men, women and children. 

I am informed by a Colonel of militia that considerable mischief was lately 
done within between forty and sixty miles of the United States saline. By a 
letter of the 3d inst., he states that two militia Captains in that quarter had 
raised a party and had pursued the murderers, but had not returned on the 
date of his letter. In this way, we shall lose more than we should lose by a 
battle. Such repetitions of outrages will, I fear, embolden the hostile and fix 
the wavering against us. ^Ve have no security against those attacks but by 
carrying the war into the Indian country, and this we shall, in a few weeks, 
be unable to do ; for then, the hot season comes on, and during its continu- 
ance it is utterly impossible to carry on any expedition on horseback through 
the prairies. Unless the Indians should be arrested in this kind of warfare, 
they will continue it till the corn begins to ripen, and then, I have no doubt, 
they will embody and attempt to strike some decisive blow. 

I am extremely much in hopes that the protection, which has hitherto been 
contemplated for this quarter, will not be withdrawn. The people have been 
led to calculate on it, which has prevented many from leaving the country ; 
and were it withdrawn, I should be charged with exciting false hopes, and 
rendering them victims to those expectations. 

Our north-western frontier, I presume, is well understood. We are now 
very much imposed on by our eastern frontier. The settlements in this coun- 



LETTERS AND SPEECHES OP NINIAN EDWARDS. 32l 

try generally extend up the Mississippi, with the exception of those on the 
Ohio ; those settlements extend no -ivhere very iar from the jNIississippi. Their 
width is very inconsiderable, being bounded on the one side by the river, and 
on the other by the great prairies, that cannot be inhabited for want of 
wood and water. Every part, therefore, appears to be equally exposed ; and 
so great and so just are the general apprehensions of danger, that it is impos- 
sible to draw out and embody the militia fi)r any general measure of defense 
— each particular part being so much exposed, that it has no men to spare 
from its own defense. 

The notes I promised to send you, by the last mail, I was then unable, from 
sickness, to prepare. I now send them — and, if it is desired, I will continue 
to send all such information as I may be able to collect hereafter. The igno- 
rance which I labored under, on those subjects, when I first came here, has 
rendered me indefatigable in exploring all the sources of information that 
were accessible to me ; but it is hardly probable that it can be equally im- 
portant to you, and I have some fears that, from an anxiety, honest and sin- 
cere, to discharge my whole duty, I have sometimes been rather troublesome. 
If so, in my motives I hope you will see some apology. 

T have the honor to be. 

Very respectfully, sir, 

Your most obedient servant, 

NINIAN EDWARDS. 
To ELoN. William Eustis, Secretary of War, Washington City. 



Elvirade, May 16, 1813. 
Sir : 

I have completely ascertained that the murder of the family, mentioned in 
my letter of February 18th, Avas perpetrated by a party of Kickapoos, resi- 
ding near Peoria ; the Indians acknowledge the fact. The great chief of the 
tribe has frankly communicated it to one of my agents, with a request that I 
should be informed of it. Gov. Howard has demanded these murderers of 
me, and I now await directions how to proceed. A demand at present, under 
existing circumstances, would, I think, be attended with no good effect and 
much expense. It might aggravate hostility and hasten the war, when we 
are totally unprepared to meet it — no troops of any description having yet 
arrived. Nothing but a display of military force can induce the Indians to 
surrender such number of murderers. 

Yours, etc., 

NINIAN EDWARDS. 
To Hon. Wm. Eustis, Secretary of War. 

P. S. — Finding it necessary, I appointed Jacques Mette a resident inter- 
preter, on the l7th of last month, at a salary of one dollar jjer day and one 
and a half rations. — N. E. 



—41 



322 LETTERS AND SPEECHES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 

Elvirade, May 20, 1812. 

^ir : 

Some time last month I had tlie honor to receive your letter of the 10th of 
October last, requesting me to forward to the War Dei:)artment a statement 
of the articles which the Indians under my suiDerintendence wished to receive 
as their annuity for the present year. 

Although I supposed the letter had reached me too late to answer the in- 
tended purjDose, T immediately dispatched a letter to the Kaskaskia tribe, but 
could receive no answer in consequence of the absence of the chief, who had 
gone to the Delaware villages in Louisiana. They will, however, be content 
with the same articles they received last year. Hitherto no annuities have 
been sent to me for any other tribe, and really great confusion exists in our 
Indian department in this country. All except a small band of the Kickapoos 
reside in this Territory, and also a very large portion of the Pottawottamies, 
as you will perceive liy the notes I have forwarded by the last mail. I am, 
6X-officio, Superintendent of Indian Aifairs in this Territory, and I am destitute 
of that control and inlluencc which the payment of annuities always produces, 
and the Indians themselves arc distracted by the confusion of having a Father 
here and another at Vincennes. I beg leave to suggest that it would, in my 
opinion, be best to combine the whole business in the hands of Gov. Harrison 
or myself exclusively. 

The annuities can be very conveniently scut to the Indians from this quar- 
ter, and I dare say they would prefer receiving them here. 

Gen. Clark can give you every uccessarj^ information on the subject, etc. 

NINIAN EDWARDS. 

To Hon. William Eustis, Secretarij of Wur. 

P. H. — I have, as yet, heard nothing from tlie companies of rangers that you 
informed me were ordered on. The appearances of hostilities continue to in- 
crease. Some of our people have killed, as I am informed, about five Indians. 
The particulars I have not yet learned. I have removed all the Indians from 
this quarter who had not a right to reside here ; and, to protect the Kaskas- 
kia tribe, I have been obliged to call them in, and am now furnishing them 
rations at the public expense. This measure is absolutely necessary for our 
safety, as well as theirs.-— N. Edwards. 



Elvirade, May 20, 1812. 
Sir : 

I had the honor, a short time; ago, to receive your letters of the 26th and 
27th of March. Not a moment was lost in complying with the requisitions 
contained in the first, and the contents of the latter have been communicated 
to Col. Grant, etc. 

xV. EDWARDS. 

To Hon. Albert Gallatin, Secrdary of Treasury. 



LETTERS AND SPEECHES OP NINIAN EDWARDS. 323 

Ei.vinADE, May 23, 1813. 

Sir : 

An express from theUuited States Saline has just reached me, with the in- 
closed communications, whicli tend to show the embarrassing situation in 
which I am placed — having no authority from the President to call out the 
militia, and believing the whole country to be in imminent danger. Acting, 
however, for the best, I shall sanction the order of Col. Trammul, and con- 
tinue the men in service until I can hear from you on the subject, etc. 

NINIAN EDWARDS. 
To Ho>-. Wm. Eustis, Secretary of War, ^V'ashington City. 



Ei,viRADE, M<!y 24, 1812. 
Sir : 

You will pay great attention to the movements of the Illinois Indians and 
all those in the neighborhood. 

You will take every means in your power to ascertain when Main-pock will 
return and Avhat his disposition may be towards the United States, and, if 
hostile, wbat forces he will be likely to raise. You will, on your return, em- 
ploy Mr. LcClair to make a tour througii the country between Lake Michi- 
gan and the Mississippi, visiting all the villages that you may deem neces- 
sary, particularly those of Milwaukee and the Winnebagoes. You will ap- 
prise him that it will be expected that he ascertain the dispositions and in- 
tentions of the Indians, as far as possible, and that, on his return, the best 
geographical description he can give of the country will be expected. 

You are also to collect information, as far as practicable, of the designs of 
the Prophet's party — their oj^erations and their force. You will transmit to 
me, as often as possible, such information as you may be able to collect. If 
anything important should transpire, you will hire an express, taking care 
that the news shall reach me in the least possible time. 

You Avill have to incur some expenses for friendly Indians who may visit 
you. In all these things you will make the best contracts that you can, and 
be as economical in your expenditures as possible, consistently^with the pub 
lie interest and advantage. Those expenses I shall pay.;|j^Transmit to me, as 
often as possible, a list of your contracts and expenses. 
Yours, etc., 

NINIAN EDWARDS. 

To Tiios. FoKSYTii, Esq. 



Elvirade, Randolph County, ) 
May 26, 1812. 4 

Sir : 

1 have the honor to inform you that, since^my last letter to you, I have re- 
ceived communications^from Terre_Blanch, on the Peoria River, about thirty 
miles from the Prophet's town, dated the 3d and 27th of April, from which it 
appears that a large majority of the Indians of that quarter were at that time 



324 LETTERS AND SPEECHES OP NINIAN EDWARDS. 

decidedly in favor of war -with us, and that, within the space of a month, 
they had carried to that place about fifty stolen horses. 

I have also received communications from Chicago, containing the account 
of the murder of two men at that place, and other hostile indications on the 
part of the Indians. By these communications I have also been informed 
that, on the first of this month, a man by the name of Francis Keneaum, a 
subject of Great Britain, and an inhabitant of the town of Maulden, in Upper 
Canada, with two Chippeway Indians, arrived at Chicago, where he was ar- 
rested as a spy or British emissary ; and I now have in my possession a copy 
of on affidavit, made by him, in which he swears that, about the 14th of 
April, a Mr. Innis, a merchant, and brother-in-law to Capt. Matthew Elliott, 
Indian agent in Canada, applied to him to go to Green Bay on secret busi- 
ness, which he then refused ; that afterwards he was employed by the same 
person, and was then on his way to Green Bay to meet Mr. Robert Dixon, 
merchant, of JMackina ; that the two Indians were provided as guards for him ; 
that lie received a quantity of wrought silver, of British manufacture, consist- 
ing of brooches aud ear-bobs (or ear-rings), was promised £25 in cash for his 
trouble, and that he believed the nature of his journey was relative to Indian 
affairs and sanctioned by Capt. Elliott. The Indians also acknowledged that 
they had been employed to accompany him. 

I have also received a great deal of information from Peoria, consisting of 
movements at the Prophet's town, the passage of a number of Indians on their 
v/ay to join him, etc., etc. — all tending to prove the intentions of hostility 
and the increasing strength of the Prophet's party. Every account I have 
received, lately, makes his number greater than it was last year. 

The chiefs of the Indians on the Illinois are wavering — they do not take a 
decided part. I hope for the best ; but I know there is no trusting to pro- 
fessions or appearances among them. In consequence, however, of some ex- 
pressions contained in a letter I received from them since I wrote, I have de- 
termined to start my interpreter to them to-morrow with a demand for the 
murderers of O'lSleal's family. 

Mr. Forsyth, of Peoria, left my house yesterday. He thinks the murderers 
will be delivered up. He is a very intelligent, gentlemanly man, has a perfect 
knowledge of the Indians, and would make a first rate agent ; but he posi- 
tively refuses to take $700 per annum and one ration per day for his services 
as sub-agent, which, I understand, was what Gen. Clark was authorized to 
offer him. Finding him decided on this point, and determined to go to De- 
troit on his private business, I offered to pay him an increase of $200 per an- 
num and two rations per day, out of my private funds (provided the Govern- 
ment would not increase his salary), if he would stay — believing, as I do, 
that Peoria is now a most imjjortant point to collect information of every 
kind calculated for our success, and to facilitate our intercourse with and 
command a control over the Indians. I am not bound for the above men- 
tioned increase of salary any longer than I can hear from you on the subject; 
but I should be very happy if you would take the trouble of making some 
inquiries of Gen. Clark, whom you will shortly see. He is personally ac- 



LETTERS AND SPEECHES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 325 

quainted witli Mr. Forsyth, and knows the importance of the point at which 
the services are required. 

I believe Peoria to be the most eligible point, at or near the frontiers of 
the United States, that could be occupied. It is more central to a great num 
ber of Indians, and it is not so remote from our settlements but that they 
would derive nearly as much security from troops there, as if they were nearer 
— thus combining the usual advantages of troops at such places with the pos- 
itive protection of our frontiers, which is never the case where garrisons are 
fixed too far in the interior of the Indian country. 
I have the honor to be. 

Very respectfully, sir. 

Your most obedient servant, 

NINIAN EDWARDS. 
To Hon. Wm. Eustis, Becretxtry of War, Washington City. 



Elvirade, Randolph County, jl 
Illinois Territory, June 2, 1812. ( 
Sir: 

I have the honor to transmit, herewith, a " talk," which I sent a few days 
since to the Kickajjoos. So much depends on the proper management of those 
Indians and their confederates on the Illinois, that I believe it is to be both 
an embarrassing and critical business, and, therefore, I feel desirous to ex- 
hibit to you not only what I have done, but the manner of doing it. 

I should not have made the demand, but that it appeared so evidently 
invited by the chiefs, that silence might have been mistaken by them for an 
abandonment of any requisition for satisfaction. The whole of their profes- 
sions may be, however, designed to lull us into a false security, whilst they 
are concentrating their forces and preparing for hostilities. 

If they do not surrender the murderers, I am convinced they will immedi- 
ately commence war. If they should comply with my demand, it will make 
an everlasting breach between them and the Prophet's party, and confirm 
them in a pacific disposition towards us. 

If the Illinois Indians become hostile, they will over-run this Territory. 
They are able to do so, for our population is very much dispersed, and cannot 
be drawn out to any one point of danger ; and in an enumeration which I 
caused to be made, some time since, there were only about 2,000 male inhabi- 
tants above the age of twenty-one in the whole Territory, and since that time 
the population is considerably diminished. Great alarm exists in the Ohio 
settlements, in consequence of an extraordinary assemblage of southern 
Indians, on the opposite side of that river. I have heard many particulars 
about these Indians, and have received some expresses from that quarter ; 
but the accounts I have heard are not sufficiently authenticated to be de- 
pended on. 

I have sent out spies to make discoveries, and shall probably be able, by 
tlie next mail, to transmit correct information on this subject. 



326 LETTERS AND SPEECHES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 



Our danger does not seem in the least diminished, and, as yet, no company 
of any kind has arrived. 

I have the honor to be. 

Very rcspoctfiilly, Hir, 

Your most obcdieul serrant, 

NINIAN EDWARDS. 
To Hon. Wm. Eustii^i, Wmy Deparimtnl, Washington City. 



Elvirade, Kandolph County, ) 
June 16, 1812. ) 

Sir : 

Two days ago I received the answer of the Kickapoos to my demand for 
the murderers of O'Neal's family, consisting of ten persons. It abounds with 
complaints and recriminations, and contains a decided refusal to deliver up 
the hiurderers, contrary to expectation which they themselves had authorized 
by their previous communication to me, and liy their conversations with Mr. 
Forsyth and Mr. Mette, my interpreter. ^ 

The Indians with whom I held my late council iiavc failed to comply with 
the promises they made me. Large numbers are now collected together at 
the head of Peoria Lake. They have killed a number of cattle belonging to 
the inhabitants of the village, and have exhibited strong indications of u 
hostile disposition towards us. This change in their conduct is attributable 
to their communications with the Prophet's party, and to the intluencc of a 
party of Miamis that have lately joined them. 

From the above and other circumstances, I am convinced they will com- 
mence hostilities as soon as they hear of a declaration of war against Eng- 
land, or as soon as they may be told that such an event will certainly happen ; 
and with only about 1,700 militia men in the whole Territory, dispersed from 
one end of it to the other, I can see but little prospect of opposing them with 
success. But nothing in my power to do shall be left undone. 

For further particulars, I beg leave to refer you to Mr. Forsyth's letter 
which I have the honor to inclose. 

I have the honor to be yours, etc., 

NINIAN EDWARDS. 

To IION. WiLLIAH EUSTIS. 

p_ s, — Grov. Howard and myself have sent out a force to oppose three parties 
of Indians that have lately been discovered on the Mississippi River. One 
party below where O'Neal's family was killed, one on the east and the other 
on the west bank of the river, above Fort Madison, on which they are suij- 
posed to have some design. — N. Edwards. 



letters and speeches op ninian edwards. 327 

Elvirade, Illinois Territory, ) 
June 17, 1813. \ 

aS'/?- .- 

Some time past, I had the honor to receive a letter from the Honorable Sec- 
retary of War, stating that a force would be organized for the defense of our 
frontiers, whicli he supposed would remove the apprehensions of the people 
of this quarter, etc. 

I lately received another letter from the same gentleman, informing me that 
you were to take the command of five companies of the rangers, authorized 
by law to be raised for the defense of the frontiers, viz : tliosc of Ohio, Ken- 
tucky, Indiana and this Territory. And having understood that you left 
Frankfort, a short time since, for Viucenues, I address you at that place, 
supposing it probable my letter may reach you there. 

I have, within a few days, received very interesting iuf >rmation relative to 
the Indians, which induces me to believe that not only our frontier, but the 
whole Territory is in great danger — on which account as well as another, your 
presence hero, if convenient, would be very desirable. In iive days, my func- 
tions as Governor expire. The Secretary is not here, and if he were, could 
not act till it is known whether I shall be re-appointed or not. Intending to 
do the best I can, I do not wish that my want of power to act should be 
known at a time when it may be highly important to act at all hazards. 

I shall be very happy to hear from you, and would be much pleased to see 

you at my house. 

Your most obedient, 

NINIAN EDWARDS. 
To Col. Russell. 



Elvirade, Jane 23, 1813. 
Sir : 

On Saturday last, I received oflicial notice from Col. Russell that he had 
arrived at Vincenues for the purpose of taking measures for defending the 
frontier — in consequence of which, I have issued orders for discharging the 
force I have had in service, and which I had previously ordered out from the 
necessity of the case, till the measures contemplated by the Government could 
be got into operation. 

The Colonel having stated that he was directed to confer with me, I have 
given him the best and most candid view which I was able to take of our 
situation, and have promised all the aid and co-operation in my power. My 
powers as Governor of the Territory have, however, expired. 

The Prophet and his emissaries have been latterly very active in endeavor- 
ing to stir up all the Indians between Lake Michigan and the Mississippi. 
Several general councils have l)een held. The Chippeways and Sioux have 
been applied to. 

Dixon, the British trader, has returned, with a considerable number of 
Indians, to Green Bay. 

I have reason to believe that the point of communication between the Brit- 
ish and the Indiaue, from whom we have everything to apprehend, will be 



328 LETTERS AND SPEECHES OP NINIAN EDWARDS. 

on the St. Mary's, between Lakes Huron and Superior. This, together witli 
the movements of the army in Michigan, will add to the inducements (now, I 
think, strong enough) to the Prophet to unite his party with the Illinois 
Indians ; and if so, the whole weight of the hostile confederacy will be thrown 
on this Territory. 

How such a number can remained embodied w^ith the Prophet, I know not. 
The difficulty of procuring provisions must be very great, much more so than 
on the Illinois, for at the latter place the lake al)ouuds with fish, on which the 
Indians can and do live ; and if they should find it necessary to take the 
cattle that belong to the people of Peoria, there are enough to last them a 
long time. 

Hitherto I have apprehended most danger from mere predatory parties ; and, 
knowing the effects which the movements of troops have upon the Indians, 
I have kept my small force constantly in motion, ranging generally from the 
Mississippi to the Kaskaskia, and sometimes between the latter and the 
Wabash. These measures have been, so far, very successful, and, I think, in 
consequence, their small parties will be deterred from coming in ; and as 
it can hardly be expected such extraordinarily large numbers of Indians can 
remain much longer assembled together without attempting something, a 
general attack is rendered much more probable than I have heretofore 
believed it. 

By a communication I received since I forwarded Forsyth's letter, it 
appears that the number of Indians now embodied near Peoria is not less 
than seven hundred, and with the boats now in the river and the canoes in 
their possession, they could transjiort themselves to Kaskaskia in four or five 

days. 

Respectfully, your obedient servant, 

NINIAN EDWARDS. 
To Hon. Wm. Eustis, Secretary of War, Washington City. 



Elviuade, June 30, 1812. 
Sir : 

I had the honor to inform you, in m^'^ letter of May Gth, that I had found it 
necessary to call out a company of mounted riflemen to co-operate with the 
rangers in guarding our frontier. I presu-me the number of men, women and 
children who have fallen, bleeding victims, to the ruthless ferocity of the 
savages, and the concurring testimony of various spies, agents and sub-agents 
in support of the further hostile intentions of the Indians and their prepara- 
tions to invade us, must be considered as having rendered the measure I have 
adopted not only justifiable, but an act of positive duty, independent of any 
sanction it might seem to derive from the law of Congress, which admits the 
danger upon less authority, by providing for our protection. A personal 
influence which I was fortunate enough to have with the volunteers I called 
into service, together with the most solemn pledges to exert myself to procure 
them compensation, alone enabled me to eft'ect my plan. I soon found that 



LETTERS AND SPEECHES OP NINIAN EDAVARDS. 329 

it would be impossible to keep out any one company for any length of time' 
au(1 £ organized two volunteer companies, one under the command of Capt . 
Moore and the other under Capt. Short — two as meritorious militia officers as 
I ever knew. These have regularly relieved each other every fifteen days, 
except during Capt. Short's last term, which was longer than usual. I was 
obliged to call out Capt. IMoore's company to oppose a party of Indians who 
had collected near a different part of our frontier. 

These men, I will venture to say, have performed as arduous services as 
ever were performed in the same length of time. They have ranged to a great 
distance — princii^ally between the Illinois and the Kaskaskia rivers, and 
sometimes between the Kask;>skia and the Wabash — always keeping their line 
of march never less than one and sometimes three days' journey outside of 
all the settlements. They have sometimes been divided — one part marching 
m one direction and the other in an opposite way — with a view to distract 
the attention and produce the greatest possible effect on the Indians. And 
while the danger was only to be ajjprehended from small bands, intending to 
approach, us from different directions, this plan was the only one, of a defen- 
sive character, that could insure any security. Its propriety is sufficiently 
tested by its success ; for since it has been in operation, not a life has been 
lost on an extensive and the most exposed frontier that belongs to the United 
States. 

By the arrangement of each of tliese companies relieving each othei-, it 
will be the same in effect as if only one company had been in the service ; but 
as they had necessarily to keep in a state of preimration, and always lost 
time in collecting at the place of rendezvous, they may possibly be consid- 
ered by you as having a claim to more compensation than for the actual time 
they were ranging. Many of them had to incur debts in equipping them- 
selves, and their pay ought to pass through the hands of their Captains, one 
of whom has incurred expenses to the amount of about three hundred dollars 
for his men, depending on their receiving pay to reimburse him. 

I have the honor to send, herewith, muster and pay-rolls for those compa- 
nies — although in the pay-rolls the amount due is not stated, because I knew 
not \yhat would be allowed. 

After the depredations were committed on the Wabash, a company was 
ordered into service from the neighborhood of the United States saline, under 
circumstances which I have had the honor to communicate to you. From 
that company I have not yet received the muster and pay-rolls. 

My measures having been wholly precautionary, ami adopted till those con- 
templated by the Government could be got into operation, were abandoned 
and the whole force discharged as soon as I received a notification from Col. 
Russell that he had arrived at Vineennes for the purpose of defending the 
frontiers. 

I Very respectfully, yours, etc., 

N. EDWARDS. 
To Hon. Wm. Edstis. 



-42 



330 LETTERS AND SPEECHES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 

Elvirade, Jiinc 29, 1812. 
Sir : 

Since my letter of the 23d iiist., I have received information, which I am 
sure can be relied on, that the plan which the British now mean to adopt for 
introducing their goods into the Indian country is to send them from their 
deposit in the Straits of St. Mary's, between Lakes Huron and Superior, by 
Indians in canoes, to Green Bay, where an agent will remain to receive them. 
The Indians who went on with Dixon aFe to be employed in this service, and 
it is supposed the non-importation will not be enforced against them, if they 
should even happen to pass undiscovered. If, however, this plan tails, the 
same Indians are to be cmi)loyed in carrying the goods by land to some point 
on Lake Michigan. 

A fe^v days i^ast, I received a communication from Gov. Harrison, stating 
that he had received information that twenty Pottawottamios had left their 
village to connnit depredations "on the Kaskaskia road." I know not what 
road is meant ; but from the manner in which Gov. H. received the informa- 
tion, I think it very prol)al)le that I shall hear of mischief being done some- 
where in a few days. 

Yours, etc. 

N. EDWARDS. 

To Hox. Wm. Eustis. 



Cahokia, ,7»«(' 29, 1812. 
Governor : 

Since I had the honor of M'riting you last, I have «een it stated, in the 
"Argus of Western America," of the 10th inst., that sometime jjrevious Col. 
Wra. Russell had received orders to go to the Indiana Territory for the pur- 
pose of taking command of the six companies of rangers and the regulars of 
"the U. S. Army. It is also stated that he is requested to corresijoud with 
Gov. Harrison, etc., on the subject relative to the situation of our affairs with 
the Indians. As all the information that can be procured, on that subject, 
will be desirable, I liumby submit to you my oliscrvations — especially as it 
aftects the community at large. 

It appears to me that the great and principal object has been overlooked, 
to which you may probably procure some remedy. I think if all those In- 
dians that I mentioned in my last to you, living about Lake Michigan, 
cannot be suiDplied by the British traders according to the President's procla- 
mation, all their traders will therefore retire to their own country, and then 
all those tribes, amounting to some thousands, will consider themselves as 
abandoned and as it were, dead, and through despair immediately they will 
assemble all the nations around them, determined to conquer or die, and de- 
stroy us, our wives and children, before necessary assistance can be obtained. 
Thank God I may be mistaken, and if I am, it will be Avhen the United 
States will send factors or traders among those Indians to supply them with 
merchandise and jDowder, etc., to support them and their families, for which 
they will exchange their peltries — then and not till then will they be peaceful. 



LETTERS AND SPEECHES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 331 

But under our present regulation, we bave not only taken from them our 
traders, but in tlieir place we have supplied them with no others. 
This i'ar I have ventured to give you my opinion, and 
Remain, ^vith due res2)ect, 

Your most humble and obedient servant, 

JARROTT. 



Ei.vir.\i:)p:, Randolph County, } 
Illinois Territory, July 7, 1812. f 
Sir: 

I had the honor to receive yours of the 4th ult., by the' last mail. 

Nothing new has occurred since my last letter, except that one of the Cap- 
tains was ranging fell in with a trail of Indians, near the settlements, which 
is supposed to have been made by the Pottawottamies. The trail was pur- 
sued without success, the Indians having separated, and very heavy rains hav- 
ing fallen about that time. 

I have the honor to inclose you a letter from Major Jarrott, of Cahokia, to 
myself Pie is one of the most intelligent, wealthy and respectable French 
citizens ; was at Prairie du Chien when Mr. Dixon left there on his return. 
The letter to which the inclosed refers I cannot now lay my hands on. It, 
however, states that there were collected at Prairie du Chien, of difterent 
tribes of Indians, 3,377, and these I suppose are the Indians he speaks of as 
being collected on Lake Michigan. 

I have forwarded returns from the militia, etc., agreeably to your instruc- 
tions. Some of them were transmitted, under cover, to yourself, having been 
sent off before I received directions to send them to the paymaster of the 
army in the city of Washington. 

The militia who have been in service have performed the duties of mounted 

rangers, and furnished themselves at their own expense with every thing. 

Very respectfully, etc., 

NINIAN EDWARDS. 
To Hon. Wm. Eustis, War DeiHirtmcnt. 



ELVIR.i.DE, RA.NDOLPH COUNTT, } 

Illinois Territory, July 20, 1813. \ 

Sir : 

I had the honor to receive by the last mail your letters of the 11th and 
19th, to the contents of which I lost not a moment in giving the necessary 
attention. On the same day I dispatched a messenger to Peoria with a "talk," 
to the Indians assembled near that place, and urged them, by every induce- 
ment which I thought likely to succeed, to visit the Commissioners from the 
President at Piqua-town, in the State of Ohio. I also enjoined on my mes- 
senger to exert his influence with them to the same eflfect. I sincerely hope 
they will comply viith the request ; but I cannot flatter myself with a belief 
that they will certainly do so. 



332 LETTERS AND SPEECHES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 

As some objection might be made, on their part, to the want of timely 
notice, I requested that they should set out as soon as possible, and go on, 
even if they should not be able to arrive by the 1st of August, but in this 1 
have not, in the least, committed the President. 

The Indians have, for some time past, been in real want of povv'dcr. They, 
however, are induced to believe that they will receive all their supplies at 
the British Fort of St. Josephs, between the Lakes Huron and Superior; and 
the British traders calculate upon carrying goods from Montreal to that place. 
It is owing to those circumstances, most probablj', that such uncommonly 
large numbers are collected and collecting on the western borders of Lake 
Michigan. 

I continue to believe that we may expect an attack in this quarter as soon 
as corn gets into roasting ears, which will be very shortly. The Indians 
remain embodied near Peoria, and have lately killed about twenty head oi 
cattle, belonging to the inhabitants of that village. 

Should Congress have passed a law for raising additional companies of 
rangers, and it be considered advisable to raise them in this quarter, I could 
have at least two companies raised and organized in a week's notice. 

The situation of the principal settlements in this Territory and Louisiana, 
in relation to the Indians, is such as to require a concert and union of opera- 
tions; for the danger of the one is completely identilied with the other, 
which all former experience has prov(!d, and which is sufficiently obvious 
from the Mississippi being the great highway of the Indians and the resi- 
dence of tiiose from whom we have most danger to apprehend — being either 
on it or some other river which empties into it above St. Louis — and wherever 
they can transport themselves by water, they will not travel by land. 

I beg leave to recommend Capt. James Moore, of this Territory, as a gentle- 
man well (|ualified to command a company of rangers. 

I have the honor to be. 

Very respectfully, sir. 

Your most obedient servant, 

NINIAN EDWARDS. 
To Hon. Wm. Eustis, Secretary of War, "Washington City. 



Elvirade, RANDOLrn County, i 
Illinois Territory, August 4, 1812. J 
Sir : 

On the receipt of the information which I had the honor to transmit to 
you with my last letter, I immediately proceeded to organize some companies 
of militia to oppose the threatened invasion, and went to the upper county 
of the Territory for the purpose of putting that force in operation, in which 
I succeeded with great ease, although I had no legal authority to act at all. 

Whiteside's company of rangers has gone up to the Illinois River, in a well 
fortified boat, with a view to prevent the Indians from descending the river. 
This measure was rendered necessary by the impossibility of watching the 



LETTERS AND SPEECHES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 333 

liver any other way, as, for miles above its mouth, swamp lakes and ponds 
prevent any access to it by land, and the well known habits of the Indians 
and the history of the country render it almost positively certain that, if 
they invade us, they will come by water. 

Since my last letter I have received information from every quarter with 
which we have any communication, on either side of the Mississippi — all of 
which is conlirmatory of that which was forwarded to you. 

In April last I informed you that Dixon, the celebrated Britisli trader, who 
spent the last winter on the river St. Peters, calculated with certainty that 
in the event of a British war, he could make peace between the Chippeways 
and tlie Sioux, and bring both these powerful nations into the hostile con- 
federacy against us, and that of course all others in this part of America would 
be coerced to join it, if they were not inclined to do it as a matter of choice. 
It now very satisfactorily appears that those nations have made jjeace, and 
the Sioux are making a very conspicuous figure iu the hostile confederacy. 

The two Chippeway Indians who v/ere apprehended at Chicago, as I 
informed you in my letter of May 26th, had taken the precaution to put their 
letters in their moccasins and bury them in the ground. After they were 
discharged they proceeded to Green Bay, where they delivered the letters to 
Dixon. A Mr. Frazier, of, Prairie du Chien, who accompanied Dixon from 
that place, states that the latter was informed, in the letters alluded to, that 
he might expect to hear of the British flag flying on the American garrison 
of Michilimacinac. 

Dixon wrote to his clerk, a Mr. Anderson, in Prairie du Chien, that the 
Indians had collected on Lake Michigan to receive guns, ammunition and 
merchandize, from the British. 

Letters from Fort Madison, dated 21st ultimo, state that the Indians fre- 
quently threaten hostilities as soon as their corn is ripe, and that the Sacs set 
out for their villages on the 19th to make sweet corn — so, as they say, the 
critical time is drawing near. 

I send herewith a speech that was made, in a late council which was held 
at the Sacs' village, by a Kickapoo, who spoke for the Wiunebagoes, Kicka- 
poos, Pottawottamies, Shawnees and Miamies, who were present. 

The messenger whom I sent to Peoria to invite the Indians on the Illinois 
River to Piqua-town, returned last night with the answer of Gomo, the prin- 
cipal chief He tries to evade the request, and states that if they go, they are 
afraid that if their Great Father should give them presents, he will say he 
has bought their lands. 

He acknowledged to my messenger that the Indians had all tendered their 
services to the British. It is now well understood at Peoria that the Indians 
are for war, and are only waiting for directions from the British. 

They contemplate an attack upon four different points at the same time : 
one party (and a very strong one, too,) is to attack the settlements on the 
Mississippi ; another i^arty (those east of Lake Michigan) to join against Gen. 
Hull's army ; another to attack Chicago ; and another to attack the Indiana 
Territory. ThcJse near Peoria are now constantly killing and eating the cat- 
tle of that village. 



334 LETTERS AND SPEECHES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 

The Sacs, Osages and Winuebagoes have all made peace, which itself is a 
very striking circumstance in considering our situation. 

The Indians on the Illinois are well supplied with English powder, and 
have been selling some of it to the white people. A few days ago, they sent 
some of their party with live horses to the Sac village, for lead. Pamwotam, 
the great chief of the Kickapoos, was hourly expected to return from Canada. 

In consequence of having received information from Fort Madison, Peoria 
and the Ohio, of some of the southern Indians intending shortly to join the 
hostile confederacy, and the report also ))eing confirmed by information from 
a Shawnee at St. Louis, I dispatched a confidential Indian to the Shawnee 
village, near Cape Girardeau, in Missouri Territory, to collect all the informa- 
tion in his power. lie returned last night, and informed me that there are 
now about 1,000 Indians on White River, and another river that empties into 
the Arkansas, consisting of Cherokoes, Chickasaws, Chocktaws, Catawbas, 
and Creeks ; that they arc shortly to have a great meeting on White River, 
within about three days' journey from St. Genevieve ; that the southern In- 
dians who joined the Cherokees, in the course of tiic present year, crossed 
the Mississippi near Chickasaw Blufi:s ; that about two months ago the Creeks 
Avere carrying belts of wampum araong the Shawnees, Delawares, Osages, 
Cherokees, etc., and that all of those Indians had been very friendly and had 
lately been intermarrying. He also states that the Shawnees have left their 
villages, and are going up the Missouri to hunt with tlie Osages; that the 
Cherokees expect to go shortly to the same place, with the same intentions, 
l.)ut he could not learn that they had any hostile views. These facts, when 
combined with others, admonish us to be prepared for the worst. 

At the same time that I received the information that the Prophet and his 
companies were active in stirring up the hostility of the Indians between 
Lake Michigan and the Mississippi, which was communicated in my letter of 
June 23d, I was informed that a party of Creeks had left the Prophet's town 
and gone down the Wabash ; and, from the coincidences of time and circum- 
stances, I suspect they are the same persons who were engaged in carrying 
the belts of wampum among the Indians on the west of the Mississippi. The 
conduct pursued on each side of the river seems to be exactly similar ; and 
another fact furnishes strong evidence that the belts of wampum were carried 
by hostile Indians — for the confidential Indian I employed also stated to me 
that it was some of those Creeks who were carrying those belts that commit- 
ted the murders near Chickasaw Blufis. 

The Sacs are known to be decidedly hostile; and the Osages, with whom 
they were so lately at war, are, at this time, freely mixing with them, as I am 
positively informed by my messenger just from Peoria. This union certainly 
does not augur anything favorable to us ; and to the same course that has 
produced it may be attributed the close connection or intimacy that has lately 
been cultivated between those Indians west of the Mississippi, which now ap- 
pears to be leading them all to the same hunting ground. The suspicion I 
entertain derives some support, also, from the circumstance of the discontent 
manifested last year by the Osages, concerning their treaty with us. 



LETTERS AND SPEECHES OP NINIAN EDWARDS. 335 



About two weeks ago I was informed, by two Indians, who I think can be 
depended on, that the Cherokees of White River had proposed to the Shaw- 
nees and Delawares to remove and settle among them, and unite in the war 
against us ; that the Shawnees and Delawares had refused, and the rej)ly of 
the Cherokees was, that, if they would not join them, they should share the 
same fate of the white peojjle. Connecting this circumstance with the silence 
of the Shawnees on the subject — their leaving their villages at this season of 
the year — their going among the Osages, where the Cherokees also propose 
shortly to go — and the conduct that has been practiced among the Indians 
generally, of late — suspicion is unavoidable with me. 

In short, I believe there is a universal combination among the Indians. It 
has, in a great measure, been produced by the jealousy excited among the 
British fur companies by companies that have been organized among our- 
selves for similar purposes, and by the state of Avar. 

Dixon, and the most intelligent of the British traders, have openly declared 
that, as they have been exclusively in the habit of supplying the great bodies 
of Chippeways and Sioux, all they had to do, to make them take part in the 
w^ar, would be to threaten them that they would withdraw all their traders. 
Indejjendent of the Indians west of the Mississippi and three hundred lodges 
of Sioux on the Wisconsin, we may certainly count on 4,400 who can reach 
the settlements on the i\Iississippi in six or eight days, and come all the way 
by water. Our danger is, therefore, very evident, and it is equal on both 
sides of the river. 

The principal settlements of this Territory being on the Mississippi, are at 
least one hundred and fifty miles from those of Indiana, and immense prairies 
intervene between them. There can, therefore, be no concert of operations 
for the protection of their frontiers and ours. I have been obliged to write 
in great -haste. 

I have the honor to be, etc., 

NINIAN EDWARDS. 
To Hon. Wm. Eustis, Secretary of War. 

P. S. — No troops of any kind have yet arrived in this Territory, and I think 
you may count on hearing of a bloody stroke upon us very soon. I have 
been extremely reluctant to send my family away, but, unless I hear shortly 
of more assistance than a few rangers, I shall bury my pajjers in the ground, 
send my family oil", and stand my ground as long as jjossible.— N. Edwards. 



Er.viRADE, Randoi,pii County, / 
Illinois Territory, Aur/ust 8, 1812. \ 
Sir : 

In my letters of May 6th and 12th, and June 23d, I suggested the proba- 
bility of the Prophet's uniting his force with the Illinois Indians, in the event 
of their becoming hostile. 

In my letter of June IGtli I informed you of a party of Miamics having gone 
to Illinois — since which, I have been informed, at different times, that more 
Miamies, the Kickapoos, Ottaways, and Pottawottamies have also left the 



336 LETTEES AND SPEECHES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 

Prophet, and collected at the same place. Still later I was informed that 
the Prophet's party had dispersed ; and all the aljove iuforiTiation is fully 
confirmed by a communication which I have seen from ]\[r. Wells, at J'ort 
Wayne, dated July 29th. 

He states that, on the 17th June, Tecumseh passed that place, on his way 
to Maiden, to receive from the British twelve horse-loads of ammunition. He 
arrived at Maiden a few days before Gen. Hull reached Detroit, and immedi- 
ately declared he would join the British against the United States. 

On the 13th of July, the Prophet arrived at Fort Wayne, with about one 
hundred of his followers. Seven days afterwards an express from Tecumseh 
arrived at the Prophet's camp, with directions to him to rally his adherents, 
send their women and children towards the Mississijjpi, and strike a heavy 
blow upon Indiana Territory, stating, also, that he (Tecumseh), if lie lived, 
would join the Prophet in the country of the Winnebagoes, which is on Rock 
River between Lake Michigan and the Mississippi, and in this Territory. The 
succeeding day the Prophet dispatched two Kickajioos to execute the orders 
of Tecumseh, and they stole two of Mr. Wells' horses. Mr. Wells states that 
he has received the above information from a quarter that cannot be doubted. 
He thinks that if the Prophet should fail in rallying his followers, he, with 
some of them, Avill meet the Commissioners at Piqua-town. Whether he does 
so or not, and whatever his professions may be, I can place no reliance on 
him. He will probably attempt to temporize at that place, whilst his parti- 
sans on the Illinois and Mississippi are waging the most bloody war. My 
reasons for thinking so are, that such has been his insidious course hitherto. 
He will send oft' his women and children to the most hostile Indians, who 
refused to meet the Commissioners. Tecumseh is the real efficient man of the 
Prophet's party. He is going, also, to those Indians, having declared his hos- 
tility. The PropJiet will not be our friend while Tecumseh is our enemy ; 
and we have traced the Prophet in his hostile machinations in every quarter, 
in the course of this year, and it is hardly presumable that he will peaceably 
abandon the measures that he has been so diligent and laborious in maturing. 

But this information, together with that which has been hitherto transmit- 
ted, proves that the great danger from the Indians is in this quarter. Par- 
ticular circumstances have rendered the Wabash more consjoicuous as a point 
of danger, but there never was a worse selected spot for the Indians, and they 
well know that they cannot, in a time of war, maintain it. It is too near 
Kentucky and it is too far from the residence of the most hostile ludian.s. 
Nothing hitherto has induced the Indians to rally there but because it was 
the only place v/here the hostile standard had been erected. The Proi)het's 
main strength was composed of AVinnebagoes, Kickapoos and Pottawottamics. 
They joined him whilst the tribes to which they belonged professed to be at 
peace ; but, once let those tribes raise the standard, and there ceases to be 
any inducement for any part of them going elsewhere for the mere purpose 
of war. 

This opinion is well fortified by the jjresent movements of the Indians and 
the evidences they give of an intention to abandon the Wabash. 



LETTERS AND SPEECHES OP NINIAN EDWARDS. 337 

So intimately connected is the danger of this and Mississippi Territory, 
that Gov. Howard has requested my permission to remove a part of his troops 
into this Territory, which I have consented to, knowing it to be absolutely 
necessary to the safety of that Territory. 

Col. Kussell has arrived with his company of rangers, from Kentucky — 
about one-third of them sick. Some new recruits — less than a company — ar« 
expected daily to arrive. This is all the force we can calculate on in this 
quarter, as those at Viucennes arc wanted at that place. 

I have the honor, etc., etc., 

NINIAN EDWARDS. 
To ilo:s. William Eustis, Se-crdary of Wiir. 



Elvirade, Aufpist 15, 1812. 
Sir : 

By Col. Rector, who is just from St. Louis, I am informed a report had 
reached that place that Gen. Hull luul taken Fort Maiden, and that informa- 
tion has also been received that it had rendered the Indians very pacific, par- 
ticularly the Sacs. For my own part I hope for the best, while I think it 
indispensably necessary to be prepared for the worst. I cannot flatter myself 
that the capture of Maiden, which is seven hundred miles at least from the 
Mississippi, will afford us any security, whilst Fort St. Joseph remains in pos- 
session of the British, who can keep up their communication with it by the 
Ottawa River, without the least danger from our troops. At the latter fort 
large deposits of Indian goods have been made, and you may be assured that 
the Indians have all received their present year's supplies. I confess, how- 
ever, that I am greatly embarrassed l^y the prevalence of a general opinion, 
on this subject, adverse to mine ; and I am extremely unwilling to incur un- 
necessary expenses to the General Government. But, relying upon my own 
judgment, which I cannot honestly abandon, and believing that the critical 
moment is rapidly approaching, I avail myself of your letter, received by the 
last mail, so far as to ask Gov. Scott for a regiment of infantry for our pro- 
tection, although I have had no opportunity of conferring with Gov. Harrison 
on the subject. 

Ever since June 24th, I have been acting as Governor, without any commis- 
sion; and as I had the honor to communicate my situatiou to you, I am lost 
in conjecture as to the cause, etc., etc. 

N. EDWARDS. 
To Ho:si. Wm, Eustis, Secref/crij of War, Washington City. 



Elvirade, August 25, 1812. 
Sir : 

Last evening I received a letter from Gov. Harrison, covering a copy of his 
of the lOtli inst. to yourself, and I am sorry that I cannot concur with him in 
recommending what he calls the Fort Wayne Expedition. I cannot believe 
—43 



338 LETTERS AND SPEECHES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 



that Gen. Hull's situation, when he receives the reinforcements marching to 
Iiis aid, can be as bad as is supposed, and I do believe that the very best 
means of preventing the collection of Indians from which the danger is ap- 
prehended, would be to march directlj' into their own i;ountry, to which they 
would immediately return to protect their property and their women and 
children. But supj)ose the expedition to march to Fort Wayne. It would, 
of course, deter the Indians from that quarter and turn their attacks upon 
this, where tliey might easily take several villages equally as important as 
Detroit; but for reasons which I have given in my letter to Gov. Scott, of 
which I inclose a copy, I have no apprehensions that our Indians will travel 
so far to unite with the British. As to the establishment of the chain of 
forts, it would be probably a good plan, provided we were not able to fight 
the Indians ; but it would be vastly expensive to the United States. 

I would recommend a difierent one. I would march an army to Peoria and 
there establish a fort ; thence to the AV'isconsin and establish another, and 
thus cooperate with the Michigan army, whose operations will tend to check 
the British from going amongst the Indians, while ours would eflectually 
prevent the Indians from going to them. 

By the plan of the chain of forts we would gain no ground, and it would 
be more expensive than a vigorous campaign, which, in my opinion, would in 
a short time dissolve the whole hostile confederacy and produce permanent 
peace with the Indians. 

Something, however, I think, must be done, or the country will suffer 
greatly. Even if we were authorized to attack the Indians, it would be some 
security. And I cannot see what ought to prevent us from attacking them, 
for I will pledge myself to prove that all those now collected on the Illinois 
River have declared their hostility. They have the advantage of a declara- 
tion of war, Avhilst we are obliged to wait for the first stroke, however deadly, 
be/are we can attack them. 

I am so unwell that I can add nothing further. 

I have the honor to be, sir, etc., etc., 

NINIAN EDWARDS. 
To Hon. W.m. Eustis, Secretary of War, Washington City. 

P. S. — If it were proper in me to do so, I could, I think, assign many rea- 
sons to prove this : The defense of this Territory, Indiana and Missouri 
should be combined, and intrusted to some one person, provided a camijaign 
should be directed. — N. E. 



Elvirade, Randolph County, \ 
Illinois Territory, August 26, 1813. \ 
Dear Sir : 

My own inclinations, as w^ell a.s the directions I have received from the 
Honorable Secretary of War, combine sufficient inducements with me to com- 
ply with your particular request, of opening myself freely to you on the 
subject of your letter. 



LETTERS AND SPEECHES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 330 



As to what personally concerns myself, I must say, I do not understand the 
Secretary's letters to you, Gov. Scott and myself, exactly as you appear to do- 
T conceive the power given to me to call for assistance from Kentucky for the 
purpose of mere defense, precisely equal to yours, which seems to be contrary 
to your o])inion, so far as I can infer it from the manner in wliich you express 
yourself relative to Col. Barbour's regiment. So long as those troops remain 
in this Territory, and are engaged in its particular defense, I claim the right 
of the exclusive control of them. Whenever t]ie defensive system shall be 
exchanged for offensive operations — for a campaign or expedition — then it 
will be my duty to comply with the Secretary's request. 

Giving this construction to the Secretary's letter' — and I highly approve of 
your being selected for the purpose contemplated— I well know that I have 
no claims which could be put in competition with yours. But if I am wrong- 
in my construction of the letter, much as I appreciate your merits, and willing 
as I have always been to do the most ample justice to them, I am free to de- 
clare that I will not consent to anything further than I have suggested. 

Believing that my frankness will not be considered inconsistent with the 
friendship I profess, I will as candidly state my wishes, provided a campaign 
should be determined on — hoiking that you will, if it should be inyonr power, 
aid me in the gratification of them, 

I am extremely anxious to accompany you as second in command, whereby, 
with your assistance, I flatter myself I should soon supply by my industry 
the want of experience. 

You will perceive, by copies of my letters to Gov. Scott, that my oi^inion 
must be, that what you term the Fort AVayne Expedition would leave this 
country too much exposed, or, in other words, that an expedition is more 
necessary in another quarter. 

I cannot believe that Gov. Hull's situation, when he receives the reinforce- 
ments going to his aid, can be as bad as you suppose; and I do believe the 
very best means of preventing the collection of Indians from which the danger 
is apprehended would be to march directly into their own country, to which 
they would immediately return to protect their properly and their women 
and children. 

Suppose the expedition to march to Fort Wayne. It would, of course, deter 
the Indians from that quarter and turn their attacks upon this, for if they 
are hostile, they will attack somewhere ; and if they are formidable enough 
to endanger Gen. Hull, they could easily take several villages on the Missis- 
sippi equally as important a.s Detroit. But, for the reasons mentioned in my 
letter to Gov. Scott, I have no apprehension tliat our Indians will travel so 
far to unite with the British at Maiden. 

As to the chain of forts, it would probably be a good plan, if we were not 
able to light the Indians ; but it would be a very expensive one to the United 
States. 

Nothing will, 1 think, sufficiently guard against their hostile incursions, 
but one of two plans — an actual attack upon them, or such an exhibition and 
display of military force as will constantly keep up the apprehension of nn 



S'AO LETTERS AND SPEECHES OP NINIAN EDWARDS. 

attack on their villages, and thereby induce them to concentrate their forces 
for defense. 

The plan which I should prefer would be to march an army to Peoria, 
establish a strong garrison there, and thence to Wisconsin and establish an- 
other, and thus cooperate with the Michigan army, whose operations will tend 
to check the British from going among the Indians, while ours would etiec- 
tually prevent the Indians from going to them. 

By the plan of the chain of forts we could gain no ground, and it would 
be more expensive than a vigorous campaign, which, in my opinion, would 
still dissolve the whole hostile confederacy, and produce permanent peace 
with the Indians. 

Those of Illinois River have openly declared their hostility ; and I do think 
that a just regard for the dangerous situation of our Territories commands 
prompt and decisive measures with regard to them. 

I have the honor to be, sir. 

Yours respectfully, 

NINIAN EDWARDS. 

To Gov. Hakkison. 



Elvirade, August 26, 1812. 

Brig. Gen. Rector is hereby required to take the most prompt and effectual 
means for calling into actual service, accordiug to law, four classes of the 
militia from each Company in the First, Second and Fourth Regiments of the 
Militia of this Territory. 

All those now enrolled as volunteers are to be excepted from the draft. 

The detachments from the First Regiment will rendezvous at Kaskaskia ; 
that from the Second at the station in St. Clair, now occupied by Col. Russell, 
and that of the Fourth at the United States Saline, at which respective places 
those detachment.^ will be mustered according to law, and await further 
orders. 

The Commander-in-Chief reque.sts to be notified of the earliest period at 
which tho.se respective detachments can be prepared to march. 

NINIAN EDWARDS, 

Comma nder-in - Ch ief. 



Camp Russell, \ 

Frontiers Illinois Territory, Se^it. 6, 1812. \ 
Sir : 

I am now at this place at the head of a considerable detachment of militia 
that I have ordered out for the defense of the Territory. In consequence of 
an order from Gov. Harrison, Col. Russell, with Capt. Moderal's comj)any of 
rangers, start this day for Vincennes, and thus leave us without the aid of a 
single man who has not been raised in the Territory, whilst there seems to be 



LETTERS AND SPEECHES OP NINIAN EDWARDS. 341 

a large force concentrated at Vincennes. I cannot perceive tlie propriety of 
such a procedure. Vincennes has never appeared to be in a particle of 
danger from any quarter except the Prophet's town. That danger is too 
inconsiderable to justify the claim of that place to such a proportion of the 
rangers. The Prophet's town is not a place that the Indians will pretend to 
maintain in time of war. Many years ago the Kentuckians destroyed the 
town at Tippecanoe twice in one year, and the force now collected there is, I 
am convinced, very inconsiderable. Hitherto it was a rallying point to all 
of every nation who wished to go to war, because no hostile standard had 
been erected elsewhere. But let the war become genuine, all will find a ral- 
lying point among their own tribes, and will have no inducement to go to the 
Prophet's town for the purpose of war. 

It is well known here that Vincennes is not in as much danger as this 
country ; and if it be asked from what Indians the danger to that place is 
apprehended, I will venture to assert that, if they are once sj)ecified, it can 
be shown that they are inconsiderable, or that a vast majority of them are so 
situated as to be able to attack the settlements on the Mississippi with infi- 
nitely more ease, and with better prospects of success, than those on the 
Wabash ; and, if so, it is inconceivable why they should prefer Vincennes. 

Gov. Harrison and myself do not understand your letter of the 9th. Ho 
takes it for granted that the Government had determined upon ofl'ensive 
measures against the Indians, whereas it appears to me that that question was 
left to rest upon future events. I have thought the President might prefer 
our acting on the defensive till it shall be seen what eifect will be produced 
on the Indians by the ojierations of Gen. Hull's army. 

Gov. H. seems to consider you as intending to supersede my military com- 
)uand altogether in this Territory, by saying that his may be extended to it 
with my consent. I consider you as having contemplated no such thing, but 
in the event of a campaign, and then only in so far as might be necessary to 
the most etfectual operations of the campaign alone. With this lam content. 
But if his construction be correct, I am free to declare that I never will lose 
sight of self-respect so far as to subscribe to my own disgrace by consenting 
to anything so humiliating ; and I trust that such injustice to my feelings has 
never been contemplated by the President, having always been, from princi- 
ple, not only an approver, but a zealous supporter of his administration. My 
communications to you prove the diligence with which I have discharged my 
duty in my present situation ; and I have it in my power to prove, by factti 
which have subsequently develoiDcd themselves, i,hat the opinions which I 
have given you relative to the Indians have been consistent and uniformly 
correct . 

And it cannot be denied that my measures so far, for the defense of the 
Territory, have been planned with much good judgment, and executed with 
as much success as those of any other Governor. If all this be true, the dis- 
tinction supposed to be made between Gov. Harrison and myself seems to me 
to be too degrading to have been really intended. 



342 LETTERS AND SPEECHES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 



I beg leave to tender my 'testimony in favor of Col. Russell's conduct in 
this quarter. It lias gained liim the esteem of all who have had an oj^portu- 
uity of knowing liim ; and I should be very liappy if be could be ordered 
back here. Indeed, I should Lave been well pleased if he, having the defen.'ic 
of the frontier under his particular charge, had been permitted to have car- 
ried on all the hostile measures against the belligerent Indians. As a really 
practical military man, there are few, if any, who are his superiors. He was 
one of the heroes of King Mouutaiij, and has had as much or more experi- 
ence in Indian lighting than any man in the Western country ; and he has 
profited liy his experience. 

Very respectfully, 

Your obedient servant, 

NINIAN EDWARDS. 
To The Secretary of War, Wa.shington City. 



Headquarters, Casip Rus,?ell, [ 
St. Clair County, Septemher 8, 1812. J 
Sir : 

Gov. Harrison writes to me that yoii had put Col. Russell under his com- 
mand ; that he has ordered him to repair to Vincennes, and that he must go 
there. 

The Colonel has gone and has now three companies of the rangers with 
him at that place, leaving but one company here, viz : the one that was raised 
here ; and these, as well as all the regular troops in this Territory, lie considers 
he has a right to call oft" at any time he pleases. Under such circumstances I feel 
most awkwardly situated, and I cannot persuade my-self that it was intended 
to vest Gov. Harrison with such exclusive control in this quarter, whilst he 
is discharging the most important duties in auother, far distant. And I 
would wish to be informed whether I have a right to take anj' control over 
the rangers and regular troops within ray own Territory. 

By a letter received yesterday, from Mr. Forsyth, of Peoria, it appears that 
the Indians are coming in considerable force to attack us. 

Very respectfully, 

Your obedient servant, 

NINIAN EDWARDS. 
To The Secretary of War. 



St. Ci,air County. Sept. 12, 1812. 
Sir : 

I am extremely apprehensive that you will fail in suiJ^jlies for the troojjs 
under my command. In peaceable times it will do to trust a little to chance, 
but in war times, absolute certainty is requisite. 

I wish you always to keep a supply which will be sufficient for any service 
that may be required. I shall want, in a very few days, to be furnished, at a 



LETTERS AND SPEECHES OP NINIAN EDWARDS. 343 



moment's waruing, rations sufficient tor a detachment of five hundred men, 
who may be ordered on a tour of duty for fifteen or twenty days. 

I sincerely hope that the public service will not suffer for the want of pro- 
visions. Suppose the whole body were now to move, have you a store 
sufficient for their supply V I shall expect you to be able, at any moment, 
to supply the whole of the troops under my command, during their present 
tour, with lliirty days' provisions. 

In haste, 

Your obedient servant, 

NINIAN EDWARDS. 
To MajokWm. Moerison. 



Headqxjakters, Camp Russell, ( 

Madison County, Illinois Tekritory, Oct. 4, 1811. ^ 
Sir : 

We are considerablj' harrassed by the Indians in this quarter. Two nights 
ago a party attacked a fort on Shoal Creek, into which I had but the day 
before thrown a reinforcement. They attempted to tear down tlie j)ickets, 
wounded two of our men, stole eight horses, and then retired. Several 
other parties have made their appearance Avithin a few miles of this i^lace, 
and are now hotly pursued by detachments of mounted riflemen. 

Large numbers are embodied within a day's ride of this place. The Illi- 
nois is now and always has been as dangerous a point as the Wabash, and yet, 
while there are more men in that quarter than can be advantageously em- 
ployed, not a single man from Kentucky has arrived to our assistance, I have 
had to depend Avholly on the local militiaandthe volunteer companies, which 
I have had influence enough to raise. The latter are mounted and kept con- 
stantly ranging ; but their spirit is a good deal broken, having had to lead the 
life of rangers by being almost constantly in the woods, and neither they nor 
Capt. Whiteside's company of rangers having as yet received a cent of pay. 
I have the honor to be, 

Very respectfully. 

Your obedient servant, 

NINIAN EDWARDS. 
To Hon. Wm. Eustis, ,'iecrctary of War, Washington City. 



Kaskaskia, Illinois Territory, \ 
December, 25 1812. ( 

Sir : 

I had the honor to receive your letter of the 24th October last, on the 20th 

inst. In saying that it was my fault that there was not a sufficient force in 

this quarter. Gen. Harrison has said what cannot be supported. According 

to the authority given me by you, I called upon the Governor of Kentucky 

for a regiment of infantry, but before it could reach this place it Avas called 

bflf to Vincennes. •Col, Russell came on -with one company, in the month ot 



344 LETTERS AND SPEECHES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 



August, but before the expiration of tliis month they were also called away 
to Vincennes — leaving me no alternative but to rely on the citizens of this 
Territory for its defense. With such limited means I defended it against a 
formidable invasion, and finally carried on an expedition against the Indians 
■with as much success as has been accomplished under similar circumstances in 
the Western country ; and even after being reduced to the necessity of en- 
countering the most uncommon difficulties and of acting upon my own 
responsibility for the salvation of the country, I discover that some pitiful 
attempts are making to deprive me of the credit I am entitled to, by giving 
it to Col. Russell, who happened to join me (about three days before I com- 
menced my march) with fifty rangers. The injustice of this is known and 
attested by the whole of my little army, and there is not a man of common 
sense in this country who does not believe my measures have saved it, nor a 
a man of common honesty who will not acknowledge it. 

The letters alluded to by Gen. Harrison never reached me till the 'Jth of 
October, when I was busily engaged in preparing for my expedition, and 
when the season was too fiir advanced to derive any advantage from troops, 
for whom I should have had to send all the way to Knoxville. 

Several British traders, with large quantities of goods, are now on the 
Mississippi and St. Peters Rivers. The consequences of this iUct you will 
readily perceive. Col. Menard, the President of the Legislative Council, has 
received information from one of his correspondents that Dickson is now 
at St. Josephs preparing to head a large body of Indians and British subjects 
in an attack upon this country, as soon as the weather will permit. 

I liave received a letter from his excellency. Gov. Blount, stating that two 
regiments are ready to march here upon my requisition, but that they are not 
yet furnished with arms. If called for, he requires that I shall provide for their 
march, after they pass the limits of Tennessee. I have requested that one 
regiment should be sent on immediately, and have agreed to supply it Avith 
provisions on its march from any point on the Ohio. In requiring these 
troops, I have acted more from necessity than the dictates of my own judg- 
ment. Troops arc, certainly, necessary ; but these are not the kind I prefer. 
Mounted men I could have raised if authorized so to do. In a Territory of 
this description, half the number would have been more useful, and taking 
into consideration the length of time consumed and the great expenses incurred 
in those long marches, they would cost the United States less. Infantry 
may do to build and guard forts— horsemen alone can pursue invaders. If, 
however, these troops arrive, I will, so long as I have anything to do with 
the frontier, endeavor to turn their services to the best advantage, and at 
present I propose, with their aid, to build a fort on the Illinois River, about 
one hundred miles above its mouth. The advantage of this position cannot 
be properly appreciated without a correct knowledge of the geography of 
the country. The course of the Illinois is most erroneously represented on 
every map that I have seen ; and you may rely upon it, that Peoria lies about 
due north of Kaskaskia. 

The Legislature of this Territory has petitioned the President for a bat- 
talion of mounted men, and has proposed a plan for raising them, I would- 



LETTERS AND SPEECHES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 345 

not, in any event, wish to make any objections to the gentlemen they recom- 
mend ; but if I were to have anything to do wi'th tlie military operations of 
this frontier in the approaching season, I should dislike to be embarrassed by 
any such plan. I would prefer raising the men in my own way, because I 
know I could succeed. I would ask for a regiment and would be glad to 
command it in person, 

Mr. B., one of the unfortunate men who was wounded on the late expe- 
dition, is since dead. Mr. Teter, another of the wounded, is and always 
will be disabled in the arm, and it is hoped provision will he made for the 
latter and for the fomily of the former. 

Some wagons and teams were employed and some kettles and axes were 
purchased for the use of the late detachment of the militia of this Territory. 
I should ))e glad to be informed how they are all to be paid for. The horses 
that were lost in the service of the United States are returned on the muster 
rolls, which have been transmitted to the paymaster of the array of the 
United States in Washington City. 

Very respectfully, 

Your obedient servant, 

NINIAN EDWARDS. 



Elvirade, Raxdolph Codnty, ) 
lLLi:Nors Territory, Jaimanj 2, 1813. i 
Sir : 

On the 2Gth ult. I had the honor to re6eive your letter of Oct. 7, with its 
inclosure. The delay in its reaching Kaskaskia was so extraordinary, that I 
required the postmaster at that place to indorse the time of its arrival, which 
was accordingly done. 

Upon a review of my letter Avith your answer, it appears that you must 
have cou.sidered Gov. Harrison's arrangements as amply sufficient for the pro- 
tection of this Territory, and consequently could not have received in a 
favorable manner the representations which I thought the obligations of duty 
and patriotism imperiously called upon me to make to you. It is very pro- 
bable that I may have manifested too much sensibility and have been rather 
importunate upon the subject. If my conduct has appeared to you in that 
light, you may be assured my motives were both honorable and patriotic , 
which, added to the history of facts now before you, will, I persuade myself , 
arrest any unfavorable impressions which you might have i^reviously conceived^. 
Very far indeed is it from my wish to criminate any one, but of nothing do 
I feel more confident than that I can completely justify my own conduct, 
and nothing do I desire more ardently than a fair and honorable opportunity 
of doing so. 

Of the contemplated operations of the army at Vincennes, I never received 
any information till the 9th of October, when I was preparing for my expe- 
dition to Peoria Lake. At that time I received a letter from one of Gen. 
Hopkins' aids, and another from Gen. Harrison. By the first I was informed 
that the army wou^d march (I could hardly tell where) on the 30th of Sep- 
—44 



346 LETTERS AND SPEECHES OP NINIAN EDWARDS. 

tember or 1st of October, and tliat if I wanted aid it should be sent to me. 
By the last I was authorized to call on the Governor of Tennessee for forces, 
with a view to a particular object, which Gen. Harrison, as early as Septem- 
ber 6th (the date of his letter), thought it would be too late to attempt (this 
was building a chain of forts, recommended in his letter to you of August 
last). He, however, referred it to Gov. Howard and myself, who, I believe, 
thought alike ujijon the subject. 

These propositions came, indeed, a little too late. One-half of the local 
militia had been engaged in repelling a most serious invasion. That force 
would not have been sufficient, if I had net contrived to make an impression 
upon the minds of the Indians that we had several other companies in service. 
Not a man from the Kentucky militia had arrived, and Gov. Shelby writes 
me that he is sure the force ordered by him for my assistance was prevented 
from coming by dishonorable steps. The danger of invasion was over, the 
season began to promise security, and it really would have appeared a Quix- 
otic attempt in me to have sent for the aid. promised by Gen. Hopkins' aid- 
de-camp, when, judging by his letter, the troops from which it was to be 
furnished should have marched nine days before I received the notice. 

Sir, I have had serious difficulties to encounter. With as ardent a desire 
as any man ever felt to serve his country, I have the consolation of knowing 
that my exertions have been useful as well as honorable to it ; but I know I 
must calculate on being misrepresented — and although I am not indifferent 
to the opinions which my Government and country may entertain of me, yet 
I feel all the support of conscious rectitude and am prepared for tlie worst. 
Rcspectfulljs your obedient servant, 

N. EDWARDS. 
To The Secretary of War, Washington City. 



DOLPK County, ) 
, Marrh 27, 1813. j 



Kaskaskia, Ran 
Illinois Territory 
Sir : 

That state of things v.liieh was to be expected, from the communications I 
have had the honor to make to the department over which you preside, seems 
about to be dreadfully realized. The savages have already committed mur- 
ders within the bounds of every regiment in this Territory. This week a 
party of twenty or thirty killed live persons in this County, and camped on 
the ground the whole uf the succeeding night. One of the volunteer compa- 
nies is in pursuit of them. Another jjarty of Indians has been discovered be 
tween this place aud the United States saline. It is so dangerous traveling 
to Kentucky, that the mail has been delayed several days and will start to- 
morrow morning with a guard. In this state of things, I feel considerable 
regret that I have not only never received a word of approbation or disap- 
probation of my conduct, since I adopted measures of defense last year upon 
my own responsibility, but that I am now totally without any instructions or 
authority to act. I have, however, eight volunteer companies, from the 
militia, in service, and have them as well employed as possible. 



LETTERS AND SPEECHES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 347 

Hitherto the defense of this and Indiana Territory has been combined ; 
but there has been and still is a most unjust division of the force provided 
for that o!)ject. I never have asked more than an equal division, although I 
am very able to prove that this Territory is much the most exposed — and I 
will prove it if any high ofScial agent of the Government, in any of these 
Territories, will hazard his reputation by asserting the contrary. It is a fact 
— which of itself is enough — that whenever a force shall be marched from 
Vinceunes or St. Louis against the most threatening and hostile confederacy, 
it must march through this Territory, which is equally exposed with the neigh- 
boring ones to an invasion by water, and more so to one by land. Should an 
army march to the mouth of the Wisconsin, it must go by Peoria and the 
mouth of the Rock River. 

The Indians of the Illinois and its waters amount to about tifteeu huudred 
Avarriors. Rock River, the residence of the Sauks and Winnebagoes, is two 
days' journey from Peoria. The Sauks are eight hundred and the Foxes six 
hundred strong. The Winnebagoes about four hundred and lifty. Besides, 
there are a great number of bauds of Pottawottamies, Ottaways, Chippeways 
and Menomiuies residing between Lake Michigan and the Mississippi, all of 
whom can attack this Territory more conveniently than either of the adjoin- 
ing ones, and all I ask is an equal share of the force so long as it shall be 
confined to defensive operations. 

If the British erect a fort at the mouth of the Wisconsin, and should be 
able to retain it two years, this and Missouri Territory will be totally deserted 
— in other words, conquered. 

I have the honor to be. 

Your obedient servant, 

N. EDWARDS. 
To The Secuktahy of Wau, Washington City. 



Elvirade, Randolph County, ) 
Illinois Teriiitory, May 4, 1813. ( 
Sir : 

A short time ago I received a letter from Col. Bond, informing mc that 
you had authorized him to request me to raise and organize three additional 
companies of rangers. I immediately wrote you that I supposed what had 
been done would be sufficient, and that those three companies who, through 
me, tendered the President their services as rangers, would be accepted. 
They have been notified by me that they were accepted, but, lest some acci- 
dent may have prevented my letters from reaching you, I will here give the 
names of these officers — all of whom have been chosen by their companies 
and are approved of by me. 

James B. Moore, Captain ; David Robinson, First Lieutenant ; Arthur Mor- 
gan, Second Lieutenant ; John Huitt, Ensign. 

Samuel Whiteside, Captain; Joseph Borough, First Lieutenant ; Samuel 
Gilbaur, Second Lieutenant ; Arthur Armstrong, Ensign. 



348 LETTERS AND SPEECHES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 

Jacob Short, Captain; Nathaniel. Jorvey, First Lieutenant; Andrew Bank- 
ston, Second Lieutenant; .John Journey, Ensign. 

These officers, and those of the companies raised here hist year, are all 
exceedingly anxious to be commanded by Benjamin Stephenson as their 
Major. With the excei)tion of an Ensign and a Lieutenant, who were absent 
at the time, they have unanimously petitioned me on this subject. The 
privates composing the battalion are equally desirous of it, and I can most 
conscientiously say that, in my opinion, the Territory does not admit of a 
better choice. 

The Legislature of this Territory, at its last session, by the solicitations of 
certain individuals, was induced to ask for this force and to recommend John 
Murdock to be authorized to raise and command it. But 1 beg leave to ob-* 
serve that tlie force which I have raised has been upon a different plan 
altogether. Murdock has not raised a man, and has endeavored to throw 
every impediment in my way. He is not qualified, either by his knowledge 
or experience, for the command; and those who have recommended him 
will not pretend to sny that his habits do not furnish a most important 
objection. 

I have the honor to be, 

Your obedient servant, 

N. EDWARDS. 
To The Secretary of War, Washington City. 



Mou^fT Verkon, JvJy 14, 1827. 
The commanders of the dilferent regiments and odd battalions of Gen. 
Hanson's brigade, on the eastern side of the Illinois River (except the 20th 
Regiment), will take immediate steps for detaching into service, according to 
law, one-fourth of their respective commands. And should any part of the fron- 
tier, south of Rock River, be invaded by the savages, the Colonel entitled by 
law to command the detachment will march it, with the least possible delay, 
to the support of the point attacked, Avithout waiting for further orders. 

NINIAN EDWARDS, 

Comma iuler-i)i- Chief, etc. 



Mount Vkrnon, Jtili/ 14, 1827. 
Sir : 

I have this moment received, by express, intelligence of the Indian depre- 
dations, to which your letter of the 11th inst. refers, and I lose not a moment 
in transmitting, by express, such orders as appear to be most indispensable. 

Promptness and energy are all that are necessary to meet every danger 
which can possibly threaten the frontiers. Your letter gives me reason to 
expect that neither will be wanting in your regiment. You will accept the 
services of any number of mounted volunteers, not exceeding six hundred , 
who will equip themselves, find their own subsistence and continue in service 



LETTERS AND SPEECHES OP NINIAN EDWARDS. 349 



thirty days, unless sooner discharged. They will rendezvous, as fast as pos- 
sible, at Fort Clark, where you will organize and take the command of them, 
and march with all possible expedition to the assistance of our fellow-citizens 
at Galena, where, if you find an officer of the United States army entitled to 
a superior command to yourself, you will report to him and receive his orders. 

In your progress, you will avoid rashly exposing your men to unequal con- 
tests, but it is expected that you will not overlook any proper opportunity of 
repelling any hostile incursions of the savages. 

You will order the officer next you in command to take immediate steps 
for drafting from your regiment, according to law, and with the least possible 
delay, six companies of infantry, which are to be held in readiness to march 
at a moment's warning to any point of the frontier that may be invaded, in 
which event he is immediately to march them to the support of the point 
attacked, without waiting for further orders. None of the citizens, however, 
in tl\c vicinity of the immediate frontier are to be drafted. 

Your obedient servant, 

N. EDWARDS, 

Commander-in- Chief. 
To Col. Thos. ]\I Neal, Commanding 20tk Regiment Illinois Militia. 



Belleville, August 9, 1837. 
Dear Sir : 

There being the strongest reasons for believing that the Pottawottamies of 
the Illinois River have been depredating upon the property of some of the 
citizens of this State, and the official communications of Dr. Wolcott, the 
Indian Agent at Chicago, as well as a variety of circumstances, leaving no 
doubt of their hostile dispositions, I think it my duty to inform you that if 
any future depredations shall be committed by them, and immediate repara- 
tion refused, I will not hesitate to drive them from their present residence, 
which you well know they have no right to occupy. 

I have also to request that measures may be adopted for removing all the 
Indians who, without any right, now occupy any part of the ceded lands of 
this State, and to prevent further intrusions of all others on them. I have no 
confidence in any of them, and will not, by a hazardous forbearance, jeopard- 
ize the property or lives of my fellow-citizens. I trust, however, that you 
will find it proper and convenient to adopt such measures as may render my 
interposition wholly unnecessary. 

I have the honor to be. 

Your most obedient servant, 

N. EDWARDS. 

To Gen. Clakk. 



350 LETTERS AND SPEECHES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 

Belleville, Illinois, August 30, 1837. 
Sir : 

Gov. Cass, aud other otlicers of thu United States of great respectability, 
and with the best opportunities of forming correct opinions on the subject, 
all concurring in the belief that the neighboring Indians intend to make war 
upon us, and those Indians having committed several daring robberies and 
other depredations between Peoria and Galena, and commenced actual war 
in other parts, I have felt it my duty to call out about live hundred mounted 
volunteers to defend our frontiers. 1 s\ippose not less than 1,500 men have 
been driven by those acts of hostility from the vicinity of Galena, and but 
for the measures I have adopted, several other parts of our frontier, from their 
defenseless situations, would have been depopulated. I, therefore, beg leave 
to ask how far it may be the pleasure of the President to recognize the 
defensive measures which I have been compelled to adojjt, aud what i)rovi- 
sious will be made for paying the militia that have been called into service. 
My power to act in such cases is limited to sudden emergencies — the defense 
of every State belonging to the General Government. I now beg leave to 
ask, in behalf of this State, of the President of the United States, such meas- 
ures of protection to our extensive frontier as its peculiar weakness demands. 
The measures adopted by Gen. Atkinson, are, I presume, sufficient to insure 
safety to our western borders, but they arc not the least calculated, nor has 
he the kind of troops necessary to j^rotect those settlements which extend 
from the mouth of the Illinois River to Chicago. 

I need scarcely remark to you what all experience has proved, that when- 
ever the Indians have once made up their minds to commit hostilities, or 
have actually committed such as deserve chastisement, their pacilic disposi- 
tion never can be safely relied on till they have begged for peace, and begged 
it so earnestly as to leave no doubt of their sincerity. Nothing of this 
kind has yet occurred. The latter part of the next mouth is of all others the 
most favorable time for concentrating their forces and striking the most 
formidable blow. 

I will only add that I should be very happy to render, on the present occa- 
sion, any services that may be acceptable to the President. ^ 

Hoping for as early an answer as possible, 
I have the honor to be, sir, 
Very respectfully. 

Your most obedient servant, 

NINIAN EDWARDS. 

To The Secretary of War. 

N. B. — Presuming that you must have been informed, by official communi- 
cations of officers of the United States, of the danger that has, at least, 
threatened us, and that no one could be more sensible of the necessity of a 
force different from that under the command of Gen. Atkinson, to aiford the 
necessary protection of such a frontier as that of this State, I have constantly- 
expected to hear from you on the subject. The services of the men whom I 
have called out will expire in a few days, and, until I hear from you, I shall 



LETTERS AND SPEECHES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 351 



not adopt any other measures, but leave it to the General Government to pro- 
vide for such protection and safety as tlio people have a right to expect from 
it.— X. E. 



Bellevilt-e, SepternJj,')- 3, 1837. 
Dear Sir : 

Your account of the situation of our fellow-citizens on Fever River would 
induce nie to risk much for their protection, but as this cannot be adequately 
provided for according to strict law, the inttuence of an organized ojiposition 
to all tbe measures I have already adopted for that purpose leaves me little 
ground to hope that I shall be able to furnish the necessary assistance in 
time, and therefore my advice is that they should rely upon their forts, during 
the present moon. In the meantime I will see what I can do. 

Very respectfully, 

Your most obedient servant, 

NINIAN EDWARDS. 
To Col. xIbner Field. 



Belleville, Illinois, Sept. 4, 1S37. 
Sir : 

Col. Field, a gentleman of much intelligence and high resi^ectability, hav- 
ing been deputed by the population of the Fever River Mines to apply to 
me for assistance to repel the hostility of the savages, with which they con- 
sider themselves daily threatened, arrived at this place night before last, 
bringing very unfavorable news in regard to that and other parts of our 
frontier, which is fully confirmed I^y another express that reached here last 
night from Peoria. 

It appears that the Winnebagoes had ultimately refused to come to any 
arrangements with Gov. Cass and Col. McKenney ; that the Governor had 
received information, which he believed, that a part, at least, of the Potta- 
wottamies had determined to unite with the Winnebagoes in the war ; that he 
apprehended the people of Fever River would be attacked before it would 
be possible to send them any aid ; that Gen. Atkinson had sent an exijress to 
that place, asking for all the mounted riflemen that could be .sjjared from it, 
and had marched towards Green Bay with about six hundred infantry and 
one hundred and thirty mounted riflemen to attack those Indians. No doubt 
the General will accomplish all that can be elfected with the force under his 
command, but it is much to be regretted that he had not more mounted men, 
for, if the hostile Indians are as numerous as Gov. Cass supposes, it is not 
probable that the General can march such a distance through their own coun- 
try without having a hard fight at least. Should he be defeated or driven 
back, it may well be imagined that the consequences must be truly dis- 
astrous to our very extensive and exposed settlements all along the. Illinois 
River and its waters. Whatever may be his fate, however, if you will only 



352 LETTERS AND SPEECHES OF NINIAN EDWARDSi 



cast your eye upon the map, and consider that all the hostile Indians, with 
the exception of one small band, reside between his line of march and those 
settlements, it must, I think, be obvious to you, that there is either no danger 
at all, or that they are in very great danger. Regarding them in the latter 
point of view, I feel it my duty to reiterate my application to the President 
for that protection which their situation demands — a protection, the necessity 
of which is as apparent as that of any movement that has been made under 
the authority of the Governor, and which cannot be doubted without an 
utter disbelief of any hostile disposition on the part of those savages, nor 
without questioning the propriety of all those measures of the Governor 
which have been adopted upon that supposition. For, if the Indians are 
hostilely disposed, as they can attack no where else with the same prospects of 
success and with so little risk to themselves, so none can be in more danger 
than those settlements. Besides their lives and property, the people, I hum- 
bly conceive, have a fair claim on the Government for protection against those 
interruptions of their tranquillity by the savages which are reasonably calcu- 
lated to prevent them from resting under the shade of their own vines and 
fig-trees, without any one to make them afraid. 

I learn, from Col. Field, that about 3,000 men have been driven from the 
mines, and, but for the measures I adopted, upon the first alarm, it is scarcelj'^ 
to be doubted that many other parts of our frontier would have been entirely 
depopulated. I need not, I am sure, attempt to point out, to a gentleman of 
your practical knowledge and experience, the immense losses and sacrifices 
that must have resulted, both to individuals and to the State, from this state 
of things. 

My authority being limited to a sudden emergency, my measures were 
adopted with a view to such duration only as would be sufficient to enable 
the Government to get its own into ojjei'ation ; and I have now only between 
sixty and seventy men in service. Nor had I intended, under any circum- 
stances, to have done more on my own resj^onsibility, in consequence of their 
being no money in our State Treasury — the impossibility of doing with ut it 
and the risk of pecuniary embarrassment, of which I had some experience 
during the late war, being greater than I have felt under any obligations to 
encounter. These views, however, have never been communicated to a single 
individual ; and looking to consequences to the administration from adhering 
to them^ which can scarcely escape your sagacity, I have concluded, should 
actual hostilities be commenced on our frontier, immediately to repair to it, 
make it my headquarters, and endeavor, with my own funds and at my own 
risk, to ijrovide subsistence for such volunteers as I may be able to call to my 
aid, until I receive your answer to my letter of the 20th ult. AVhatever that 
may be, if it shall only aft'ord reasonable ground to expect that I shall be sus- 
tained, I will continue to do the best in my power until I receive your answer 
to this letter ; otherwise, unless all dangers shall have entirely disappeared, I 
shall be comjjelled to convene the Legislature and lay the case, just as it may 
be, before them. 



LETTERS AND SPEECHES OP NINIAN EDWARDS. 353 

I beg leave to observe, that the experience of three years' hard service on 
our frontiers, during the last war, has convinced me tliat no other force of 
any reasonable amount is available, for such protection as they re(iuire, than 
that of mounted rillemen. Your infantry ou the Wisconsin is too remote to 
atlbrd the least protection. It would l)e scarcely less availal)le to us, if it were 
at Washington City. 

I must beg leave to call the President's attention to another grievance, 
somewhat connected with this subject, that has been borne by the people 
for a few years past with great imj)atience, and cannot be submitted to much 
longer : that is the occupancy by difterent tribes of Indians of various por- 
tions of the ceded lands of this State, and their constantly traversing every 
part of it at their pleasure, for the purpose of hunting, without any right so 
to do. A large number of Pottawottamies, particularly, have been for several 
years past residing within about twenty miles of Peoria, on lands not only 
ceded, but which have actually been granted by the Government to individu- 
als — an illegal occupancy which has been in some measure countenanced by the 
Government, by making it the seat of an Indian agency — the place of paying 
those Indians their annuities, etc. I now, sir, have to ask of the President that a 
grievance so inconsistent with the rights of the State may no longer be per- 
mitted, and that these Indians, in jDarticular, be removed with as little delay 
as possible. I shall be hapjjy to assist in the accomplishment of this object 
by the most pacific means, if they will answer. I will not say what would 
probably be the result if the President Avere to decline a compliance with 
this specific request, because I do not believe his respect for the rights of the 
State will I'jcrmit him to hesitate about it. 

Respectfully, 

Your obedient servant, 

NINIAN EDWARDS. 
To The Secretaky of War. 



Belleville, Illinois, Sept. 5, 1827. 
Brig. Gen. Hanson will immediately take all legal and necessary measures 
for enrolling in the militia all persons subject thereto, who are now residing 
at the Lead Mines on Fever River or in that vicinity, and for their organiza- 
tion according to law. 

NINIAN EDWARDS, Governor, 
Commandev-in- Chief. 



Confidential. 

Belleville, Illinois, Sept. 13, 1837. 
Dear Sir : 

I perceive that the " Louisville Public Advertiser," in announcing the arri- 
val of Gen. Gaines at that place, states that the administration has determined 
that the Wionebagoes shall surrender all those of their tribe who were con- 
cerned in the murders at Prairie du Chien, the attack upon the boats, etc , 
—45 



354 LETTERS AND SPEECHES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 

and that to prevent a recurrence of similar enormities, they shall abandon 
all the country on this side of the Wisconsin River. If this is the case, it 
cannot fail to give the greatest satisfaction to the largest portion of this 
State. In fact nothing could be more popular — nothing is more just. Even 
the "Advertiser" highly applauds this course and assigns the i)cst of reasons 
in its favor. 

As to the lands themselves, I believe there has been some great oversight 
or misunderstanding at Washington concerning them. I have only time for 
a hint or two on the subject. 

In 1803 or 1804, Gen. Harrison purchased of the Sacs and Foxes all the lauds 
between the mouths of the Wisconsin and Illinois Rivers. In 1816, Gov. 
Clark, Col. Choteau and myself, as commissioners of the United States, ceded * 
all those lauds which lie north of a due west line from the southern extremity 
of Lake Michigan to the Mississijjpi, to the Ottaways, Chippeways and Pot- 
tawottamies (all making one nation and generally denominated the Indians 
of Illinois River) with certain reservations, These Indians derive their claim 
from the United States, and are the real owners of the land about which the 
Winnebagoes have made so much disturbance. The latter have no claim to 
any part of these lands, unless some right has been recognized to them inad- 
vertently by the United States since 1816, of which I know nothing, but 
which, if it exists, was a clear and palpable violation of the treaty with the 
Ottaways, Chippeways and Pottawottamies aforesaid, unless their consent was 
previously obtained, which I do not suppose was the case. It would in fact 
amount to nothing less than this — that the United States, after having made 
a solemn cession of certain lands to those Indians, involving a pledge of good 
faith to protect them in the enjoyment thereof, have violated their treaty. 
Respectfully, 

Your most obedient servant, 

NINIAN EDWARDS. 
To Pkksident Adams. 



Belleville, Illinois, Septemler, 1827. 
Sir : 

The rumor of eighteen men having been killed at Fever River, by the 
Indians, as mentioned in my last letter to you, was brought to this neighbor- 
hood by a decent looking man, who professed to have left that place the second 
day afterwards. I hasten, however, to inform you that the whole story has 
proved to be a sheer fabrication. No news from Gen. Atkinson has reached 
here since he commenced his march. 

I cannot, but observe that it appears somewhat singular that, while the 
Indian agents and other officers of the Government have been writing to the 
citizens of different parts of this State, warning them of their danger, recom- 
mending this and that precaution and mode of defense, and the General in 
command has even called for mounted riflemen from one of our organized 
counties, I have not received a single line from any one of them (except Gen. 



LETTERS AND SPEECUES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 355 

Clark, of St. Louis,) nor from yourself, nor any other officer of the Govern- 
meut. Should the same course be pursued by Gen. Gaines, who arrived at 
St. Louis some days ago, I shall owe it both to the State and to myself to 
ask of you an explanation of a course of conduct as little to be expected from 
the General Government as disrespectful to the State. 
I have the honor to be, 

Very respectfully, sir, 

Your most obedient servant, 

NINIAN EDWARDS. 
To The Secbetary of War. 



Belleville, Illinois, October 29, 1827. 
Sir : 

I have just had the honor to receive your letter of the 9th inst., in which 
you inform me that you had instructed Gov. Cass ta take such measures as 
will fulfill my wishes in regard to the removal of the Indians occupying the 
ceded lands of this State, with the least possible delay consistent with 
humanity, oi", if insuperable difficulties present themselves, to report to you 
forthwith thereon. 

The prompt attention, on your part, to the interest, rights and tranquillity 
of this State, in the cases referred to, is duly appreciated. But I must beg 
leave to remark that the remoteness of Gov. Cass' residence, and the Indians 
alluded to not being within his superintendency, do not promise as speedy a 
redress of the grievance complained of as seems to have been anticipated, or 
as is desirable. 

The Indians residing on the ceded lands within this State are the Kicka- 
poos, Pottawottamies, Ottaways, and Chippeways of the Illinois River, and 
the Sacs and Foxes. These Indians, and occasionally large parties of the 
Shawnese and Delawares, are in the habit of hunting extensively through the 
settled parts of the State, to the great annoyance of the citizens thereof. It 
would seem strange that, while the old States have found it expedient, for the 
sake of preserving their game, to restrain their own citizens from hunting at 
pleasure, we should be expected to permit large bands of marauding savages, 
without any right whatever, to be constantly traversing this State, for the 
total destruction of ours. But the evil more immediately felt, and which liaa 
been too long practiced with impunity, is that they scarcely ever take this 
liberty without killing tame animals — an evil which cannot and will not be 
endured, though we shall patiently await the result of those measures of the 
General Government which you authorize us to hope for. 

The Kickapoos are understood to fee within the agency of Major Richard 
Graham of Missouri ; the Pottawottamies, Ottaways and Chippeways of 
the Illinois River, within the sub-agency of Mr. Peter Menard, Jr. ; the 
Sacs and Foxes, within the agency of Mr. Thomas Forsyth of St. Louis ; the 
Shawnese and Delawares, within the sub-agency of Major Peter Menard of 
Kaskaskia ; and the whole, within the superintendency of Gen. William 



356 LETTERS AND SPEECHES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 

Clark. We slionld hope much more from the interposition of these gentle- 
men, or IVom the latter iilone, th;iti from tliatof anj' one at so great a distance 
from us as Gov. Cas-i. 

I have tlie honor to be, 

Very respectfully, sir, 

Your most obedient servant, 

NINIAN EDWARDS. 
To Hon. James Barbour, Secretary of War. 



Belleville. Illinois, Octolcr 29. 1827. 
Sir : 

I have received your letter of the 15th inst., and lest certain inferences, 
which seem obviou.sly deducible from it, niay be erroneous, I have to request 
that you will, us soon as practicable, famish me a statement : 

1st. Of the date and amount of each loan made to the Directors of the 
Brownsville Branch Bank, and the names of the members of the Board which 
granted the same. 

3d. A copy of the orders under which they respectively drew the money. 

3d. The date and amount of each note and mortgage; the description of 
the property mortgaged to secure each of said loans; the amount at which it 
was valued, and by whom valued. 

4th. The date and amount of each payment made by the said Directors, 
respectively; and if any of tliem were otherwise than direct payments into 
the Bank of its own notes, by tiie said Directors, or any one of them, how 
such payments ar(! made. 

5th. The amount now due by each of said Directors, the steps that have 
been taken to coerce payment from them, the dates when commenced, how 
long continued, how terminated, and all and every circumstance which has 
retarded and is likely to retard the collection of said notes, respectively. 

If you know, or in the course of your business liave found reason to be- 
lieve, that any of said Directors did, either directlj' or indirectly, render him- 
self or themselves responsible for, or eome under any obligations to pay the 
debt or debts of any other person to the Bank, which debts remain unpaid, 
I trust that a due ri,'gard for tlie interest of the institution which is com- 
mitted to your charge will induce you to communicate to me all the informa- 
tion you possess on the subject, since you must be sensible that the know- 
ledge of such a circumstance would be more likely to insure payment to the 
comumnlty — whose agent you are — than any other measure of coercion that 
could be adopted. Nor can you doubt that, while it wrongs no one, it is 
just and right that the Governor of tlje State should be made acquainted 
with every circumstance that aft'ects its interest even in the slightest degree. 
And from whom should such information so naturally be expected as from 
him to whose agency the particular interest allected has been specially 
intrusted y 



LETTERS AND SPEECHES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 357 



You will please direct your answer to this place, and I hope it will not be 
lung bctori' I shall have the pleasure of receiving it. 

Very respectfully, 

Your obedient servant, 

NINIAN EDWARD8. 
To the Cashier of the Bhow^nsa'ilt-e Bkancii Bank. 



Executive Department, Illinois, t 
Jan liar ij 28, 1828. J 

Sir : 

It is understood that a letter from you, to my predecessor or myself, pre- 
scribing the manner in which the President required the unlocated part of 
the lands granted by the United States to this State, for the use of a seminary 
of learning, to be selected, was received at tlie State Department of the Gov- 
ernment, and has been subsequently mislaid or lost. I regret exceedingly 
that it cannot be found, and have no other alternative than to request the 
favor of fresh instructions — lioj^ng that since Missouri has been permitted to 
locate her lands, granted for a similar purpose, in unconnected sections, the 
President will extend the same indulgence to this State, which is now the 
more necessary to its interests from the long postponement of the location of 
these lands, an I the consequently diminished range of selection. 

I have the honor to be, etc., 

N. EDWARDS. 
To The Secretary of the Theasukv. 



Belleville, Illinois, Augud 20, 1,839. 
tiif : " • ' 

The mail has just now brought me Mr. P. Bradley's letter, of the 1st iust., 
in answer to mine, to you, of the IGth inst. In addressing myself to you, in 
reply to his letter, I beg leave to premise that, as I entertain no other feelings 
towards you than those of respect and friendship, I trust that the remarks 
which I feel myself called upon to make will not be considered inconsistent 
with either the one or the other. 

Great as your capacities may be, and no one appreciates them more highly 
than I do, you must necessarily have been dependent, in some degree, upon 
others for information as to localities and topography essential to the correct 
operations of your Department. It is not to be imputed to you as a fault 
that you may have been misinformed by designing individuals, or that, for 
the want of information, which it was the special duty of others to lay before 
you, this State is made to exhibit a degrading contrast which none of its 
citizens, who are worthy of its confidence or friendship, can regard with 
indilfercnce. Collisions on such subjects are as unpleasant to me as to any 
other man, but I have never seen the day that I would not risk any personal 
consequences rather than submit to have the affairs of my own State con- 



358 LETTERS AND SPEECHES OP NINIAN EDWARDS. 

trolled by members of Congress from other States, or to see it degraded and 
overlooked as thougb it were an inferior. Though older in every respect, 
and superior in the number of free population, and the extent of agricultural 
improvements and productions, to Missouri, the interest, convenience and 
accommodation of the latter have, of late years, been so much more favorably 
regarded by the Government, that certain magnates of St. Louis, who are iu 
the habit of sjjeaking of us, reproachfully, as " the free State," seem to con- 
sider us unworthy, on that account, of the equal regard of the Government ; 
and hope, by their influence with the present administration, to impress upon 
us the stamp of degradation. It is to be hoped, however, that our own mem- 
bers of Congress will not permit their machinations to succeed without a 
vigorous struggle, at least. 

It would be very unnecessary to exhibit in this letter the palpable partiality 
alluded to in all its different phases ; but besides the conspicuous instances of 
it in relation to Indian affairs, I will venture to say it will be difficult to find 
any one equal to the task of demonstrating that better and more eligible 
locations for the troops now stationed at Jefferson Barracks and for the arse- 
nal erecting near St. Louis, than the sites of either, might not have been had 
iu the vicinities of Kaskaskia or Alton, and had we not been " the free 
State" they would doubtless have been preferred. Without, hov/ever, refer- 
ring to any other subjects than the mail arrangements themselves, enough 
may be found to furnish just ground of complaint. The manner in whith 
the accommodation of our seat of government has been postponed to that of 
St. Louis, and the shabby two-horse vehicles in which the mail is carried to 
and from it, contrasted with the superior style iu which the mail is trans- 
ported from St. Louis to Franklin (an inconsiderable, dilapidated town on the 
Missouri Kiver), is calculated to inflict a deep wound upon the just pride of 
the whole State. If it be necessary that the mail be thus transported twice 
a week to this last mentioned town, on account of the population west of St. 
Louis, it is inconceivable why it should not be transported iu like manner 
through Vandalia to our northern settlements, which are far more populous 
and equally respectable. Considering the proximity of numerous tribes of 
restless savages to the upper Mississippi, the superior lacilities which British 
traders and agents there jjossess of operating upon them, the vast extent of 
the mineral country, the rapidity with which the Northwestern Territory is 
settling, the important Indian ugcncies located within it, and its bordering 
upon the territory of the only nation in the world from whom we have any- 
thing to apprehend, it cannot be contended with the semblance of plausibility 
that the Government is not more interested in a direct communication on the 
latter than the former route. It is evident, then, that the Government has 
no interest of its own to advance by this discrimination. As little is it to 
be justified by any reference to St. Louis as a place of trade or commerce, for 
no man of information, that has any regard for his rcj)utation, will deny that 
the people of our northern settlements have much more direct commercial 
intercourse with St. Louis than those of the Missouri River. As, then, the 
former are more numerous, equally respectable, and can be accommodated as 
consistently with the interest of the Government, it would seem due to them 



LETTERS AND SPEECHES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 359 

that the mail should be carried direct from St. Louis, through the counties of 
Madison, Greene, Morgan and Sangamon, and even to Jo Daviess county, as 
often and in the same manner that it is carried to Franklin. There are no 
counties through which it i^asses to the latter place that are to be compared, 
in point of population and agricultural productions, to these ; nor is there any 
reason to believe that, if, instead of the go-carts that figure iu this State, 
equal accommodations v/ere afforded, there would not be more traveling in 
the stage on the route here suggested than upon th^t one. 

These, however, are not the only instances in which this mortifying dis- 
crimination and humiliating contrast arc exhibited. Shawneetown, as to 
mail arrangements, is probably far the most important point in this State. 
Besides the multitudes of people who have occasion to go from a distance in 
all directions to the extensive salt works in its immediate vicinity, being the 
great landing place of traders, emigrants and travelers who come by water, it 
is to this State and Missouri precisely what you have known Maysville to be 
to Kentucky and Tennessee. A moment's reflection would therefore seem to 
be sutlcient to satisfy any one that stage accommodation must necessarily be 
more iu demand there than from St. Louis to the westward ; and that a liue 
of stages from thence through the interior of the State to the northern parts 
thereof, into which the streams of emigration are pouring their cojoious cur- 
rents in a manner that never has been more successful in any country, is as 
necessary, and would afford greater accommodation than the line from St. 
Louis to Franklin. Yet there is nothing but a two-horse vehicle to fetch the 
mail from Shawneetown once a week ; and this poor accommodation is not 
permitted to extend even to Vandalia, but is required to stop at Carlyle, the 
tirst point of intersection with the line to St. Louis, so that travelers and 
others visiting our seat of Government or our most populous settlements are 
to be forced from fifty to one hundred miles out of the way, to be deprived 
of such stage accommodation as is extended to other places with inferior 
claims to it. 

But limiting our views of the discrimination made between the two States 
to a smaller circle, it Avill appear sufiiciently striking by comparing the ac- 
commodation which your advertisement proposes for the village of St. 
Charles, in Missouri, with that which it contemplates for this place. 3Iuch 
superior in the number of its population and the amount of its agricultural 
productions, and importing more extensively from Atlantic cities, this county 
has not only far more trading and commercial intercourse with St. Louis than 
that of St. Charles, but more, in fact, than any other county in the two States ; 
and this no respectable man in St. Louis will deny. And yet, while a four- 
horse mail stage is to run three times a week between St. Louis and that 
village, the mail is to be carried but once a week between this place and St. 
Louis, and this on an entirely unnecessary and circuitous route by Cahokia ; 
and we are to have no stage at all, or be subjected to the delay and additional 
expense of traveling between six and seven miles out of the way. But what 
is, if possible, still jnore extraordinary, this four-horse stage, "of sufficient 



360 LETTERS AND SPEECHES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 



size to accommodate seven passengers," is, for the convenience of diflfcrent 
neighborhoods in St. Louis countj^ to make its tlircc trips a week on three 
different routes — one by Florisant, one by Jamestown, and one on tlie direct 
road, departing from its regular direction, for the lirst of these phices, 
iive miles, and for the second ten or eleven miles — all of v.hich has been pro- 
cured through the influence of some of the most conspicuous of those indi- 
viduals out of the State alluded to by ]Mr. Bradley, who have been but too 
successful in convincing ypu that a much less deviation from the " direct 
road" should not be admitted in this "free State" in favor of the county seat 
of its oldest and one of its most populous and important counties. 

But even if it be right to distinguish the people of St. Louis and St. 
Charles counties, in Missouri, by this marked preference, it is not easy to 
perceive on what just grounds the plain, reputable "free State" farmers, 
merchants and mechanics of this county, who, from their exportations, im- 
portations, commercial and other pursuits, are more interested in receiving 
the mail from St. Louis than any other quarter, should not be entitled to 
equal accommodation with a few gentlemen-officers at Jefferson Barracks, for 
whose benefit the mail is to be carried three times a week between that place 
and St. Louis. Similar comparisons might be made Avith Edwardsville and 
other places ; but this is particularly referred to, because in withdrawing 
from us, at the instance of individuals residing out of the State, and probably 
a few of our own misguided citizens (who, on reflection, will be sorry for, if 
not ashamed of it), an accommodation deliberately granted by your prede- 
cessor, and which has not cost an additional cent, as documents in your De- 
partment will show, the expenses of the Government must necessarily be 
increased by the arrangements which you have deemed necessary in conse- 
quence of the change. 

In accounting for this measure Mr. Bradley says : "An objection has l)een 
made by many individuals, in a,ud out of your State, to the Department send- 
ing the important western mail out of its way or regular direction, to the 
inconvenience of the traveler and delay of the mail ; and in consequence of 
those objections the route has been advertised, as it was heretofore, to the ex- 
clusion of Belleville." 

As it is to be presumed that you would not have determined to reverse the 
deliberate decision of yonr predecessor and deprive us of a convenience and 
accommodation conceded by him on due consideration, merely because certain 
individuals have thought proper to object to it, or without being satisfied of 
the validity of their objections, it must have been proved to your satisfaction, 
or gratuitously assumed, that the departure of the mail from its regular di- 
rection, the inconvenience of the traveler, and the delay of the mail itself, 
have all been so great as to render the change necessary. Deeply aftectcd as 
we are by this decision, it is hoped that a few brief remarks upon the several 
objections on which it is predicated will not be deemed too obtrusive. First, 
then, as to the sending the mail out of its way or regular direction. Whatever 
may be the principle adopted in regard to this matter, if equal in its ojiera- 
tion none has a right to complain ; but if it is to be made to tend to the con- 



LETTERS AND SPEECHES OP NINIAN EDWARDS. 361 

venicncc and accommodation of the citizens of one State, and to be rigidly 
and inflexibly inforced to the exclusion of the equal claims of the citizens of 
another, it degrades the latter, and stamps upon them an odious distinction 
which they would well deserve if they could meanly acquiesce in it. As a 
freeman, entitled to equal rights, I would, if I stood alone and unassisted, re- 
sist it by all j)roper means to the last extremity; and I should consider myself 
a traitor to the good people of this State if I could stand by with folded 
arms and patiently see it fixed upon them. What idea was meant to be con- 
veyed in speaking of the " regular direction" of the mail, I do not clearly 
comprehend. But be it what it may, it cannot affect the comparisons I had 
made and intend to make between this and other places, since it must equally 
apply ta them all. If it was intended to refer to the ordinary route on which 
the mail has been heretofore carried, then the answer is, that since the first 
establishment of the line it has never been transported more than two years 
on any other route than through this place, and that it has regularly been 
brought this way ever since the stage commenced running three times a week. 
If the phrase " regular direction" was meant to refer to a straight line, then, 
sir, the maps in your Department will show that there is no town through 
which the mail passes as near to a straight line between Louisville and St. 
Louis as this ; and really it does not appear very reasonable that a departure 
from the "regular direction," so considered, for the accommodation of other 
places, should interpose such insuperable objections to a half an hour's delay 
in returning to the regular direction for the accommodation of the large and 
respectable population that inhabits this county. 

But let us see how far the mail now comes out of the way. There is no 
dispute about its coming through Lebanon, nor would I, if in my power, pre- 
vent its passage through that flourishing village, nor any other place through 
which it is now transported. The road from Lebanon to St. Louis — and the 
only road — passes a Mr. Westfield's, where it forks, the one going directly to 
St. Louis, and the other coming this way. Measuring straight lines from 
Westfield's to the ferry op])Osite St. Louis, and from the same point to this 
place, and thence to the ferry, and comparing the distances, the difference is 
only three and three-tenths miles, as appears by the inclosed statement of 
John Messenger, Esq., our county surveyor, one of the most respectable men 
and the best practical mathematician in the State. If, however, there should 
be any doubt of the correctness of his calculations, my letter of the 16th ult. 
will enable you to have its accuracy completely tested by the maps in the 
General Land Office, This is presumed to be as fair a way of ascertaining 
the difference in the distance as our opponents could desire, because this route 
is at least as susceptible of being shortened as the other ; and contemporaneous 
efforts are now makihg to shorten both. The improvement upon this route 
is certain to be made ; that upon the other is, by an act of our Legislature, 
made to depend upon Congress "granting to this State scrip or other means 
expressly to improve said road," of the probability of which grant you can 
judge as correctly as any one else. On the direct road there is no postoffice; 
and running as it does through a very thinly settled part of our county, the 
-46 ' 



362 LETTERS AND SPEECHES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 

mail in that way (if my recollection is correct, and I think I cannot be mis- 
taken,) would pass by only four little houses or colonies between Wcstfield's 
and the little village through which both roads pass ; and it is not probable 
that the occupants of these houses ever subscribed for a newspaper in their 
lives. The present route passes through the heart of the thickest settlement 
in the State, and accommodates this village, which imports more goods direct 
from Atlantic cities than all the towns through which the mail passes from 
Vincennes to St. Louis, and sui)plies one of the most important postofRces on 
the whole of the line through the State. 

But supposing the difference of the distance to he four miles. The change 
upon your plan, even if, contrary to every reasonable expectation, you should 
continue to refuse more than one mail a week to St. Louis, would considera- 
bly increase the expenses of the Government, for by continuing the present 
arrangements there would be no necessity of carrying the mail by Cahokia to 
St. Louis, or twice a week between this jolace and Lebanon, as contemj^late*! 
by your advertisement. By the change you can only save the expense of 
transportation on twenty-four miles, at most, a week, while you incur it on 
eighty-eight miles for the same length of time, the distance of the first of 
these new routes being twenty and that of the latter being twelve miles. 
But it is not believed that there would be any necessity for giving one cent 
more for the transportation of the mail on the present route than on the 
direct road, the difference in the number of stage-passengers on the former 
being more than equivalent to the distance. If I am not greatly misinformed, 
your Department will show that the proposals'of the present contractor were 
to carry it on either of these routes for the same price. It hajipens that I 
well know that your jjredccessor could have made other contracts for carry- 
ing it on this route without any additional expense ; and with the same dis- 
position it is in your power to do the same thing. Wliy, then, should we, 
imder such circumstances, be deprived of an accommodation extended to 
others with even inferior claims to it? Why ajjply to the people of this 
State one rule, and to those of Missouri another? Fort Osage is the termina- 
tion of the western mail. 

The maps, including the whole of the line you have advertised, are before 
you. You can easily see extraordinary instances of its sinuosities, from St. 
Louis to its termination ; but it would be difficult to show a single one of 
them more justifiable than the small deviation from "the regular direction" 
which has brought the mail through this place. It would be a waste of time 
to specify the multitude of cases in which deviations from "the regular di- 
I'ection" have been and now are sanctioned by law, or authorized by your 
Department. They are numerous not only in Missouri, but in your own 
State. The slightest reference to a few of them will be fully sufficient to jjor- 
tray, in striking colors, the partial and injurious nature of the exception 
which is made in our case. If this be right, why should the mail, in its transit 
to Fayette, the county seat of the most important county on the Missouri, be 
made to go so far "out of its way or regular direction," and travel a much 
worse road, merely for the sake of passing the decaying little village of Frank- 



LETTERS AND SPEECHES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 363 

lin ? "Why require it to go so circuitously from Franklin to Chariton ? And 
upon what principle are the people of the nominal village of Florisant, or of 
the almost houseless Jamestown, in Missouri, more entitled to have the mail 
in a "four-horse stage," "suitable for seven passengers," sent "out of its way 
or regular direction," than the iJeople of this village, the seat of justice of 
one of the most fertile and flourishing counties in the Western world ? Hu- 
man imagination, I should think, can conceive none, unless it may be sup- 
posed that because the people of Missouri have negroes to work for them, 
they are to be considered as gentlefolks, entitled to higher consideration and 
superior privileges to us plain "free State" folks, Avho have to work for our- 
ir^elvcs. That such is the opinion of a distinguished "individual out of the 
State," who has taken a very active part in this business, is scarcely to be 
doubted — nor is it intended to question his right to entertain and act upon 
it ; but if any of our own citizens have countenanced and cooperated in his 
efforts to fix such a stigma upon the State, their labors will doubtless, in due 
time, be properly appreciated by an indignant people, conscious of their rights 
and too proud and high-minded to acknowledge inferiority to the citizens of 
any State in the Union. I hope I shall be pardoned for respectfully referring 
to a single one of the instances of departure of the mail from its "regular 
direction" in your own State. It will not be denied that, even in its transit 
from Frankfort to Paris, it is sent more "out of its way or regular direction," 
for the convenience and accommodation of your own county, than in our 
case. It is true that your county has at present more population than ours — 
an advantage, however, which- it cannot long retain; but, bordering, as this 
does, on the Mississippi River, navigable at all seasons of the year — jjossess- 
ing superior commercial facilities— being of greater extent, and, incredible as 
you think it, of superior fertility — its want of mail and stage accommodations 
is scarcely less at present, and ere long must be greater, than that of yours. 
And if the convenience of "the traveler," or such alleged "delay of the mail," 
is to control its direction, its deviation from its "I'cgular direction," through 
your county, would appear far the most objectionable, in consequence of the 
greater number of persons to be affected by it — which must be in proportion 
to the difference in the population west of Lexington and that which is west 
of tliis place, or to the inducements to traveling or demands for the mail 
westwardly of these points, respectively ; but, without extending the com- 
parison to all the places to which it is applicable, I beg leave to ask, why, 
if the people of St. Louis have a right to demand a change in the one case, 
those of Frankfort and Louisville have not at least an equal right in the 
other ? 

As to "the inqouvenience of the traveler," it is an entirely new idea that 
the convenience of travelers is to control the direction, arrivals or depart- 
ures of the mail ; but were it otherwise, where is the proof that a single 
traveler has had to pay an additional cent, or been delayed a moment be- 
yond the periods fi.Ked by your Department for arrivals and departures to and 
from Vincenucs and St. Louis, respectively, or that any change has ever been 
made in either, in consequence of the mails being sent through this place ? It 
is confidently believbd that no such proof has been or can be made ; and it 



364 LETTERS AND SPEECHES OF NINIAN EDAVARDS. 

does not appear to be just that we should be subjected to such serious depri- 
vations upon a mere naked, unsupported allegation, which the very returns, 
officially received, both by law and the practice of your Department, sufficient- 
ly falsify. But suppose some travelers have been kept on this road a half an 
hour longer than they Avould have been on the other : many others, equally 
entitled to the favors of the CTOvernment, have been accommodated by this 
a,rrangemGnt ; for it is susceptible of the clearest proof, and I pledge myself 
to produce it, if required, not only that the number of passengers between 
this town and St. Louis has been double if not quadruple what it hi<s been 
on any other part of the line, but that this place has produced more traveling 
in the stages than all the towns and every other place through which (he 
route passes, from one extremity of it to the other. But, whatever may be 
the force of this objection, it is equally applicable to any of the places to 
which this has been compared, and is much more so to some of them. It can- 
not, therefore, be ccmsidered harmless as to them, and so disastrous to us, with- 
out fixing upon us "free State" people an ignominious mark, which, I trust, 
the "distinguished individual out of the State," before alluded to, with all 
the strange and unaccountable assistance which he has hitherto got or may 
hereafter receive, in this State, will not be able ultimately to effect. 

As to "the delay of the mail," this is a grave objection, and should not be 
assumed upon slight grounds, since it cannot have existed, to such an extent 
as to render the intended change necessary, without seriously implicating the 
official integrity of your distinguished predecessor, whose administration of 
the Department has commanded such universal approbation and applause, 
and whose popularity in this and the adjoining States is second only to that 
of the illustrious patriot who fills the Presidential chair. If such an evil has 
existed, it was his unquestionable duty to have corrected it. If it has been 
gratuitously assumed, it is not less unjust to him than injurious to us. How, 
then, stands the fact ? It is known to you that the times of arrival and de- 
parture of the mail had been arranged and prescribed for the whole route 
without any reference to this place, and that none of them had been changed 
or any additional delay authorized in consequence of sending the mail this 
way. The contractor was just as liable to forfeitures for delays, as if the mail 
had been sent on the direct road ; and it has been the constant duty of every 
postmaster throughout the whole route to report all failures. Did a single 
one of them make any report, during Mr. McLean's administration, to justify 
this assumption ? Have any of them done so since you succeeded him — or a 
single forfeiture been enforced for a delinquency of this kind ? It is unhesi- 
tatingly assumed, that all these questions must be answered negatively. Un- 
less, then, all those postmasters have violated their oaths, this alleged objec- 
tion is utterly unfounded. Nor, sir, will there be the least difficulty in ful- 
filling all the arrangements proposed in your own advertisement, should the 
mail continue to be transported as it has been under the present contract ? 
But, were it otherwise, what would be the hardship of requiring it to start a 
half an hour sooner from some one of its night stands, or a few minutes earlier 



LETTERS AND SPEECHES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 365 

from more than one ? Or, what important interest is to be jeopardized should 
it even arrive at St. Louis a half an hour later ? 

In addition to this view of the subject, though I feci the greatest deference 
for your superior legal attainments, I cannot avoid thinking your decision il- 
legal. I take it that no executive can lawfully do that which the Legislature 
clearly intended should noC he done — or disregard, control or set aside that 
wliich it obviously intended should ic done : and nothing is clearer, to me, 
than that Congress, by establishing a route from Bhawneetown to this place, 
intended that it should not be extended any further, and that it should here be 
connected with the line from Vincennes to St. Louis ; and, therefore, I doubt 
your authority to destroy the whole of this intended arrangement by extend- 
ing the line from Shawneetown to St. Louis, adding a new route to Lebanon, 
and withdrawing "the important western raaiV from that on which it was 
then transferred. 

Connected with the efforts to induce you to change the present route, there 
seems to have been a corresponding plan, of which you were doubtless unap- 
prized, to destroy all the important objections of another one— which plan is 
calculated to subserve no interest, unless it may be that of a company who 
may intend to bid for the transportation of the mail on the whole line from 
Vincennes to St. Louis, and whose interest, should they succeed in obtaining 
the contemplated contracts, v/ould be greatly advanced by the destruction of 
a rival establisliment. The mail is now, and has been for some time past, 
brought from Louisville to Shawneetown in stages. It was intended by your 
predecessor to extend that stage line to this place, and, by connecting it from 
Equality to Ceutrcville, in Kentucky, with the line from the mouth of Cum- 
berland to ^Sfashville, to establish a direct stage route from the latter to St. 
Louis, on the best and usually traveled road between those jjlaces. Your own 
personal knowledge of the country will enable you to judge of the vast pop- 
ulation in the southern parts of Kentucky, Tennessee, Alabama, etc., which 
this route would accommodate ; and, considering the prodigious emigration 
which Missouri and this State are both receiving from those States, the mar- 
kets they afford for our surplus horses, mules, beef cattle and hogs, and the 
considerable and increasing commerce between them and this country, there 
seems to be no reason to doubt that a stage line from Nashville to St. Louis 
would be fully as important and not less desirable than the one from Louis- 
ville to St. Louis ; and that such a line has been contemplated by yourself is 
inferrable from the stage route you have advertised from Frankfort, in this 
State, to Salem, in Kentucky. 

Let us, then, sec how this route is provided for. Beginning at St. Louis, 
it comes six or seven miles out of the way, by Cahokia, to this place, and 
thence, departing from the State road to Georgetown, the seat of justice of 
Washington county, at the passage of the law establishing the route, and 
through which it was intended to pass, it goes to Covington ; thence, without 
any reference to the State road, on which the law intended it to be carried, 
to Frankfort ; and thence to Salem, in Kentucky. Now, sir, had human in- 
genuity been taxed "to the utmost to preserve the appearance of intending to 



366 ■ LETTERS AND SPEECHES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 

run stages on this route as established by law, and yet to disappoint that ex- 
pectation, nothing more eifectual could have been devised than this arrange- 
ment ; for the route, as advertised, is impracticable for stages, and if it were 
not, its course is so zigzag tliat no one would travel it. That you have been 
most awfully deceived, misinformed and imposed upon, as to the localities 
and topography in reference to this route, there can be no doubt ; and it is 
to be deplored that there should be found "individuals in this State" so re- 
gardless of its interest, and the convenience and accommodation of their fel- 
low-citizens, as to be willing to sacrifice or postpone them all for the sake of 
a personal interest in reference to the line from Vincennes to St. Louis, which 
never can be a commercial route nor half as important to this State as would 
be one from the town of America, on the Ohio River, to our northern settle- 
ments, corresponding with the great and only channel of exportation for 
this whole country. 

But to return to the change under consideratiou. Mr. Bradley says : "Yet 
propositions may be so favorably made as to induce the Postmaster-General 
to forego partial engagements made to individuals on the subject." 

As the experience of nearly two years affords abundant proof that sending 
the mail by this place need not delay its arrivals or departures a moment 
beyond the times prescribed by yourself, and it is demonstrable that the 
contemplated change cannot fail to increase the expenses of the Government, 
it is rather difficult to imagine the nature and objects of such propositions as 
iVIr. Bradley supposes might be " so favorably made" as to induce you to 
change your present determination. But, be this as it may, since our just 
equality of rights has been drav.m into question, and a celebrated member of 
Congress from another .State, backed by certain individuals in this, is under- 
stood to stand pledged to deprive us of it, I, for one, am inclined to rely 
exclusively upon the intrinsic merits of our case, trusting that, upon a review 
of it, you yourself will do us ample justice, or, if not, that more good will 
result from letting the people see and feel how our affairs are permitted to 
be managed by members of Congress from other States, tlian could be ob- 
tained by occupying less elevated ground. 

Although no consideration could induce me to Avithhold this remonstrance, 
1 should be very happy not to be misunderstood. It is not my object to 
impute blame to your Department ; for had the rights of this State been 
pressed with the same energy that those of other States liave been, we all 
have had reason enough to feel assured that they would have been equally 
respected by your predecessor, and I have not the least doubt of a disposition 
equally just and favorable on your part. 

Identified, as we are, with all great interests, with Missouri, and particu- 
larly so in reference to the prosperity of St. Louis, we entertain no other 
feelings towards our brethren of that State or city than those of friendship, 
nor do we doubt the' candid reciprocation of the great body of them ; and as 
to myself, far rather would I contribute, with the best of my poor abilities, 
as I have often endeavored to do, to advance their interests, than deprive 
them, if in my power, of any accommodation that has ever been extended to 



LETTERS AND SPEECHES OP NINIAN EDWARDS. 367 

them or any part of them ; but we claim an equality of rights with them. 
This nothing shall induce me to relinquish ; for great is the debt of grati- 
tude which I owe to the good people of this State, and they have never been 
seen to shrink when their rights and interests have been called into question, 
and, with the permission of Divine Providence, they never shall. 

I have the honor to be, 

Your most obedient servant, 

N. EDWARDS. 
To The Postmaster-General, Washington City. 



Belleville, Illinois, June 11, 1832. 
Mr. Breath : 

At a period of such intense interest to all who have hearts to feel for the 
calamities which now afflict, and must, without prompt relief, finally over- 
whelm a large portion of our population, the inclosed letters, though not 
intended for publication, have been freely submitted to the inspection of all 
Avho have desired to see them, and particularly to many who have been dis- 
posed actually to cooperate in the objects they have in view. This has pro- 
duced solicitations and importunities for their publication which I am bound 
to resj^ect, and do not feel at liberty to refuse, and hence they are transmitted 
to you for that purpose. It is to be hoped that they may contribute to afford 
to our fellow-citizens of other States such information of our actual situation 
as may be sufficient to induce them to follow the example so laudably set by 
the city of St. Louis. Whatever the carnage and desolation which savage 
ferocity may inflict upon our northern counties, they cannot equal the cal- 
amities which are threatened by famine. This is our greatest danger. The 
General Government will doubtless provide for it as soon as expedient ; but, 
in the meantime, great suflfering, if not the most dreadful catastrophies, can 
only be prevented by active individual benevolence and charity. Unless they 
can see some other means of saving our suffering fellow-citizens from actual 
starvation, humanity requires that every editor in the State should spare no 
pains to make their situation known in its true colors. 

NINIAN EDWARDS. 



Lower Alton, Illinols, Ajjril 19, 1832. 
Gentlemen : 

Ere this reaches you, you will doubtless have heard of the hostile deport- 
ment of the Sauks, Winnebagoes, etc. Even if no blow should be struck, the 
consequences cannot lail to be extremely disastrous to our northern settle- 
ments. The alarm is universal, the northern frontier weak and exposed and the 
inhabitants thereof are fleeing into the interior for protection. This, at this 
time of putting in their crops, will be ruinous and afflictive to many. If it 
should not reduce them to absolute starvation, they will be left> without any 
resource but the bounty of others, who, in this new country, have enough to 



368 LETTERS AND SPEECHES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 

do to support themselves and their own families. I deplore this state ot 
things, as well on those accounts as its inevitable tendency to check immi- 
gration. Such conduct ought to be submitted to no longer, and I trust that 
the wonted energy of the President will promjjtly apply the proper correct- 
ive. Those Indians were let oil' too easily last year, and they will for a long- 
time to come continue to annoy us, if we do not utterly abandon the unwise 
policy of regarding one part of the tribe as friends while another part is 
warring upon us. I opposed this policy during the whole of the late war, 
and all subsequent experience has strengthened the opinion I then entertained. 
I doubt whether there is one informed candid man, who witnessed the events 
of the late war on the frontiers of this State and Missouri, that does not 
believe we suffered more from the peace party than from the war party. 
Nothing will do but to consider the whole tribe as answerable for the con- 
duct of its members — unless, indeed, there was a permanent sej^aration be- 
tween, as well in peace as in war. 

The Government ought to afford such adequate protection as would relieve 
the State from the necessity of calling out the militia so frequently, and par- 
ticularly at such a season of the year as the present. The losses they mu.st 
sustain by being taken from their farms at the time for jjlanting corn are too 
serious and oppressive to be slightly regarded. Yet there is no other alter- 
native at present — and this should powerfully recommend the employment of 
a mounted force, as proposed by the present Secretary of War. Should this 
plan be adopted, I cannot forbear, on the present occasion, to present to your 
consideration the preeminent qualifications of Gen. Samuel Whiteside for a 
service of this kind. His assistance is ever ready to be afforded, and can 
never be dispensed with on occurrences like the present. IJe will doubtless 
have a high command on the present expedition. It will be some reparation 
for the injuries they must sustain by the present call, if our militia be 
promptly paid ; and as Congress is now in session, it is to be hoped that you 
may be able to obtain provision for that purpose. 

I have only time to add that, although I am a decided tariff man, I highly 
approve your course on that subject, and will sustain it with the best of my 
poor abilities. 

In great haste, 

I am, I'espectfuUy, 

Your most obedient servant, 

NINIAN EDWARDS. 
To Hon. Elias K. Kane and Hon. I. M, Robinson, Senatora in Congress, 

Washington City, D. C. 



A letter of Gov. Edwards In relation lo the Blaek Hawk \Var, In 1832. 

Belleville, Illinois, June 5, 1832. 
Bear Sirs : 

Nothing can be more deplorable than the dreadful situation to ^'hich the 
failure of crops last year and the present Indian war have reduced our fellow- 



LETTERS AND SPEECHES OP NINIAN EDAVARDS. 369 



citizens iu the iiortheni part of the State. Equally threatened with starva- 
tion and the ruthless tomahawk, they have, of themselves, no means of 
escaping the latter without encountering all the horrors of the former. Fan- 
ciful as these alternatives may seem to some, none can doubt their appalling 
reality who are acquainted with the circumstances and situation of those 
})eopIe, and know the undeniable fact that, owing to tlie severity of the two 
last winters and the faihire of the last year's crop, there Vt'as not within the 
State, even before the present disturbances commenced, a sutliciency of pro- 
visions for our own consumption. No part of the State has escaped great 
difficulties and privations in consequence of this extraordinary scarcity, but 
so much greater and more universal has it been in the northern counties, that It 
was scarcely to be hoped, under the most favorable circumstances, that many 
of their inhabitants would not suffer such melancholy consequences of an 
actual deficiency of subsistence as humanity must shudder to think of De- 
pendent upon their own labor for the means of obtaining articles of the tirst 
iK'cessity, the failure of their crops had left them penniless. But no amount 
of money could command, in those counties, the requisite suj)plies. Not a 
solitary inhabitant having more than enough for himself and his ow^u family, 
none had anj- to spare to his neighbor. In this situation, these unfortunate 
people have, at the very time for commencing their crops, been driven from 
tlieir homes by savage atrocities that have never been surpassed, leaving all 
their c;;ittle, hogs and other property behind them, which have fallen into 
the hands of the savages, and compelled to seek refuge in forts where they 
cannot earn a cent, and must remain till the time for making their croj^s will 
have entirely elapsed. This is literally the situation of the people of Jo- 
Daviess county. Not a man remains on his farm, nor, from present aj^pear- 
ances, can return to it for many weeks to come. Multitudes are in a like 
situation in other counties. How, then, are they, with the losses of property 
which they have already sustained, to be saved from actual starvation? Cer- 
tainly by no other means than the interposition of Government, or the bene- 
volence and charity of our neighboring States. 

Shall, then, such a number of meritorious men, women and ciiildreu be 
permitted, in this great Republic, this Christian laud, to starve to death ? 
Can the Government hesitate a moment to afford them all the relief which 
their distress and suffering so loudly demand? I should think not, for it is 
difficult to conceive of a more legitimate object for its action, or one that 
could impose upon it a more indispensable duty, than that of providing 
against a fomine too extensive to be controlled by individual exertions, and 
which threatens calamities too awful to be safely trusted to the gratuitous 
relief of others. It has ever been the practice of all nations to afford relief 
in such cases. The citizens of Alexandria, who had suffered by lire — the sub- 
jects of a foreign power, reduced to want by an earthquake — and the starving 
Indians of the South — have all received the bounty of our own ; and shall it 
be denied to our own suffering citizens, whose calamities have, in a great 
degree, been produced by measures which the Government itself has found 
it necessary to adopt? 
—47 ' 



370 LETTERS AND SPEECHES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 

Not only has this portion of our population suffered by those measures, 
?jut they have so injuriously affected every part of the State us to give us 
just and fair claim to remuneration from the General (iovernmeut ; all of 
which have been produced by the failure of Congress to provide for the rais- 
ing of a corps of mounted rangers, as recommended by the Secretary of War. 
No other description of force is adequate to protection against Indian hostili- 
ties ; and if anything could justify the placing of such a corps at the disposal 
of the President, as a measure of reasonable precaution, nothing could have 
more pov^'erfuily recommended it than the unsettled state of affairs on our 
northern frontier, the universal discontent of the Indians, and the disposition 
"vvhich they have constantly manifested to break out, upon the slightest en- 
couragement, into their usual horrid excesses ever since the first settlement of 
Galena. 

Forbidden by the Constitution to provide for their own safety, every State 
is entitled to the protection of the United States, and has an indisputable 
right to claim ample indemnity for injuries and losses sustained for the want 
of it. "Were it otherwise, the Union would be scarcely v/orth preserving. 
But instead of that jDrotection which we had a right to claim, and of the 
want of which the events of the last year had given sufficient warning, their 
measures have involved us in dangers and require us to fight, not our own, 
but their battles — for the immediate cause of the present war was the in- 
sult, indignity and outrage offered to the United States by the attack upon 
the Menomonies and murdering twenty-eight of them at Prairie du Chien, by 
Black Hawk and his party. To submit to an offense so heinous, would have 
been disgraceful to the United States, and hence it was very properly deter- 
mined to demand those murderers for punishment. But atrocious as was this 
conduct, having been committed upon the lands of the United States and 
within their jurisdiction, it constituted an offense to them exclusively, and 
not to this or any other individual State. They, therefore, being at peace 
with all the rest of the world and having an overflowing treasury, should, 
without relying upon drafted militia from any State, have proposed not only 
to avenge their own injuries, but to protect the citizens of this State from all 
dangers justly to be apprehended from a conflict with the Indians about their 
own affair. 

That a severe conflict should have been expected does not seem to admit of a 
doubt ; for,. while the pressing of the demand for the murderers, with threats 
of coercion, could not fail to increase the hostile disposition of the Indians 
there was as little reason to believe that they would comply with it, as that 
the President would abandon it and jiermit those to escape with entire impu- 
nity. Who were demanded ? Black Hawk, the most influential man of the 
tribe, and those distinguished chiefs and warriors Avho have been united with 
him ever since the commencement of the late war. For what purpose were 
they demanded ? Not as hostages of peace, but to be tried for murders. As 
well might it have been expected that the whole tribe would consent to its 
utter annihilation as that these men would be surrendered for such a purpose. 
And it is not to be supposed that the President would be satisfied to permit 



LETTERS AND SPEECHES OP NINIAN EDWARDS. 371 



these principal offenders to escape the punishment due to their crimes by the 
delivery of a few of their humble and comparatively innocent instruments. 

But be all this as it may, the United States had no more riglit to devolve 
the burthens and hardships of this contest upon this State than upon Maine 
or Louisiana, and might just as well have required our militia to i5ght their 
battles for an attack offered to them in Arkansas or Florida, as in Michigan. 
Should it become necessary to fight for our north-eastern boundary, Maine, 
though directly interested in tlie cause of the war, if ever so competent to 
the task, would hardly be left to do all the fighting merely on account of her 
proximity to the scene of action. I therefore trust that, if th& war is to be 
protracted, as it seems likely to be, our militia will no longer be exclusively 
required for that purpose. 

Great are the losses which they must necessarily sustain by the requisitions 
that have already been made upon them. Called out and kept in service 
during the whole time for making their crops, they will be thrown out of 
business for the balance of the year, and deprived of all opportunity of pro- 
viding food for their families and provender for their horses, cattle and hogs, 
many of which must inevitably perish in the course of the coming winter. 

But the losses occasioned by these beavy requisitions are not confined to 
those who are detached into the service of the United States. Citizens who 
remain at home are taxed more than twice as much for, every drafted man, as 
the United States pay him, and are obliged to make prompt payment — for no 
man can, according to our laws be drafted, whatever the term of service, 
without having a right to recover $50 of the class to which he belongs ; so 
that while the United States are only bound to pay for the services of 
drafted men at the rate of $6.66 per month, some four or five jorivate indi- 
viduals are responsible to him for $50, which, according to the term of service 
of the late detachment, requires the latter to pay for each man $36.68 more 
than the former — a burthen not only unjust, but intolerable and oppressive. 

Disastrous, however, as have been all these events, the savage barbaritiea 
that have been perpetrated in the face of the large force that has been in the 
field, clearly evince that our situation would have been infinitely worse had 
not the Governor so promptly called out the militia. But for this all the set- 
tlements beyond the Illinois River must have been precipitately abandoned, 
in which case universal terror and consternation VN'ould have pervaded and to 
a great extent depopulated all the counties bordering on that river on this 
side, and thus, by accumulating vast supplies of all kinds, have enabled 
them to protract the war at their own pleasure. As it is, there is reason to 
believe the cattle and hogs that have fallen into their hands will enable 
them to continue it beyond the present year. That it will not end shortly, 
at any rate, is much to be feared, since, though Gen. Atkinson may march 
through every part of the country they occupy, such is its nature and extent 
that he cannot force them into a general engagement ; and fighting them with 
such detachments of raw militia and inexperienced officers as they would 
not seek to elude, cannot but be extremely hazardous. 



372 LETTERS AND SPEECHES OP NINIAN EDWARDS. 

In these overwhelming difficulties, great consolation is found in the long 
experience and unrivaled judgment and energy of the President in sucli 
atiairs ; and trusting lliat he will he made fully acquainted witli our actual 
situation, wc conlidcntly look to him for all the relief which it is in his pro- 
vince to afford— hoping, at the same time, that Congress will immediately 
provide for the raising of a competent number of mounted rangers and for 
relieviiig the Avants, repairing the wrongs and adequately com^^ensating the 
services and losses of our distressed and harassed population. 

It is much to be feared that the ajjpropriation proposed by the House of 
Representatives for defraying the expenses of that bloody war, will Ijc in- 
sufficient. Any mistake of tliis kind would be extremely unfortunate, ibr 
nothing could be more unjust and oppressive than to withhold from our 
militia prompt payment for services rendered at sucli monstrous sacrifices. 
Those, who were detached into the service of tlie United States last year, have 
not, as yet, received a cent of pay. Poor men, dependent upon the sweat of 
their lirows for the support of themselves and their fiimilies, cannot with- 
stand such delays, and, as might have been expected, the most of these have 
since been compelled to part with their claims for about one-half their 
amounts — tor which losses, tlms inilicted upon them by the Government at a 
time of profound peace and with a full treasury, justice cannot deny them 
equivalent compensation. 

I have tlie honor to be, sir, 
Uespectfully, 

Your obedient servant, 

xN'INIAN EDWARDS. 
To HoK, EuAii K. Kane and Hon. I. M. Robinson, Stmaiurn in Congress, 

YVashington, D. C. 



Speech wheu a Caiuliilafe for C'ougre.^6 again.st Mattliew Lyon, in ISOC, iu Keutuclcy.— His opin- 
ions on "treating" at Elections, and mi i^ecret Socielies. 

If there is any gentleman liere who has indulged liimself in secret whis- 
pers, in saying he has secrets to tell that will astonish my friends, let him 
speak them out. If they lessen my pretensions, tlie public should know them ; 
if they do not, they must l)etold to gratify malignity. 

Open attacks can be openly met, but the obscure insinuation, like tin; worm 
that penetrates the ship, proceeds without the possibility of resistaiur. The 
poisoned arrow is .shot in the dark, so that no al)ilities can repel the blow — 
no innocence shield from its approach. If he will not do this, I hope j^ou 
will say, let the weak and ill-natured enjoy the poor pleasure of whispering 
calumny and detraction, and let the man of sen.se display his wisdom in dis- 
regarding it. The dog bays at the moon, Imt it still shines in all its l)eauti- 
ful benignity and moves in its undisturbed regularity. There are some who 
see my acts with a jaundiced eye, and represent them to others in the same 
color in which they behold them. Their tale of slander passes over my mind 
as the shadow over the earth. 



LETTERS AND SPEECHES OP NINIAN EDWARDS. 373 



It may be asked, why I offer my services ? The reason is, I have been 
solicited and not a man has requested me to decline. It is said that I can do 
the most good, but that I will not. Compare my conduct with that of ray 
opponent's. Have I not, by my acts, promoted the population of the country ? 
Did I not, while a lawyer, try to put an end to controversies? Have I not a 
general interest in common with the rest of you? Have I not been faithful 
as a lawyer and did I not faithfully represent your interests in the Legislature ? 
I wish not this mushroom, this ephemeral popularity, which ends the day of its 
birtli ! You are are instructed by a corresponding society how to act. They 
declare that they have had a general meeting and that they came to unani- 
mous resolutions, and yet they do not give the sanction of one name to their 
proceedings — were they ashamed ? If they meant to make no improper im- 
pressions—if they meant the public good and not the gratification of private 
malignity, or the attainment of certain selfish, interested views — why conceal 
their names? 'Tis only the insidiou.s, the treacherous and designing that 
shroud themselves with darkness or mystery. They mean to dictate to you, 
to control you, and yet they are ashamed to let you know who they are, lest 
you should blush to find yourselves following such blind or self-interested 
guides into the ditch, or as the instruments by which they obviously intend 
you .shall advance their interests, being separate and distinct from that of 
yours and the public at large. Let them unmask themselves, and how many do 
you think you would find among them whose profession is agriculture ? Not 
one ; you will find them men of soft hands, active fingers, with fine clothes 
and always living in the shade. Are you willing to believe that they tell you 
the truth in what they say ? Do you know them ? Do you know whether 
they are entitled to credibility? Surely, if you do not, the act of concealing 
their names is a very unfavorable evidence of it. If a man intends to tell a 
truth which the public ought to know, and therefore which is his duty to tell, 
surely he should not be ashamed or refuse to give up his name and ))e con- 
sidered as the author ; and if he has not independence or integrity enough 
to give up his name, is it safe in you to confide in him ? No ; I am sure you 
will spurn from you, with contempt, the man who obtrudes his counsel on 
you and tells you he is led to it from patriotism, and yet would not let you 
see his face or tell his name. The great prototype of this society assumed the 
mysterious shape of a serpent, to deceive Eve, and those men are attemptiug 
to beguile you in the same way. They are known ; and depend upon it, if 
you shall ever find them out, you will then be satisfied that they had your 
and the public good about as much at heart as the serpent had the happiness 
of Eve. They express their joy at the independence of the peoj^le ; I rejoice 
at it, also. It is the only foundation of my hoi)es that they will not sufiVr 
themselves to be lead and deceived by men who have so little of that virtue, 
that they are unwilling to let their names accompany their acts. Would they 
only avow their names, you would have as little difficulty in discovering the 
motives of their conduct as if they were before the celebrated Temple of 
Truth. You would then <liscovcT tiie predominancy of a peculiar and sepa- 
rate interest, totally distinct from the public good, and circumscribed by par- 
ticular views of private emolument. 



374 LETTERS AND SPEECHES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 

They wisli for tlie purity of election, yet they have attempted to misguide 
the public mind — for they sj^eak of information tlicy never pogsesscd, of com- 
munications they never received, of a meeting that never took place : and 
this can be proved to the satisfaction of any candid mind ; and if the con- 
trary is contended, they are now challenged to come from their hiding places 
and contend the point before those upon whom they intended to dictate to, 
and for whose welfore they felt such disinterested sensibility. If they can- 
not do this, let them come forth and show the propriety of attempting to 
deceive the people for their good. What ! shall they attempt to deceive the 
people, in order to make them do right ? Such is sometimes the method of 
treating children — such conduct might suit the degraded slaves of the East- 
such may be justifiable conduct in monarchical governments ; but in this en- 
lightened age — in a Government predicated upon the information, integrity, 
independence and virtue of the people— every independent freeman must 
recoil at such an idea. His mind must be filled with an honest indignation 
at an attempt to feed him with jiap — this slave-like, this childish victuals. 
An independent man has no palate for it. What ! not trust you with naked, 
open truth, lest it might not answer the purpose ':• Not rely upon the strength 
of your own minds ? They pay a jjoor compliment to your understanding, 
when they suppose you are to be influenced by them merely from the words 
" general meeti7u/,'" "unanimous resolves,'" etc. — as if they possessed all the force 
and efficacy of a magical rod. But if it is admitted that they have a right 
to deceive you for your good, they will next claim and exercise the right of 
deceiving you for other purposes. This is the best apology that can be made 
for this attempt to deceive you with the magnitude of their meeting and the 
unanimity of their resolves; but are you willing to admit its truth? To 
concede thi.s point, finding that they liave deceived you on one or two jDointa, 
what security is there that they have not done so throughout, and have in- 
tended to deceive you for their own and not your good ? Let them remember 
the fable of the little boy who cried " wolves !" and you can make the appli- 
cation. I cannot, for my part, confide in any man who I know has attempted 
to deceive me ; nor can I ever believe that any man's object is a laudable one, 
when he attempts to attain it at the expense of truth and sincerity, and on 
the ruins of the best principles of sound morality. They might as well con- 
tend for the right of taking off my head to prevent me from going to Congress, 
or deprive you of a vote because you were not disposed to vote as they wished, 
as to contend that they have a right to deceive and mislead you in order that 
you might vote as they wished. They deprecate the idea of converting the 
election into a mere trick, as they call it; and yet, you never discovered a 
greater disposition to make use of tricks than they have attempted — and 
all they lacked is the power of executing it with success; and the only 
obstacle to it is the good sense of the people. Men who discover, with 
ease, unworthy motives in others, are very apt to be led into the belief 
from the operations of their own minds. Thus we find these men en- 
deavoring to practice the most shallow trick, which they are charging 
upon others — like the thief, when pursued, cries "stop thief!" to direct 
the attention of the people from himself This trick, they say, will be 



LETTERS AND SPEECHES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 375 

produced, if the people give up their right to a " circling juntcC I con- 
fess tliat, although the cj^ithct cirding, as applied to juntd, is borrowed, I 
cauuot discover its beauty or force in this case ; but I am not disposed to dis- 
pute about terms. The members of this society are not, I presume, perfectly 
free from superstitious notions, or they could not have calculated so much 
from the talismanic operation of "general meeting" and "unanimous re- 
solves ;" and as a circle was familiar to the magic art, and indeed, according 
to vulgar ideas, necessary to its operation, they may have very naturally 
associated the idea with juntas of which there are none, and I sincerely hope 
there never will he any but their own. That their society has every requi- 
site appertaining to junta, is evident. It is a clandestine association, com- 
posed of not more than five members, and has for its object certain ends, to 
which any means will be subservient. It is not necessary for me to point out 
the danger to be apprehended fi'om such an association ; they have done it 
themselves. They confess it will convert elections into a " mere trick," by 
which ambitious men may pass silently into power. The jjeople, being thus 
Avarned, I hope will at least be on their guard, and prevent this junta from 
effecting their object, unless tliey wall come forward unmasked, like the rest 
of their fellow-citizens. They say they are afraid their brethren may relax 
in their efforts to serve their friend, and they stimulate them by an assurance 
that they are determined to support him with all their influence ; and still 
they say he does not need it, because he has gained ground. Do you believe 
this? If they thought so, why their extraordinary efforts — why their un- 
common exertions? But then, they say, the people are determined to vote as 
becomes freemen, and will not be influenced by any man or set of men. If 
they think so, where is the necessity for the efforts of their brethren ? Surely 
it would be absurd for them to try to iiffluence the people, if they were deter- 
mined to disregard it. How do they intend to support his election, if the 
people are determined not to listen to their arguments? If, as they say, the 
people are determined to do right, why not let them alone? The truth is, 
they think all do right who do as they wish them ; they will not allow any 
other man to support his friend, but they must be allowed to support theirs ; 
they are opposed to all juntas but their own; they claim the exclu.sive right 
of forming a junta, and I seriously hope none others will follow so pernicious 
an example. I hope they will be left in the undisturbed enjoyment of plots 
tricks, etc. ; but I also hope that the good sense of the people will not be 
misled by them. I hope they will first show their claim to the privilege of 
directing the people how to vote — and, if it is not unfounded, that they may 
be left to the enjoyment of their own creed, and the people to their inde 
I)endcnce. 

But it is not only the interest and the duty of each individual to act cor- 
rectly himself, but also to use his influence in society to prevent any violation 
of the letter and spirit of our Constitution, That the success of our Govern- 
ment and the preservation of liberty depend upon the purity of election, is 
self-evident. Our greatest patriots, and best and wisest men, have proven 
incontrovertibly that such was their belief; and the influence of their opinion 
should be very gfeat — for we find that there is scarcely a Constitution in the 



376 LETTERS AND SPEECHES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 



United States under which treating at .an election, or anything like it, is not 
made a disqualification to the person guilty thereof from holding a seat in any 
body to which he might be elected. Is there any one that does not coiisider 
this a wise regulation? If it is a wise regulation, it is surely your interest 
that it should exist in practice, and not merely have a place on paper. It will 
bind the virtuous and conscientious mm ; for I can scarcely conceive how any 
man, who has sworn to support the Constitution of his country, can reconcile 
it to himself to violate it in its most essential provisions. It is evident tliat 
it will bind the virtuous men ; for them no such provision is necessary. It 
was intended to restrain the vicious and ambitious, who would be disposed to 
make use of any means to attain their end ; and unless it is made to operate 
as a check on them, the provision will be perfectly nugatory, and this will be 
the same thing as if it did not exist at all ; nay, infinitely worse, because it 
gives to those who have no conscience an advantage over those who have, in • 
asmuch as the restraint of the virtuous adds additional strength to those of 
the other class. If, then, you do not discountenance those who are disjjoscd 
to practice this corruption — if you do not withhold from such men your con- 
fidence, and teach them that it is their interest to act otherwise, in order to 
gain your approbation — instead of inspiring the minds of your fellow-citizens 
with a laudable and patriotic ambition to serve their country and excel in 
virtue, you cherish their vices by rewarding them; you establish a school of 
vice and depravity in our country, tending to contaminate not only the pres- 
ent, but succeeding generations ; you foster in your own bosoms the deadly 
adder, which, sooner or later, will sting you to death. The deadly poison 
will insinuate itself into the heart of society, and from thence diftusc itself 
throughout all parts of it. Let it be once conceded that you are willing to 
see the practice of " treating" for aft election once introduced among us, and 
what will be the consequence 'i The precedent, ouce established, will become 
less and less objectionable by becoming more familiar to you — it will finally 
become fashionable, and ultimately necessary to success. I ask you, then, 
where is your boasted equality ? Where is the fair and open field in which 
talents and merit may successfully exert themselves and receive their just re- 
ward? It will vanish forever, or only remain as a dream upon the mind. All 
distinctions will then be confined to the rich — for they alone will be able to 
meet the expenses of an election. A man in moderate circumstances, be his 
talent ever so great, will not be able to contend with his more wealthy com- 
petitor; and we shall find ourselves completely under the dominion of an 
aristocracy, while we are only amused with the name of a free government ! 
He who has paid the least attention to the current of events, or histories ot 
other countries, may be satisfied' that unless this most formidable enemy to 
freedom, corruption, is successfully repelled, by the virtue and wisdom of the 
people, in his first attempt to invade us, he will rise in his strength, like a 
mighty torrent, and tear down everything before him. 

Even in England treating for an election to the House of Commons, that 
branch of the legislature of that country which consists of the immediate 
representatives of the people, is severely prohibited, and made, also, a dis- 
qualification of the person guilty thereof; and had the regulation been strictly 



LETTERS AND SPEECHES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 377 

adhered to, that country would have been free compared to what it now is — 
such oppression as tlieir people now feel could not have reared its gigantic 
head among them. The treating in England commenced, in the first instance, 
as it seems to be commencing in the United States : as a harmless thing. It 
was thought that the independent minds of the Britons were not to be influ- 
enced by it. It was practiced l)y the most indirect means — it was masked 
under various pretences — till at length it has become the only engine of pro- 
curing an election; and it is no extraordinary thing, now, to hear of an elec- 
tion costing a candidate £.500. 

Such has been the progress of it in England. Most dearly have the people 
tlirre paid for their toleration of it, till it became so formidable that they 
cannot now resist it. Such will, I fear, be its progress in this country, unless 
the people at large are disposed to benefit by the examj^le and fatal experi- 
ence of others. For the sake of guarding against the evils that have befallen 
tbem — for the sake of public virtue on its own account— they should therefore 
discourage the practice in any shape in which it can make its appearance. No 
man in England ever said to another, " I give you this treat to vote for me," 
but, on the contrary, were he charged with it, he would deny it ; he would 
speak of his right to spend his money as he pleased, and resort to many other 
evasions. So it is in this country. But inquire into the case as rational men. 
If you find a man profusely spending his money in treating, while an election 
is pending, what construction can you put on his conduct than that he is, 
indirectly, attempting to buy your votes? You should ask yourself, "would 
this man practice so much liberality, unless he had some object in view ? Is 
it his constant habit on all occasions':'" If so, you must think him immensely 
rich or very prodigal and imprudent, and very little calculated to manage his 
own business ; and surely a man incapal>Ie of manajjing his own aifairs is not 
very well qualified to manage the affairs of a nation. Therefore, if you find 
him prodigal, there is no hopeful presage of his rendering the nation any 
great services ; for we can scarcely expect that a man v.iio is very prodigal of 
his own money, will be very careful of yours— at least there is danger. If, 
on the other hand, you find his profusion only to exist during the pendency 
of an election, you can draw no other conclusion than that it is for the pur- 
pose of advancing his election. Let it, then, be conceded that it must be to 
promote his election — for surely he would not do so unless he had some 
object in it, and this can be the only one — with whom does he expect to 
advance his election, by this means? Surely, with those who drink his 
whisky ! He could not think it would benefit him, unless it was to do it in 
this Avay. How, then, is it to benefit his election, unless he supposes that 
more people will vote for him, in consequence of his whisky, than otherwise 
would do so? Does he not, then, attempt to buy their votes? Certainly; 
for he buys the whisky, and this he gives for the purpose of getting votes, 
and all he receives in consequence of it are as much bought as if, instead of 
the whisky, ho had paid the value of it in money. Whether he succeeds, or 
not, it must be evident to all thinking men that this is his object; for his 
giving the whisky does not render him any better qualified to serve you, and 

—4S 



378 LETTERS AND SPEECHES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 

he evidently shows that he considers that your minds are to be influenced by 
it. Would he give it unless he thought so ■■ and is there anything that ought 
to fill the minds of enlightened and independent freemen with more indig- 
nation, than an attempt of this bind ? Is there anything more degrading to 
them than such a supposition ? Can a man insult them more than to show 
that he conceives them so mean and mercenary ? And can you suppose that 
a man is not influenced by other motives than the public good, when he en- 
deavors to succeed in his election by purchasing it — in other words, by bribery 
and corruption V 

This is the only view 1 am capable of taking of the subject, and I hope my 
observations will be received as a sufficient apology for my not falling into 
this too common practice. I cannot but feel too great rcsjiect for my fellow- 
citizens to show that I conceived them capable of being, either directly or 
indirectly, corrupted ; and if I did conceive them so, I cannot reconcile it to 
my conscience either to practice it upou any one, or to violate that Constitu- 
tion which I have sworn to supjjort. I love rational liberty ; I esteem the 
practice of which I am speaking as the most formidable engine of attacking 
it ; and if we ever do lose our liberties, I will venture to i^redict that it Avill 
only be eflfected by destroying the purity of elections. 

No man is fonder of the approbation of his fellow-citizeus than I am. My 
disposition and habits have always led me to cultivate their friendship ; I 
esteem it a most distinguished honor, and a most valuable and desirable 
acquisition ; I am anxious to attain the honor of serving my country ; I have 
endeavored to qualify myself for it. But I am not disposed to attain this 
honor by any other than the most honorable means ! I can never sacrifice 
my integrity, my ideas of propriety, or my independence, to procure it. I do 
most sincerely wish your approbation, but I only wish it upou proper princi- 
ples ; and I am sure it is not your interest to give it upon any other. I there- 
fore submit myself to your consideration, as a candidate for the honor I 
solicit, upon the very small stock of merit you may conceive I possess. I 
pretend to no superiority over any other gentleman ; I am sensible of my 
own deficiency ; I am influenced by no personal opposition to any man ; nor 
shall I attack the pretensions of any other person or say anything against 
him, unless it shall be rendered necessary to my own defense. I will hold 
myself ready to repel, and not commence, any attack — for this is the office of 
the people, and not the candidate ; it is your province, and not his, to decide 
to whom the preference ought to be given. But, being a freeman, I have a 
right to oflfer myself to the district, and this I hope is not just cause of ofl^ense 
to any one. It should not be to the people, for I enlarge their choice — and if 
they do not choose to accept my services, I will cheerfully submit ; and I do 
sincerely hope that those who cannot reconcile it to themselves to vote for 
me, will not consider me as their enemy on that account. I assure you I shall 
consider no man my enemy merely because he does not prefer me, on this 
occasion; but I may even indulge the hope that, though he cannot now pre- 
fer me, yet, probably, at some future period, when we may be better acquainted, 
or with some other competitor, I may have his approbation. 



LETTERS AND SPEECHES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 379 

It is generally known throughout this country that I have exerted myself 
on all occasions, hitherto, to promote the real interest of this district. This 
I did while I was a representative from Nelson county, beforo I ever came 
among you ; and I was then influenced by the purest republican views. My 
wish was that every man might have an opportunity of procuring a freehold 
of his own — that there might be as few tenants as possible — as I have always 
considered tenants too subject to the influence of their landlords, and land- 
lords in general so much disposed to abuse that influence, as to render it 
dangerous and highly inimical to republicanism. 

With these views I have zealously persevered in exerting the small portion 
of the influence I possessed to ameliorate the situation of all the citizens of 
this district, and to promote its general prosperity in every point of view 
whatever ; and I indulge the pleasing hope, the animating expectation and 
the firmest persuasion that, from the particular manner in which our district 
has been settled— from the facility Y\dth which the people could get and have 
procured lands of their own — we shall be amongst the last people in America 
to surrender our liberty and independence. And in whatever way I may be 
treated by the people — even if I should not get a single vote at the approach 
ing election — it shall not diminish in the least degree my zeal for the welfare 
of the district, or my exertions to promote the public good. I hope I shall 
be permitted to say that, if such was my conduct before I came among you, 
or possessed the least interest in the country, it is unreasonable to suppose 
that I should depart from it, after I had identified my interest with yours, by 
having permanently settled among you and concentrated in the district every 
particle of property I possess in the world. No, sirs ; my interest being 
similar to that of the great mass of my fellows-citizens — having no interest 
separate and distinct from theirs — deriving my principal support, at this very 
time, from the cultivation of the earth — there is no measure that could be 
adopted, that would be oppressive upon them, but would be equally so upon 
me. You have, therefore, the best security for my fidelity — inasmuch as, by 
promoting your interest in the best mauner possible, I at the same time 
should, in equal proportion, advance my own. As to my qualifications to serve 
you, I say nothing — you must judge for yourselves ; but, as far as they extend, 
they shall be exerted with the utmost zeal to promote yours and the public 
good. More I cannot promise. 



Speech delivered in tlie Senate of the United States, ou the bill to abolish Credit in the sale of 

the Pnlillc Lands. 

Mr. Presidknt : 

It has not been nor is it now my object to defeat the bill, as it has been 
suggested. Indeed, I am so far reconciled to its principles, that, if liberal 
and equitable provisions were contained in it in favor of persons actually 
settled upon public laud, it should have my support ; but these I have not 
deemed it practicable to obtain, and therefore I have limited my views to 
the proposition which I have submitted, not hitherto doubting that, from its 



380 LETTERS AND SPEECHES OP NINIAN EDWARDS. 

reasonableness, it would succeed ; and in that event I have felt disposed, 
during the whole of the present session, to acquiesce in the proposed ar- 
rangement. 

The objects of my proposition are to dispose of public lands which Avill not 
sell for cash ; to accommodate actual settlers who have not cash to give ; and 
to promote the settlement of the public lands. I cannot but feel astonished 
that objects so just and reasonable should excite any serious opposition, more 
especially with gentlemen from that section of the country in which those 
lands are situated. I am not one of those who are disposed to contend that 
the law of nature is paramount to and should control the positive institutions 
of society ; but I do contend that those institutions should, as far as practica- 
ble, be predicated upon and consistent with this law ; and that as all men 
have a natural right, according to the beneficent intention of the Creator of 
the world to apportion of the land which He has made for their benefit, no 
government, having large tracts of waste and unappropriated land, can, 
without acting flagrantly unjust, and contrary to the Divine intention and 
will, withhold from those of its citizens who are unable to advance cash, such 
a portion of land as they may need, upon the terms proi)osed by my amend- 
ment. The case might be put in a much stronger point of view, but this is 
sufficient for my present jiurpose, and I hojje it will not be denied by those 
whose veneration and respect f<n' natural law and the Divine will have been 
so recently exhibited before this house. 

In opposition to the amendment which I have submitted, it has been stated, 
by the Honorable Chairman of the Committee on Public Lands, that the 
object of it is to defeat the biJ!, and that, if agreed to, it would produce a 
mongrel system I can assure the gentleman that I had no hopes of defeating 
the bill, that I had no intention of attempting it, and that I had reconciled 
my mind to submission upon tlie subject, with a sincere desire that the change 
might not excite those discontoits and evil consequences which I feared it 
might produce. But, sir, tiiere is not that incongruity between my amend- 
ment and the bill, which the gentleman seems to suppose. His plan is to sell, 
for prompt payment, all the lands that will command cash ; mine is a limited 
appropriation of a small part of those lands which will not sell under his 
system, and to extend credit to those poor p(;oi)le who may be actual settlers 
thereon, and who are otherwise unable to acquire a home. And really, con- 
sidering the quantity of land in the gentleman's own State, which he himself 
knows will not sell for cash, and supposing it probable that, there might be a 
portion of the population of that as well as other States who might be accom . 
modated by the measure I j^ropose, I was somewhat surprised to find that the 
gentleman was not equally anxious with myself to extend the settlement of 
his own State, and provide as far as practicable, consistently with natural jus- 
tice, for all classes of the citizens thereof. 

As to its being a mongrel system, because a part of the })ublic lauds will 
be sold for cash and a small portion upon a cix'dit — if experience can be 
relied upon, there is nothing very substantial in this objection. I need not, 
I am sure, remind the honoral)le gentleman that for many years such a mon- 



Letters and t-i>EECiiEs of ninian edwardh. 381 



grel system has prevailed, and uudcr the present law more land has, from 
time to time, been sold for prompt payment, than will probably be sold on 
eredit if ray amendment should prevail ; and tliat hitherto experience has not 
demonstrated any very great inconvenience or objection from selling land^i at 
the same office for cash as well as upon credit. 

When I had the honoi", a few days since, of submitting to the Senate the 
amendment now under consideration, I expressly declared my intention to 
abstain from all discussion of the merits of the proposed change in the man- 
ner of disposing of the public' lands — not because I did not think that 
weighty and important considerations forbid the contemplated change, par- 
ticularly in the present crisis of our affairs, but from the resistless conviction, 
which was forced upon me by circumstances not necessary to be repeated, that 
all efforts to arrest the measure in this house, at the present moment, would 
be utterly fruitless. Strong, however, as was that conviction,*! did not ex- 
pect to witness that impatience and anxiety to precipitate the measure, which 
I thought was evinced not less by the manner of pressing it than the nature 
of the opposition to the amendment offered by the gentleman from Alabama, 
as well as the one offered by myself His amendment, having the most natu- 
ral affinity to several provisions contained in-the bill itself, embraces the very 
debt from which so much is apprehended — proposed a natural and rational 
remedy for the very evil which is said to demand the contemplated change — 
and related directly to the sale of the public lands, the object of the bill 
itself; yet gentlemen seriously contend that it would be better and more ap- 
propriate to engraft it in a bill hereafter to be acted upon, whose sole object 
is to extend certain additional credits upon installments now due, and with 
which object no other has hitherto been permitted to be united on any of the 
similar occasions thaC have presented themselves in the course of several years' 
legislation upon the subject. 

Little did I expect such an innovation upon all former precedents to be 
recommended by gentlemen who.se transcendent abilities have so lately been 
exerted to advocate what has been called single legislation, and to demon- 
strate the impropriety of uniting two distinct objects in the same bill. But, 
were their recommendation to be followed, I do not think it more probable 
that their objections to the union of Maine and Missouri would have van- 
ished, if the restriction they so much desired had been imijosed upon the lat- 
ter, tlian that they would then be as zealous to defeat the object of the 
amendment as they now are ; for while, witliout attempting to impugn the 
merits of our amendments, or to show that they have not a natural connection 
with the subject of the bill, they earnestly advise us to change our position, 
tbey do not, even in that event, promise us their support — and for my own 
part 1 cannot consent, in these inauspicious times, to camj) upon the ground 
selected by my enemy. Let it be remembered that I have as much reason to 
believe that their object is to defeat 'my amendment, as they have to assert 
that my object in offering the amendment is merely to defeat their bill. 

I am sorry that the honorable gentleman from Alabama tliought proper to 
withdraw his ameadmeut, and am happy to learn that it is his intention again 



382 LETTERS AND SPEECHES OF NINIAN EBWARBS. 

to offer it. I am decidedly of the opinion that the cases which it presents 
loudly call for the interposition of the National Legislature. All of us must 
be convinced of the folly and delusion with which those persons for whose 
benefit it was intended were misled. Nothing, since the days of the celebra- 
ted South Sea and Mississippi schemes, has been more fallacious and visionary 
than the calculations with which those deluded persons have been betrayed ; 
and the Government I hope will be too magnanimous to wish to profit by the 
folly of its own citizens, or to take advantage, like a ruthless sharper, of those 
indiscretions which it has, in a great degree, been instrumental in encour- 
aging — especially when it can abstain from doing so without being placed in 
a worse condition than it would have been in if those sales had never taken 
place. I cannot, however, think that the gentleman's amendment has any 
suitable conneption with the bill in which it has been proposed to incorpo- 
rate it ; and I apprehend the gentleman would find himself greatly mistaken, 
if, either in a separate or any other bill, he should suppose it would be more 
likely to succeed than in the one now under consideration, which relates to 
and provides a mode of disposing of the very lands for which his amendment 
was intended to provide. 

The alleged ground for all this eagerness to change the present system of 
disposing of the public lands is, that our fellow-citizens, during a period of 
extraordinary and general delusion, purchased more lauds than it is supposed 
they can conveniently pay for — and, therefore, to save others who are wholly 
guiltless of such indiscretion, you determine to abolish the system, lest they 
should hereafter be tempted to injure themselves in like manner. 

Following up those principles with the same parental care, and I ask 
whether they would not equally admonish you to abolish foreign commerce 
abandon manufactures, and prostrate all your banking systems which have 
demoralized and disgraced your country? Have the temptations presented 
by these objects, during the period alluded to, been less alluring and seduc- 
tive, or less disastrous- to individuals or the Government, than those of your 
land system? So far from it, your commerce and your banks may be justly 
considered as the primary cause of the evils that are supposed to have resulted 
from that system, as well as of many others of infinitely more importance ; 
but it seems that the lessons of experience are thought to be sufficient to pro- 
duce every requisite correction on this side of the mountains, whilst it is 
presumed that all its admonitions will be totally lost upon the people of the 
West, unless it be kindly aided by the interposition of your coercive guard- 
ianship over them — which is indeed a species of kindness that gentlemen in 
a certain quarter of our country v*'ould have been very willing to have dis- 
pensed with, in certain restrictive and embargo times, when it was thought 
that people should be permitted to judge of and pursue their own interest 
according to their own notions. 

That excessive purchases, as they were called, ol foreign goods, as well a-. 
land, have been made, and that the former have been attended with conse- 
quences much the most injurioas, will, I presume, hardly be denied; yet, I 



LETTERS AND SPEECHES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 383 

believe there is very little prospect of withholding that positive encourage- 
ment which is given to the purchases hy the credit on merchants' bonds, from 
which the Government is liable to lose, and no doubt has lost greatly — where- 
as it is impossible to lose by the credit given under your land system, because 
the land is always liable for the debt that may be due upon it. And i-eally, 
sir, I think that large debts due by merchants to the Government are as likely 
to produce an iuiiuence upon its councils, as debt due by the plain and honest, 
agriculturists of the West. 

The gentleman from New York foresees great political dangers from the 
debt now due and to Ix'come due for public lauds, and has frequently en- 
deavored to illustrate his apprehensions by a reference to the case of the set- 
tlers on the south side of Green River, in the State of Kentucky. No man is 
is more minutely acquainted with that case tlian I am ; and did I not know 
how hopeless a task it is to try to convince gentlemen against their wills, I 
think I could most satisfactorily demonstrate that his apprehensions are with- 
out foundation, and that, in the very case alluded to, the lauds could neither 
have been kept out of the market, nor disposed of in any other way, so as to 
have ]3roduced more general satisfaction or less injurious political con- 
sequences. Sir, it is the public land, not the debt, which is the most liable to 
create those political dangers that are so much to be deprecated ; as an illus- 
tration of which, I can refer the gentleman to a case much less equivocal than 
the one on which he relies — I mean the celebrated contests relative to the 
agrarian law, from their first commencement throughout all the convulsive 
struggles to which they gave rise. In spite of the theories to the contrary, 
the best practical expedient to guard against those dangers is to facilitate the 
acquisition of land to all those who are disposed to purcha.se. But, suppos- 
ing the debt now due to be as ruinous to individuals and as dangerous to the 
Government as the gentleman presumes — what could be a more appropriate 
remedy, or more just and politic on the part of the Government, than to can- 
cel the contracts as proposed by the gentleman from Alabama, when it can do 
BO and still be placed in a better situation than it would have been if these 
debts had never been contracted ? Surely, sir, we ought not to be alarmed at 
dangers that are capable of being so easily avoided by so small a sacrifice. 



Resolutions, prepared by Gov. Edwards, against reliuquisbing to Great Britain any part of the 
provinces of Canada that we may acquire by conquest. 

Although, at the time, a citizen of Illinois, Gov. Edwards prepared the 
following resolutions, to be submitted at a public meeting of the citizens of 
Logan county, in the State of Kentucky, convened upon previous notice, for 
the purpose of taking into consideration our difficulties with Great Britain 
during the late war : 

Whereas, in the prosecution of the present just and necessary Avar, which 
has been forced upon these United States by the persevering injustice of Great 
Britain, it has pleased the Almighty Disposer of Events to crown our arms 
■with success in the province of Upper Canada— and confidently relying upon 



384 LETTERS AND SPEECHES OF NINIAN EDAVARDS. 



the justice of our cause and the blessing of the same Almighty Being, -we 
anticipate like success in Lower Canada ; and whereas, we have seen, in the 
newspapers published in different parts of the Union, strong remonstrances 
against relinquishing to Great Britain any part of their provinces which we 
either have conquered or maj' conquer, during the war ; thereby implying a 
doubt of the steadfast determination of our Government to retain the same ; 
we deem it not less our 2)rivilege than our duty to express our opinion upon 
the subject. And, therefore. 

Resolved (as our opinion). That the entire conquest of the Canadas is re- 
quired by the injustice of Great Britain towards us. That their acquisition 
is expedient for us, by opening to us new sources of wealth and prosperity in 
the vast fur trade of North-western America ; in facilitating intercourse 
between the waters of the Ilivers St Lawrence, Mississippi, Missouri and Ohio ; 
in expelling from our border an unprincipled neighbor, whose hostility has 
even increased with our increase of prosperity, and who, regardless of his 
own honor, and callous to the dictates of humanity, has heretofore employed 
and would on any future occasion employ and encourage his merciless savage 
allies to commit their ruthless barbarities upon wounded prisoners, unoffend- 
ing citizens, and helpless women and children. And, therefore, it is our opin- 
ion, that the relinquishment of the Canadas (or any other of their jirovinces 
which we may conquer) to Great Britain, after tlie treasures that have been 
spent and the precious blood which has been and must be profusely shed, in 
obtaining them, would forego all those advantages, jiroduce recurrence of 
those calamities which we have witnessed and deplored, be injurious to 
the character of the United States and particularly oppressive upon the 
Western country, whose citizens would ere long be called on to make the 
same conquests, then rendered more difficult by those precautions wliieh the 
enemy's late experience would teach him to adopt. 

Resolved, That a copy of these resolutions, signed by the (hairmau and 
countersigned by the secretary of this meeting, be transmitted to our brave 
and patriotic Governor, to the representatives of this county in the Legisla- 
ture, and to our representatives in Congress — all of whom are respectfully 
requested to take such measures as to them may appear most proper, to give 
to the foregoing sentiments permanency and efficiency. . 



The eubttimce of tlie remarks of Mr. Edwards, of liliuois, iu the 8euatt' of the United Stales, 
on the following lesolution, viz: 

•'Reaolved, That appropriations of territory, for the purpose of Education, should be made to 
those States, in whose favor no such appropriations have been made, corresponding in just pro- 
portion with those heretofore made to other States in the Union.'" 

Mr. Pkesidekt: Notwithstanding that anyoj)position to the resolution up- 
on yoitr table, on the jjart of the representatives of the new States, has been 
denounced as "disreputable to their clmracters for honesty and justice," not 
only by many of our most distinguished and patriotic public journals, but 
also by one of the most respectable States of the Union, yet, sir, a sense of 
duty will not permit me to decline an investigation of the subject, hopeless 



LETTERS AND SPEECHES OP NINIAN EDWARDS. 385 

as it may be, to oppose my feeble eflforts to the transcendent abilities with 
which the proposition under consideration has been supported, and, unpleas- 
ant as it is, to subject myself to imputations which the zeal of many of its 
ablest advocates affords me but little prospect of escaping. I shall, however, 
carefully endeavor to follow the example of the honorable gentleman who 
has just resumed his seat (Mi\ Lloyd), in treating the subject with such def- 
erence to the feelings of others, as to furnish no ground of exception to any 
gentleman with whom it may be my misfortune to differ in opinion. And 
permit me to say, sir, that, equally with the gentleman from Maryland, appre- 
ciating the advantages of education — regarding it as a most efficient means 
of increasing the virtue, knowledge and happiness of mankind and of impart- 
ing additional moral power, stability and embellishment to our republican in- 
stitutions — it would afford me the sincerest gratification to unite with him in 
any just and proper measure for the advancement of that important object. 
But, sir, it appears to me to be doubtful, at least, whether Congress can right- 
fully adopt, for that purpose, the measure now under consideration. 

The ai^propriation which we are asked to make is avowed to be for a mere 
State purpose, and in that point of view I shall proceed to consider it under 
every modificati(m of which it is susceptible. The question, then, is, can the 
resources of this nation he thus applied f This should be tested by princii^le, 
rather than by the " precedents upon precedents" referred to and relied upon 
by the gentleman from Maryland, for this Government is much too young to 
acknowledge the force of any precedents, not founded upon, and much less 
of those which are in opposition to, principle ; and gentlemen who are dis- 
posed to avail themselves of an argument deduced from mere precedents, in 
the present case, ought to recollect how little inclined they would be to respect 
such authority, in a variety of other cases that might be referred to. 

In discussing this subject, 1 may, I presume, safely premise that the duties, 
powers and objects of the Federal and State Governments are separate and 
distinct, and that tbe success of our whole govermental experiment, and the 
prosperity and happiness of this nation, depend upon the fidelity and wis- 
dom with which those governments respectively discharge their appropriate 
functions. Each government has, for those important purposes, and as neces- 
sary thereto, its own particular resources, which cannot be yielded up or mis- 
applied without impairing its capacity to fulfill the objects of its institution, 
for nothing could be more nugatory than a grant of powers without the 
means of executing them. The resources of this Government are found from 
experience to be, at this time, inadequate to its wants ; any measure, therefore, 
whose tendency would be, further to embarrass and cripple its operations, 
must be deemed highly inexpedient at least. 

Mr. President, the gentleman from ]\Iarylaud appears to have reviewed, 
with critical accuracy, all the events connected with the acquisition of the 
national domain, and he has with great perspicuity traced out the origin and 
demonstrated the validity of our title to it. But, sir, whether it has been ac- 
quired by conquest, cessions from particular States, or purchases from foreign 
powers, one thing is undeniable — it has doubtless been acquired by and ex- 
clusively belongs to the Confederation or Union. It must, therefore, be cou- 
—49 



386 LETTERS AND SPEECHES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 

sidered as National and not State property, and by fair inference is applicable 
only to National and not State objects. It is true, as contended by the honor- 
able gentleman, that it is a common fund, in which all the States are interested. 
So, sir, is the revenue, and every other species of projjerty belonging to the 
United States, in relation to all of which the interest of the States is precisely 
the same. Being a common fund, applicable to the use and support of the 
General Government, the States can enjoy the benefits of it only in its just 
and legitimate application to national purposes. I hold, therefore, that no 
State can rightfully claim, and of course to none can be granted, the separate 
and distinct use and enjoyment of the property or funds of the nation, in con- 
sequence of a right to a common participation therein. 

Independent, however, of these general considerations, the adoption of the 
proposed measure is, I think, forbidden by a just regard to the positive stip- 
ulations of the United States with the States which ceded the public domain 
on the east side of the Mississippi River. Let us, for a moment, attend 
to the circumstances under which those cessions were made, which have 
been so eloquently narrated and commented upon by the gentleman from 
Maryland. 

During our revolutionary struggle, wliich eventuated so happily in the es- 
tablishment of our liberty and independence, the pecuniary resources of the 
nation had been exhausted ; and, at the close of the contest, it found itself 
loaded with a heavy debt, incurred in the prosecution of the war, which it had 
not the means of discharging, but which every dictate of justice, honor and 
gratitude required should be provided for, at the earliest practical)le period, 
by every means which the nation could command. 

Several of the States claimed large tracts of waste and unappropriated ter- 
ritory, in the Western country, as being within their chartered limits. These 
claims had long been the subject of much animated and sometimes irritating 
discussion, as is sufficiently obvious from the authorities read by the gentle- 
man from Maryland. The States which had no part in those lands had ear- 
nestly insisted that, if the dominion over them should be established by the 
common force and treasure of the United States, they ought to be appropria- 
ted as a common fund for defraying the expenses of the war. Congress, ap- 
pealing to the generosity, magnanimity and patriotism of the States having 
those clainjs, had recommended and solicited liberal cessions of a portion of 
them, for the same purpose — promising, as inducements thereto, by the very 
resolution which the honorable gentleman has read to you, that all the lauds 
which might be so ceded or relin(i[uished, should be disposed of for the common 
benefit of the United States ; that they should be settled and formed into dis- 
tinct republican States, which should be admitted into the Federal Union ; 
and, that the regulations for granting and for settling those lands should be 
prescribed by Congress. 

The States thus appealed to yielding, at length, to a laudable spirit of har- 
mony and conciliation, made the cessions which had been requested of them 
— not, however, without stipulating, very explicitly, that those lands should 
be considered as a common fund ibr the use and benefit of the Union, as it 
then was or thereafter might be ; and that they should be faithfully and hona 



LETTERS AND SPEECHES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 387 

fide disposed of for that common purpose, "and for no otlicr use or purpose 
whatsoever." 

The United States, therefore, having solicited and accepted tlic cessions 
upon such terms — under such circumstances — having bound tliemselvcs, by 
solemn compact, to dispose of those lands for the use and benefit of the Union, 
"and for no other use o"r purpose whatsoever," Congress cannot now, I think, 
consistently with good faith and honor, disregard those solemn engagements 
by Avithdrawing the whole or any part of the fund so surrendered from the 
use of the Union, and appropriating it to that of any one or more States. 

Sir, the stipulations of the United States embrace the whole of those lands. 
If, then, you can withdraw any part of them from the use for which they 
were specially solicited, ceded and accepted, where, I beg leave to ask the 
gentleman from Maryland, is the limit to your power over them V Why may 
you not as well make partition of the whole of them among the several States 
of the Union? And how, then, would you fulfill the stipulations of the Uni- 
ted States ? First, that the regulations for granting and for settling those 
lauds should be prescribed by Congress. Secondly, that they should be set- 
tled. Thirdly, that being settled, they should be formed into distinct repub- 
lican States, and admitted into the Federal Union. It cannot be contended 
that we are competent to delegate powers for such purposes to the States ; 
for, if that be the case, there are no powers with which we are invested that 
might not, with equal i)ropriety, be transferred. 

Mr. President, it is no answer to these objections to contend, as the gentle- 
man from Maryland seems to do, that the claims of the ceding States were 
not just and valid, for, however defective they may have been originally, the 
United States, by accepting the cessions upon special conditions, must be 
considered as having admitted the right and bound themselves to comply 
with the conditions — otherwise there could be no faith and confidence reposed 
in any adjustment, arrangement or contract with the Government. [Here Mr. 
Lloyd rose and explained the remarks he had made ; and, having resumed 
his seat, Mr. Edwards again proceeded.] 

Mr. President, in consequence of the explanations of the honorable gentle- 
man, I shall forbear the remarks I had intended to make upon this part of 
the subject. But, sir, let it even be admitted that the claims of those States 
were wholly defective — that they had never made any cessions whatever — 
that the United States had never entered into any stipulations in relation to 
the subject — and that the public domain had actually been conquered by the 
united valor of all the States — still it would have been an acquisition, made, 
not in their State but in their Federal character, in which latter character, 
only, could they participate in the use and benefits of it. F©r, being a Fed- 
eral acquisition, it could not, without a total prostration of our whole system 
of Government, be annihilated as such, by being partitioned out, in due pro- 
portion, among the several States of the Union. Where, sir, is delegated the 
power that is competent to make such a division, either of the whole or a 
part ? The State Governments most assuredly have no control over the sub- 
ject ; and surely those, to whom the powers of the Federal Government are 



388 LETTERS AND SPEECHES OP NINIAN EDWARDS. 

entrusted, never could, rightfully, annihilate its own resources for any such 
puriiose. 

If, however, sir, the gentleman from Maryland is correct in the opinions 
which he has supported with equal zeal and ability, then, indeed, sir, may 
the States rightfully claim and Congress rightfully grant partition of all the 
territory purchased of Fi'ance and Spain with the common funds of the na- 
tion, to be appropriated to objects to which powers of Federal legislation arc 
^ot pretended to extend. Then, indeed, sir, may the revenue, and every other 
species of property belonging to the United States, receive a similar destina- 
tion : for they all constitute "the common funds of the nation," in which the 
States are interested ; and the powers and objects of appropriation, as granted 
to Congress by -the Constitution of the United States, are equally precise, 
defined and limited, in relation to all the funds of the nation, without dis 
crimination. 

In the specification of those powers, there is none, either expressed or im- 
plied, to warrant the appropriation now asked for. It cannot be inferred, 
from the general power to make all needful rules and regulations for dispos- 
ing of the territory and other property of the United States ; for candor must 
admit that the plain and natural inference from this want of power is, that 
the property of the Union should be disposed of for the use and benefit of 
the Union — and that, too, in strict conformity with the legitimate powers of 
Federal legislation — and, solely, in aid of the great objects thereof If, then, 
the States, respectively, have no right to the sej^arate and distinct use and 
enjoyment of the common property and funds of the nation, whence do we 
derive the power to confer such a right upon them ? And if the control over 
those funds be intrusted to the Federal Legislature for National and not for 
State purposes, I beg leave, also, seriously to ask gentlemen whether we can 
appropriate them to the latter without a most palpable violation of the trust 
confided to us ? 

In addition to all these objections, there is one more which cannot be disre- 
garded, so long as we retain the slightest respect for the just and lawful acts 
of our predecessors, or consider the high character for justice, honor and good 
faith, which this Government has hitherto so justly acquired and maintained, 
both at home and abroad, as worth preserving. 

The first Congress, composed j)rincipally of the venerable sages and patri- 
ots of the revolution, duly considering the purposes for which the public 
lands had been ceded, and disposed fairly to fulfill the stipulations of the 
United States in relation to them, by the act of 1790, solemnly pledged, not 
only those, but all other lands which the United States might thereafter ac- 
quire, for the payment of the public debts, expressly declaring that they 
should be applied solely to that use, until those debts should be fully satisfied. 

By the act of 1795, this pledge is again repeated in language still more 
energetic, for the faith of the United States is therein also expressly pledged 
that those lands shall remain inviolably apppropriated to the payment of 
those debts, until the same shall be completely effected. 



LETTERS AND SPEECHES OP NINIAN EDWARDS. 389 

At various other periods, between 1790 and 1817, inclusive, has this subject 
been brought under the review of diflferent Congresses, and as often has the 
same pledge been renewed. And thus has been created a solemn compact be- 
tween the United States and tlie public creditors. Seeing it, then, supported 
by so many repeated enactments, and sanctioned as it has been, to this day, 
by the public sentiment of the nation, shall wc now violate it ? Have our 
predecessors acted unjustly or unwisely in making it? If not, avc ourselves, 
though bound by no previous obligations, ought, for the sake of justice, to be 
willing to do the same thing, if it were now to be acted upon for the first 
time ; for the Government ought to be just before it pretends to be generous, 
especially at the expense of others. 

[5tr. E. here read several sections of the laws containing the pledges referred 
to, and contended that the faith of the United States being pledged that the 
whole of the public lands should remain inviolably appropriated to the pay- 
ment of public debts, they sheuld be appropriated solely to that use, until 
those debts should be fully satisfied ; and a vast amount of them still 
remaining unpaid, no part of the national domain could be rightfully 
appropriated to the purposes contemplated by the resolution under considera - 
tion.] 

And if, indeed, sir, we have on any former occasion, through inadvertence 
or from other causes, misapplied any part of this fund, so far from furnishino- 
an argument in favor of persevering in a course so unjustifiable, I appeal to 
the candor of the gentleman from Maryland, as he does to mine, to say 
whether it does not, incontestably, give to the public creditors an additional 
claim upon us to forbear all further willful misapplications? 

But, sir, let us inquire into the extent of the application we are called upon 
to make. Instead of the -" small slice," as described by the gentleman from 
Maryland, it is to the enormous amount of about ten millions of acres of the 
national domain ; which, at the average price at which those lands have 
hitherto been sold, would produce a sum nearly equal, if not entirely so, to 
the whole amount of the net proceeds of the sale of public lands received 
into the treasury of the United States, during the last nineteen or twenty 
years. It would be needless to review the extraordinary circumstances which 
in this period, so powerfully contributed to augment the receipts of the 
treasury, from this source of our revenue. Similar causes are not likely to 
recur for many years to come, and calculating upon the sales that have been 
made since those causes have ceased to operate, a much longer jjeriod, probably 
not less than double that length of time, would be rc(|uisite to cflcct sales to 
the same amount. 

What, then, Mr. Tresident, is to be the consequence of granting this quan- 
tity of land to the States, in whose favor it is applied for ? It surely cannot 
be, seriously, intended to vest the old States with power to plant colonies of 
tenants in the new ones. This would be impracticable, and to those States 
utterly useless. Waiving other important considerations, which I forbear 
even to allude to, the vast extent of the national domain, and the cheapness 
of unimproved lands, thank God for it, afford but little prospect of renting- 



390 LETTERS AND SPEECHES OP NINIAN EDWARDS. 

such lands to advantage, or even of having them settled and improved for 
the nsc of them. 

The object, then, must be either to authorize tbe States to dispose of the 
land, or that this Government shall become their auctioneer for that purpose. 
The former would be transferring to those States a power exclusively dele- 
gated to Congress ; a right to do that, which, according to the stipulations 
before referred to, can only be performed by Congress. For I take it for 
granted that, if you cannot vest in the States the right to dispose of their 
respective interests in the whole of the public lands, you can transfer to tb cm 
no power to dispose of any part of them. But, sir, supposing there is uoth. 
ing solid in this objection, what is to be the effect upon your treasury, of 
authorizing the States to sell the land proposed to be granted to them ? 
They must enter into competition with you. In projiortion to the extent of 
their sales, whatever they may be, yours must he diminished, because not 
only tlie price, but the sale of land nmst depend upon the relation which sup- 
ply bears to demand ; for if the price be so low and the supply so great that 
it ceases to be an object of speculation, there can be no motive to purchase it 
but for cultivation. As the Government, however, would still have an iuH- 
nitely greater variety of lands to select from, the States could not sell at all, 
to any extent, without underselling the Government. This, therefore, they 
must do — otherwise their lauds would be of no use to them. Recollect, sir, the 
millions of acres Avhich you liave granted in udlilary bounties. These have 
already come into competition with you at the reduced price of fr(jm twenty 
to forty dollars a quarter section, and have most materially curtailed your 
sales. Add to them the ten millions of acres now proposed to be granted, 
you must abolish your present system of sales, and abandon your minimum 
price altogether or close up your land offices for twenty, thirty or forty years 
to come. 

Take, then, sir, if you please, the other alternative, that the Government 
shall dispose of the laud for the benefit of those States. To this, some gen- 
tlemen seem to think there can be no objection, because the Constitution has 
delegated to Congress the power of disposing of the property of the United 
States, though that power is, by express stipulation and plain and obvious 
inference, coupled with the positive duty of disposing of such property for 
the beneflt of the Union. By this plan, however, the injurious effects of 
competition might be avoided and the present minimum price preserved. 
But. as has already been shown, it would require some twenty years at least 
to dispose of the land, though not an acre should, in the meantime, be sold 
for the benefit of the Union. This would, indeed, be transforming Federal 
into State agents ; abstracting them from duties for v/hose performance they 
were solely created, and devoting them to a pretty long servitude to mere 
State purposes. Now, sir, admitting we have a right to give away land to 
the States, whence do we derive the power to constitute ourselves, and our 
successors too, their agents and trustees ? Or to convert this Government into 
such State machinery ? 



LETTERS AND SPEECHES OP NINIAN EDWARDS. 391 

But, sir, putting the best i^ossible aspect upon this plan, it can. amount to 
nothing less than a virtual grant of money, to be paid out of the puljlic treas- 
ury, with a pledge of our already pledged, repledged, triple, quadruple, 
quintruj)le pledged public lands for its payment. Is, then, that a proper 
time for making such an appro])riation, when the receipts of the treasury arc 
not more than adequate to the current expenses of the Government ? when 
the Government has to support itself by loans of five millions at a time ? 
and when every man in the nation, of ordinary sagacity, must be convinced 
that we must soon resort to a permanent system of internal taxation. Sir, it 
cannot be disguised from the people of this nation that, in proportion as we 
misapply or impair any of the ordinary sources of revenue, additional bur- 
thens must be imposed upon them ; and can it be supposed that they will be 
reconciled to an appropriation to such an amount — attended with such con- 
sequences — without even the pretense of power on the part of Congress to 
enforce its apiDlicatiou to the objects for which it is to be granted ? 

But, sir, what is to be the extent to which the new doctrines upon which 
the present proposition is supported are to lead us ? One false step begets 
another. If, because one thirty -sixth part of the national domain in the new 
States has been ap23roj)riated to the support of education therein, the States 
in which there is no public land are entitled to an appropriation of equal 
amount, as contended by the gentleman from Maryland, why may they not, 
with equal propriety and justice, claim a much larger proportion of the net 
proceeds of the sale of public land for a different purpose, and one, too, which 
has not escaped the attention of the honorable gentleman, but has been seve- 
ral times referred to by him in the course of his remarks. By stipulations 
witli the new States, one-twentieth of those proceeds is appropriated to the 
making of roads in and leading to tliem. Are not roads, as well as educa- 
tion, equally necessary to every State in the Union? And if you grant the 
proposed appropriation for the support of education upon the principles 
contended for by the gentleman from Maryland — not asked as a favor, but, 
according to his own language, " demanded as a right" — upon what ground 
canyon refuse the suggested appropriation for public roads ? If the latter 
be granted, then will not only this source of national revenue be completely 
annihilated, but other sources must be rendered tributary to tlie States ; for 
if a sum equal to one-twentieth of the proceeds of the sale of public land is 
to be granted to each State, then as certainly as twenty-twentieths are the 
whole, those proceeds can only satisfy twenty States, and the balance must 
l)e paid out of some other I)rauch of the revenue. 

In short, sir, it appears to me that we have no more right to grant to the 
States the funds than the powers of this Government, for take from it its 
pecuniary resources and destroy its character for good faith, and it nould be 
idle mockery to pretend to talk about its powers. 

Mr. President, in the remarks which I have had the honor to submit to 
your consideration, I have attempted to show that, upon princijile, the propo- 
sition under consideration ought not to be acceded to. But, says the gentle- 
man from Maryland, similar donations have been made to the new States- 



392 LETTERS AND SPEECHES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 

Admit it, sir — wbat then ? If the cases be analogous, and my argument be 
well founded, that also is wrong. And can we derive from one error a just 
and lawful right to commit another of still greater magnitude ? If our pre- 
decessors have violated the fundamental principles of the Government, disre- 
garded its most sacred obligations, prostrated its faith, and assumed powers 
never delegated to them, does this confer upon us the right of further usur- 
pations ? If that be the case, then truly have wc discovered a most conve- 
nient means of acquiring power — after which, man at all times lusteth a 
little too strongly. Such a principle, however, never can be recognized by 
this enlightened Senate. The precedent referred to therefore, if in point, I 
contend is destitute of all authority, because, as such, it would be most pal- 
pably erroneous. But it will not, I think, upon a fair and candid exami- 
nation, be found to warrant the argument that is attempted to be drawn 
from it. 

I shall endeavor to show that the parallel between those cases does not run 
quite as far as seems to have been imagined by the gentleman from Maryland, 
but that there arc striking diversities in them, affording ground for such an hon- 
est difference of opinion, at least, as requires the exercise of a very moderate 
portion of common charity to believe that gentlemen may sujjport the one and 
opjDOse tlie other, without intentional injustice or inconsistency. The one, 
sir, is a case decided upwards of thirty-six years ago, by the gentleman's own 
showing ; confirmed by repeated subsequent decisions, and universally acqui- 
esced in. The other is a case purely res integra, never before acted upon, or 
even agitated. In supporting the former, we are, therefore, fortified with the 
concurring sentiment of the nation, and the positive ajaprobation of all our 
predecessors since the year 1785. In forbearing to adopt the latter, we are 
equally supported by their example— and opinion, too, sir, as far as it can be 
inferred from their conduct ; and it would not, I think, be a very modest 
pretension, on our own part, to claim for ourselves more wisdom to discern or 
virtue to execute our duties, than was possessed by so many of the wisest 
heads and Ijest hearts that ever adorned any nation. Appreciating the ad- 
vantages of education, as they must have done, and not less devoted to the 
interests of their respective States than ourselves, had they considered those 
cases as presenting equal claims upon them, they never would have provided 
for the one so promptly, and have postponed and totally neglected the other 
so long. The gentleman from Maryland, therefore, in his eloquent appeals 
to the magnanimity of the members from the new States, ought not to forget 
that, whatever disapprobation is fairly due to their opposition to the particular 
measure which he presses with so much ardor and ability, equally applies to 
those distinguished sages and patriots who liave retired from the stage of 
public action with so much honor and glory, or whose souls have fled to 
another and better world to receive the rewards of the virtues they practiced 
in this. 

Sir, the great and leading distinction between those cases is, that the one 
had for its object the common benefit and advantage of all the States, in their 
federal character ; the other is intended for the particular use and benefit of 



LETTERS AND SPEECHES OP NINIAN EDWARDS*. 393 

certain States iu their State character. The former was conformable to the 
powers and objects of federal legislation, and consistent with the stipulations 
of the United States with the States which ceded their lands, and can only 
be justified upon such grounds ; the latter is warranted by no delegation of 
authority whatever, cither expressed or implied, and would be iu direct con- 
travention of those stipulations, and, therefore, cannot be supported at all. 
The one iuvolved no breach of engagements with the public creditors, since 
the pledge of the proceeds of the sale of public lauds imposed no obligation 
to change a mode of disposing of them, which had then been five years in 
operation ; the other would be a most flagrant violation of the faith of the 
United States, solemnly pledged to those creditors. 

The gentleman from Maryland contends that there has been no contempora- 
neous construction to warrant a distinction between those cases. But, sir, 
never, perhaps, was there a case in which the evidences of such a construction 
were stronger, or its authority entitled to more respect, than is evinced by 
all the circumstances attending the cessions of our public lands— the mode of 
disposing of them which was shortly afterwards adopted — and the constant 
adherence to the same system from that time to the present jieriod. 

In the adoption of this system, under which the reservations for the sup- 
port of education were made, the most enlightened patriots of the nation, 
who had taken an active part in relation to those lands, the States which in- 
sisted that the cessions ought to be made, the States that made them, and 
Congress which accepted them, all concurred. This general coucurrcncc, 
therefore, was the best possible practical exposition of the intentions of all 
parties in relation to the manner in which this fund might be fairly and 
justly disposed of for the common use and benefit of the Union. 

Sir, it cannot be supposed that the States which had so strenuously insisted 
that those lands should be ai^propriated as a common fund for defraying the 
expenses of the war — the States which stipulated, with such jealous caution, 
that they should be faithfully disposed of for the common use and benefit of 
the Union, and for no other use or purpose whatsoever — and Congress, which 
accepted them upon that express condition, should so soon afterwards have 
intended to make a partial disposition of any portion of them. 

Virginia, sir, had made much the most important and valuable cession— 
uot, however, without some a^jparent hesitation at least. If then the system 
for disposing of those lands had been understood to contain any unjust and 
partial appropriation of them, in favor of any State or States, to the exclusion 
of Virginia, it is particularly extraordinary, not only that her wise and saga- 
cious representation, by which she has always been eminently distinguished, 
should have acquiesced in it, but that, two years afterwards, two of her most 
distinguished representatives — and Mr. Madison himself one of those two — 
should have united in a report to Congress strongly recommending the same 
system, with the additional reservation of the twenty-ninth section of each 
township to be given in perpetuity for religious purposes. It is evident, there- 
fore, that the system was adopted for the common benefit and advantage of 
all the States, and -that it furnishes neither precedent nor apology for an 
—50 



394 LETTERS AND SPEECHES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 

appropriation of the national funds to the particular use and benefit of any 
State. 

Sir, it must be manifest, from this view of the subject, that the distinction 
I have endeavored to draw between those cases is supported by the practical 
e.xposition which has been given to all the cessions of public laud ajid the 
stipulations connected therewith by those of all others best qualitied to inter- 
pret them — by the parties themselves ; while, on the other hand, the for- 
bearance of all of them to insist upon, or any of them to adopt, such a measure 
as the one now proposed, with the most powerful inducements thereto, had 
it been proper, afl'ords the strongest ground to believe that they considered 
any such disposition of the national funds as wholly inadmissible. 

lndei)endent, however, of tlic very high authority of a decision thus given 
by those wlio were so eminently qualified to judge correctly upon the subject, 
it is easy to demonstrate, not only that the reservations for the support of 
education were justifiable upon strict national principles, but that even much 
greater encouragement to tlic settlement of the national domain, had circum- 
stances required it, might have been aftbrded by the Government withjierfect 
fairness and impartial justice. 

In vain, sir, would Maryland and the rest of the States, which originally 
set up no claim to those lands, have insisted that they'should be apiKopriated 
as a common fund for defraying the expenses of the war, or the States that 
ceded them have stiiDulated that they should be disposed of for the common 
use and benefit of the Union, and fruitless would have been the pledge of 
them to the public creditors, if they had been permitted to remain in the 
condition in which they were received— w^aste and unappropriated, the haunts 
of ferocious beasts and the habitations of blood-thirsty savages. 

In this situation, neither the Union itself nor any State whatever could 
derive any jjossible benefit from them ; hence, it became not less the interest 
than the duty of the Government to encourage emigration to them. And if, 
for this purpose, it had been necessary to have actually given away a moiety 
of them to settlers thereon, according to the jiolicy pursued by some of the 
older States in similar cases, such a measure would have been equally de- 
manded by the engagements of the Government and the real interest of every 
State. 

But, sir, without insisting upon what might have been done, it is sulRcient 
for my purpose to show that the reservations which have heretofore been 
made for the support of education, were proper, expedient and just, in rela- 
tion to all the States. This I shall endeavor to do. 

The conditions which the United States bound themselves to perform, in 
relation to tlie ceded territory, seem to have had two principal objects in 
view^ 

First, that those lands should be rendered available, as a common fund, for 
paying the debts, defraying the expenses, and advancing the interest of the 
United States. And, secondly, that they should, at the same time, be so dis- 
posed of for these purposes as to promote the formation of new States within 
their limits, to be admitted into the Federal Union. Both these objects 



LETTERS AND SPEECHES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 395 

equally depending upon the same stipulations, neither could properly be pro- 
vided for to the exclusion of the other; for, as the new States could not, con- 
sistently with the conditions agreed upon, be formed and admitted into the 
Union without previously disposing of a suitable proportion of the territory, 
so, neither could the territory be disposed to a foreign power or in any other 
manner so as to prevent the formation of new States. Nor could any other 
measure have been correctly adopted in relation to one of these objects with- 
out a correspondent regard to the other. The first contemplated a transfer 
of the laud ; the second was intended to provide the means of enjoying it 
with the utmost safety, comfort and happiness. Thus understood, they were 
calculated mutually to aid each other. The promise to establish distinct 
republican States, and to admit them into the Union upon an equal footing 
with the original States in all respects whatever, as soon as might be practica- 
ble, could not fail to promote the sale and settlement of the land ; whilst 
every other inducement that could be afforded to the latter would equally 
contribute to hasten the accomplishment of the former. 

Tt would, therefore, have been a violation of good faith, if, in disposing of 
the lands, due regard had not been paid to the formation of the new States ; 
and a most culpable neglect of duty, if all necessary and practicable means 
of rendering them useful members of the Union had not been adopted. This, 
evidently, was the opinion of the old Congress, and hence we find one ordi- 
nance for disposing of the Territory, and another for the government of it3 
inhabitants. The former, among other things, provides for the support of 
education — doubtless with a view to promote botli of the objects referred to. 
The latter contains an explicit avowal of the moral benefits expected from 
those reservations; for, in one of the six articles, which are declared to be 
articles of compact between the original States and the people of the ceded 
Territory, unalterable, unless by common consent, it is expressly said, " that 
religion, morality and knowledge, being necessary to good government and 
the happiness of mankind, schools, and the means of education, shall forever 
be encouraged." 

As, then, it was not less the duty of Congress to provide for the establish- 
ment of the new States than to dispose of the lands, it may be considered a 
fortunate circumstance that those two objects were so well calculated to har- 
monize with each other ; since, had it been otherwi.se, the obligations to 
provide for both would not have been the less imperative. Nor would any 
of the original States have had just cause of complaint if the formation of 
the new ones had even required sacrifices on the part of the Union ; for that, 
being one of the conditions of those grants or cessions, must be considered 
as a part of the consideration • thereof, and none could, fairly or honestly, 
claim the benefit of tlic one without contributing in just proportion to the 
other. 

In order, therefore, to do justice to the wisdom, foresight and prolound 
policy which dictated the reservation of a part of the national domain for 
the support of education, it is 'necessary that that measure should be con- 
sidered in relation j,o both of the objects referred to. 



396 LETTERS AND SPEECHES OP NINIAN EDWARDS. 

I will not, Mr. President, consume your time by attempting to demonstrate 
the general political considerations wliicli must have recommended its adop- 
tion. The influence of education upon the happiness, moral power, good 
goyernment and prosperity of any community, is too obvious to require illus- 
tration. Nor, indeed, sir, could any one, much loss mj'self, add anything 
upon the suljject more clocpient and couviucing than what we have already 
lieard from the honorable gentleman from Maryland. 

Considering tlic measure merely in relation to the sale of the lands, it de- 
rives equal justiiication from the intentions with which it must have been 
adopted and the success that has attended it ; for it can neither be doubted 
that it was intended to render those lands more valuable and availalile to the 
Union, nor that it has been eminently successful in producing those eftects. 

But, sir, in whatever point of view it can be fairly considered, it seems to 
me to be difficult, at least, to discern any principle, upon which it can be 
justified, that can support, or which, indeed, does not exclude the claim now 
contended for on the part of the original States. 

That the encouragement of education, as a means of diflusing useful 
knowledge, of suppressing vice and immorality, and of promoting religion, 
would, as contended by the gentleman from Maryland, be eminently calcu- 
lated to insure the safety, happiness and prosperity of our common country, 
is most readily admitted; but it does not therefore follow that we have a 
right to adopt the proposed measure for such purjDoses; for, if that be the 
case, the powers of Congress must lie admitted to extend to all those objects, 
and would equally'' authorize any other means calculated to promote the 
same ends. 

It is quite a familiar axiom, in politics as well as in law, that a grant of 
power includes an implied authority to adopt tlie necessary means of exe- 
cuting it. But it would really be somewhat novel, I think, to contend that 
Congress has a right to adoj^t the means of promoting, advancing, or pro- 
viding for objects over which all poioer has been withheld from the Federal 
Government, and retained exclusively to the States. And I trust, sir, that the 
Republicans of the school of 1798, now dominant, are not themselves about 
to revive the exploded doctrine of a general, undefined power in Congress to 
provide for the general welfare. No, sir, recent demonstrations of increasing 
vigilance over State rights, and strong indications of a jealousy of Federal 
encroachments [alluding to an argument made by a gentleman of the Senate, 
a day or two before] forbid any such sujDposition. I therefore discard from 
my view of the subject all arguments deduced from any such supposed grant 
of power. 

The power to provide for such objects in the new States results from the 
engagements of the United States, under the old confederation, and from that 
clause of our present Constitution which declares that all engagements en- 
tered into by them, before its adoption, shall be valid against them. These 
engagements were, first, with the States which ceded their lands, as has been 
already explained ; and, secondly, with the inhabitants of the ceded Terri- 
tory, to whom a promise, declared to be irrevocable, unless by common con- 



LETTERS AND SPEECHES OP NINIAN EDWARDS. 397 

sent, had been made in the ordinance for their gavcrnmcnt, "tliat schools, 
and the means of education, shoukl forever be encouraged." 

Congress having a right to Icgishite for those inhabitants, and being hovnd 
to provide for their admission into the Union, unquestionably must have had 
the power to adopt the necessary means of training them up in correct prin- 
cijjles; and, in the language of the ordinance, religion, morality and knowl- 
edge being necessary to good government and the happiness of mankind, it 
was iit and proper that education shouhl have been encouraged for such pur- 
l^oses in the cases referred to. 

But, sir, the original States, having the exclusive right to legi.slate for 
themselves upon such subjects, and Congress having no superintendence over 
morals, religion, education, or other objects of municipal regulation within 
the several States, has no authority to interfere with them in any manner 
whatever. Such objects are, as to Congress, coram non juMce^ and therefore 
we can neither legislate upon them to their benefit or to their injury. Let us 
not forget, sir, that the power to do the one admits the possibility, at least, 
of doing the other, since all power is liable to abuse. And if ever the day 
shall arrive when the authority of this Government shall be admitted to ex- 
tend to such sul)jects, then adieu to all State sovereignty. It will be com- 
pletely swallowed up in the great vortex of a grand consolidated National 
Government. In this j^oint of view, therefore, it is evident there is no anal- 
ogy between those cases, anft that the claim of the original States can derive 
no possible support from any of the considerations that have been referred to. 
Let us now, Mr. President, inquire whether the claim of the original States 
can be better supported upon any other princii)les that could have led to the 
adoption of the present system of disposing of the public lands. 

By this system, all those lands are divided into townships of six miles 
square. These, again, arc subdivided into thirty-si.x sections of one mile 
square, one of which is reserved to be gi'anted to the inhabitants of the 
township, for the use and support of a common school therein. But, sir, as 
all settlements upon the public lands are prohibited, under severe penalties, 
the township must be sold before it can be inlwhited. The citizens of the 
new States, therefore, can only enjoy the full benefit of a reserved section 
upon the condition of purchasing the remaining thirty-five sections of tho 
township. Would it, then, comport with "impartial justice" to grant such 
a benefit to the citizens of other States, Avithout requiring any condition 
whatever? Would it be right, sir, to punish the citizens of the new States 
for daring to intrude upon a reserved section, without having previously pur- 
chased thirty-five sections, and at the same time to bestow a section gratuit- 
ously upon others, merely because you had allowed the former the privilege 
of acquiring one upon the terms I have mentioned '? Surely not, sir. 

I contend that those reservations have, undoubtedly, increased the intrinsic 
value of the residue of the land — and that, on the other hand, its value and 
productiveness, as a national fund, would as certainly be greatly deteriorated 
by the proposed donations to the old States. 

I acknowledge, sir, that the proportion in which the reserved sections have 
enhanced the valtie of the residue cannot be ascertained with anything like 



398 LETTERS AND SPEECHES OP. NINIAN EDWAllDS. 



mathematical certainty, but, judging from all the lights which many years' 
experience have shed upon the subject, there seems to be no doubt that town- 
ships with those reservations have commanded and will continue to command 
a higher price than they Avould sell for without them. And considering how 
highly the gentleman from JVlaryland estimates the value and advantages of 
education, it is surprising that he should have any doubt of the correctness of 
this conclusion. If, then, such be the fact that those reservations lose all the 
character of donations because they are more than paid for in the sale of the 
residue of the laud, of course they furnish no precedent for the pure dona- 
tions now i^roposed to l)e granted. 

Again, sir, no citizen of the new States can eujoy or derive the slightest 
benefit from the reserved sections without paying for it, since no privilege, 
interest, right or title in them, can be acquired, without purchasing laud at a 
higher price than it would sell for without them. This difference., therefore, 
whatever it may be, is the price actually paid for the interest acquired in 
them, which must be in exact proportion to the quantity of land purchased. 
Even upon the improbable supposition, that the consideration thus given 
were an inadequate one, still, I presume, it can hardly be contended, by the 
honorable gentleman from Maryland, that this circumstance can justify 
grants in favor of the citizens of other States, without any consideration 
at all. 

But, sir, settlement, as well as purchase, is an indispensible prerequisite to 
the right of enjoying the use and benefit of the reservations. Its importance 
to the Union may well be imagined by contrasting the present value of the 
national domain with what would probably have been its value had it re- 
mained to this time waste and uninhabited. And this is certainly but a fair 
and just view of the subject; for if the new States are to be charged with 
the reserved sections, they surely ought to have credit for the value which 
their settlements and improvements have imparted to the residue. 

Sir, with the settlement of the country its improvements must progress. 
These, by multiplying the comforts, conveniencies and advantages of a resi- 
dence in it, will continue to render the vacant residue more desirable, more 
valuable and available, till the whole of it shall be disposed of. The policy, 
thejrefore, which has hitherto required the condition of settlement, must con- 
tinue to prevail so long as the United States retain any of those lands, and 
are desirous of disposing of them to the best advantage. But this requisite, 
also, is to be dispensed with in favor of the citizens of the original States, 
without requiring anything whatever of them to counterbalance it. Would 
this be " fair and impartial justice V" 

According to any correct view of the subject, it is manifest that tlie citi- 
zens of tlie original States participate largely in the benefits of the present 
reservations in support of education. But those of the new States can have 
no such corresponding interest in the proposed donations ; these are intended 
for the exclusive benefit of the former. Nor is anything proj)osed, in favor 
of the latter, as a counterpoise or equivalent for this want of reciprocity 
and glaring inequality— and surely, they who have reposed in perfect safety 



LETTERS AND SPEECHES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 399 

uuder their own vines and fig-trees, at their native homes, are not entitled to 
be placed in a more eligible situation, in relation to the national domain, 
than those who braved the dangers, encountered the difficulties and submit- 
ted to all the privations incident to the settlement of it. 

It is admitted, sir, that one of the principal objects of the reservations was 
to encourage emigration, and the policy of the measure, in that respect, is not 
questioned ; yet, it is contended that the right of the original States to an 
equal portion of the public lands, for the sujjport of education within their 
respective limits, grew out of the adoption of that measure, is cocvil with it, 
and is not at all impaired by the delay in asserting it. But, really, sir, it ap- 
pears to me that those cases not only do not rest upon the same foundation, 
but that the latter is entirely incounistcnt with and calculated to defeat the 
very policy of the former. To adopt a measure to promote emigration, and 
at the same time to grant eipial advantages to all those who might not choose 
to emigrate, would Ije very much like a s]>ort which many of us have wit- 
nessed in our younger days: building up with one hand for the mere pleasure 
of knocking down with the other. No one could be attracted to a remote 
wilderness by advantages which he could equally enjoy without going there. 
In this resi)ect, therefore, the policy of those measures is so directly hostile to 
each other, that the one must necessarily exclude the other. 

But, sir, with whatever objects or motives the presentsystem for disposing 
of the public lands may have been adopted, let it be remembered that, though 
now complained of as if it had been the decision of some partial, unjust 
corrupt, foreign tribunal, it was a measure of the original, now complaining 
States, themselves — and unless communities, when the sole arbiters in their 
own cases, are infinitely more liable than individuals to lose sight of their in- 
terests altogether, and be unjust to themselves, it must have been adopted fo»" 
their own benefit, and fully have they realized all the advantages anticiijated 
from it. It could not have been intended to operate upon persons who had 
gone to the public domain, if there were any such ; but only upon those who 
could be induced to go there. All the advantages and inducements which it 
tendered were then, constantly have been, and still arc oft'cred alike to the 
free acceptance of every citizen of the Union, and consequently it was in its 
origin, has continued to be, and still is, equally fair and just in relation to all 
of them. Nothing, therefore, can be more unreasonable than to consider 
those reservations as partial donations to States that had no existence, or to a 
Territory unpeopled but by savages, to be subdued and expelled. 

Permit me here, sir, to avail myself of the example of the honorable gen- 
tleman from Virginia, in referring to that portion of the national domain 
that lies upon the Pacific Ocean. In its present situation, as a source of reve- 
nue, it is not now nor rian it ever be of any manner of use to us. As was 
correctly stated by the gentleman to whom I refer, a project for establishing 
a colony upon it has already engaged the deliberations of one branch of the 
National Legislature. Suppose, then, that Congress, with a view to revenue, 
to commercial advantages, to the security of our traders, and to prevent the 
encroaclinients of rival powers, should determine to colonize this section of 



400 LETTERS AND SPEECHES Or NINIAN EDWARDS. 

our territory, and for that purpose should, with universal consent and appro- 
bation, tender to every citizen of the United States any inducements what- 
ever to emigrate thither : for whose, but the benefit of the Union, would this 
measure be adopted ? How, and in favor of whom, could it be considered 
vmjust and partial, even before the terms of it had been accepted by a soli- 
tary individual? If fair and just in its origin, how could it become other- 
wise, merely by effectiug the very objects it was intended to accomplish? 
Could mere inducements to emigration, in this case, be considered as origi- 
nating a claim to equal advantages in favor of all those who might not choose 
to emigrate ? How wonderfully efficient, sir, would be a measure for such a 
purpose, which should promise every citizen the same benefits for stayiug at 
home, with which it intended to tempt his removal to a distant, unsettled 
country, through a trackless wilderness of vast extent. As well, sir, might 
every citizen of the United States now demand of you a quarter section of 
land, because you gave that quantity to the soldiers of your late army. Nor 
could anything be more outrageously unjust than to promise your fellow-citi- 
zens a gratuity for settling upon the public land, and then to make them 
pay for it by deducting its full value from their proportion of a common 
stock, as is proposed to be done by the proposition upon your table. 

Sir, the claim of the original States has been particularly insisted upon, 
because, in the encouragement which they themselves afforded to emigration, 
for the sake of their own interests, too, they have, forsooth, lost a part of 
their population and wealth. An argument so sectional and anti-national in 
its character surely comes with a bad grace from those who, with a perse- 
verance threatening the most disastrous consequences to our common country, 
at a most aAvful crisis, insisted that those lands should be ceded, settled and 
formed into sejxarate States, for the purpose of paying the debts, promoting 
the interest and advancing the security of the Union. How, sir, could any 
one of these objects be accomplished without disposing of the laud ? AVho 
would have bought it without a view to its settlement by himself or others? 
And by whom, but citizens of the United States, was it intended to be set- 
tled ? It is not to be supposed that any of the States could, for a moment, 
have yielded to a policy so contracted and selfish, as to have wished to have 
exempted themselves from the disadvantages common to all of them in con- 
sequence of those cessions ; or to have enjoyed the full benefits of them at 
the exclusive cost of others. No Stale, in fact, would have submitted, or 
would now submit, to the exclusion of her citizens from the right of emigra- 
ting to the public lands. The original States, therefore, cannot justly claim 
an equivalent for a privilege which they themselves secured to their own citi- 
zens, and which they would not now be so unjust as to relinquisli, were it in 
their power to do so. 

The motive, sir, to encourage emigration being the advantages expected to 
be derived from it, these must have been the only equivalent contemplated 
for any encouragement given to it. The benefits, therefore, oflTered to emi- 
grants, depending upon a condition from which the States expected cor- 
respondent advantages, at least, when that condition was fulfilled, the 



LETTERS AND SPEECHES OP NINIAN EDWAtlD^. 40l 

consideration of those benefits was fully discharged, and no other equivalent 
can iu reason or justice be demanded. 

Nor have the original States any reason to complain that their citizens 
have exercised and enjoyed the benefits of the privilege thus secured to them, 
for such were not only the necessary and intended consequences of their own 
measure, but they were the very essence of the contracts upon which the pub- 
lic lauds were ceded. Sir, you took them upon those terms, " for better, for 
worse," and have infinitely less reason to complain, than the man who sought 
to bo absolved from his matrimonial obligations because he had found his 
wife all of the worse and none of the better. You have realized important 
advantages in the increased value and utility of the land, the improved con- 
dition of your jjopulatiou, the development of the resources of your country, 
the extension of your commerce and navigation, the augmentation of your 
revenue, the support of public credit, and the security of your borders. 
These advantages, however, are much less the result of your own liberality 
than of the bold, enterprising, adventurous and aspiring character of your 
population, and the superior liberality of some of the States whose lands 
adjoined yours. No Government, I will venture to say, has ever yet estab- 
lished a distant colony, similarly situated, upon terms more advantageous to 
itself None has ever given less to emigrants or exacted more from them. 

England, France and Spain have all held a part of our present domain, 
and, by tlieir superior regard to the law of nature and the Divine will in the 
distribution of those western lands, whilst they held them, have exhibited a 
contrast between monarchies and the freest government in the world which, 
I am sorry to say, is by no means favorable to the latter. 

Mr. President, had Pennsylvania, Virginia, North Carolina and Kentucky 
demanded two dollars per acre, in good money, as the minimum price of their 
lands, and subjected all intruders to legal prosecution and removal by mili- 
tary force, much of your great north-western territory now so thickly popu- 
lated — so highly qultivated and improved — so richly embellished with cities, 
towns and villages — every where exhibiting monuments of the advance of 
science, the progress of the arts, and the multiplication of the comforts and 
elegancies of civilized life — would still have been a waste, uncultivated wib 
dcrness. The territory of those States being unoccupied, yours could never 
have been inhabited. They, therefore, by the population which they attracted 
to theirs, and by their wars to maintain it, expelled the savages from a large 
portion of yours, and thereby contributed more to its settlement than all that 
you have ever done towards it. 

Yet, sir, some of the States seem to think they have had a hard bargain in 
taking the land at all, because they have lost a part of their population by 
it. But, sir, had it been retained by England, France or Spain, it is by no 
means certain that those States would have lost less. Had it remained the 
property of Virginia, owing to her superior liberality in such cases, as is 
evinced by her uniform conduct, there is every reason to suppose they would 
have lost more and gained nothing. 

—51 



402 LETTERS AND SPEECHES OF NINIAN EDWARDS. 

I know, sir, it has been very gravely asserted by one most respectable State 
4.]iat, if the original States had been governed by a selfish policy, they would 
have thrown every impediment in the way of emigration to the national 
domain. This, however, docs not appear to me to be very consistent with 
the motives which induced them so zealously to insist upon its being surren- 
dered as a national fund ; and, besides the breach of faith involved in such a 
policy, it would have been just about as rational as the Japanese mode of 
duelling, in which one man rips open his own bowels for the pleasure of im- 
posing an obligation on another to follow his example. None could have 
lost more or gained less by such a measure than those very States ; and little 
can lic known of the immense tracts of land in the Western country which yet 
remain to be settled, if it can be supposed that any measure of that kind 
could have had any other material effect uj)on emigration than to have 
changed its direction and swelled the population of some of the other West- 
ern States. It is evident, therefore, that the inducements afforded to emigra- 
tion by the original States have neither been so purely gratuitous, nor its 
effects, wliich tliey so deeply deplore, so exclusively the results of their 
liberal forbearance to impede it, as seems to have been imagined. 

In the enumeration of the grievances and injuries for which they demand 
indemnification, we find them comjjlaining that the sale of their western 
lands " has prevented an increase in the price of lands in the Atlantic States," 
though they have not a single acre of land of their own to dispose of in those 
States. Regretting exceedingly, sir, that my remaining strength does not 
admit of my entering into a full investigation of this singular ground of com- 
plaint, I will barely remark that the high price of land so much desired can 
only result from a density of population, from which much dependence and 
wretchedness would be inseparable ; that there is nothing in the history of 
our own or any other country to authorize the opinion that it would be more 
auspicious to the interest and happiness of the great mass of our populaticm 
or to the preservation of the free principles of our Government ; that its ten- 
dency would be to advance tlie interest of the few that have land to sell at 
the expense of the many who have it to buy ; and that, instead of imi^eding, 
it would be calculated to increase emigration — since, in proi)ortion to the 
difficulty. of obtaining lands in tlie old States, there Ai'ould be additional 
motives to seek it elsewhere. 

[Mr. Edwards here remarked that, being greatly fatigued, and fearing he 
had exhausted the patience of the Senate, he should be comi^elled to omit or 
postpone to a future stage of the discussion, other views of the subject which 
he was anxious to present to the consideration of the Senate.] 

I have, sir, contrasted the relative situations of the citizens of the new and 
the old States in relation to the proposed appropriation. I had intended to 
have presented similar contrasts between the claims of the new and the old 
States themselves, and between the grants made to the former and those pro- 
l)oscd. to be made to the latter. I had also intended to have shown that, even 
admitting the principle contended for by the honorable gentleman from 
Maryland, the contemplated apportionment and distribution of the land 
would 1)0 manifestly unequal and unjust ; that the demand on the part of the 



LETTERS AND SPEECHES OP NINIAN EDWARDS. 403 

,original States of an equivalent for the " pfirticular " advantages whicli the 
new States derive from the present system of disposing of the public lands 
for the benetit of the Uuiou, is inconsistent with every idea of nationid gov- 
ernment, and that the latter States might, with equal propriety, demand au 
ecpiivalent for the " particular" advantages which the former derive from the 
vast expenditure of public money within their limits, or from any other 
measure of national policy. 

I iind, however, I must content myself with remarking that you have 
granted to the new States nothing more than a mere naked trust to execute 
your own previous obligations or to promote your future interest. So far as 
the puljlic lands had been sold, the right to the reserved sections had vested 
in the inhabitants of the respective townships, and did not depend at all for 
its valielity upon the grants to the States — for you neither could have with- 
held nor impaired it, nor can those States now do so. So far as the lands 
have not been sold, no right to the reserved sections has vested or can vest, 
either in those States or the inhabitants thereof, but upon conditions hereaf- 
ter to be performed highly conducive to your own interest. 

Suppose, sir, the new States had refused to Ijccome your trustees, you 
would not on that account have changed your present system of disposing of 
tlie public lands ; and you could not have sold a single reserved section in 
any township in which a solitary sale of eighty acres only had been made. 
"What then have you given to the new States ? Nothing that you could or 
would have retained. 

But in whatever light those grants are to be viewed, they are Ibuudcd 
upon compacts which neither party is now at liberty to revoke, annul or dis- 
regard. On the part of the new States, they have, I think, manifested great 
liberality in giving a full equivalent for advantages that either would not or 
could not have been withheld from them if they had refused to give any- 
thing. The State which I have the honor, in part, to represent, has probably 
had a pretty hard bargain in agreeing to forbear to tax the lands of individu- 
als, and in the consequent burdens imposed upon her own citizens, for all the 
consideration she received. She agreed to exempt from all taxation three 
millions five hundred thousand acres of military bounty lands for three years 
after the emanation of the grants, and at least thirty millions of acres of the 
public land for five years after the sale of it — which, according to the State 
taxation, at first rate, would be equal to $3,310,000 ; second rate, $3,350,000 ; 
third rate, $1,050,000 ; and at the average rate, $3,370,000. 

If then, sir, any of the old States insist upon having as much land as they 
contend has been granted to Illinois, let them first purchase the same quantity 
of land which she either has purchased or is bound to purchase to ijerfect her 
title to the supposed grants — and let them also agree to pay the taxes upon 
the same qu-antity of land which she has exempted from taxation, and for the 
same length of time — or talk no more about "fair and impartial justice." 



CHAPTER XVI. 

Letters from William Wirt^^ Attorney -General of tlie United States ; John 
McLean^ Postmaster- General and Judge of the Supreme Court of the 
United States ; John C. Calhoun, Secretary of ^Yar, United States 
Senator and Vice-President of the United States ; Samuel D. Ingham, 
Secretary of the United States' Treasury ; Gabriel Moore of Alahama, 
Member of Congress, Governor, and United States' Senator; William 
Kelley of Louisiana, Representative and Senator in Congress; David 
S. Morrill, United States' Senator from Maine ; Isham Talbott, United 
States' Senator from Kentuchy ; James Monroe, President of the United 
States ; John Quincy Adams, President of the United States ; Thos. B. 
Read, Senator in Congress from Mississipjn ; Felix Grundy, Senator in 
Congress from Tennessee ; Richard M. Johnsoji, Senator in Congress, 
and Vice-President of the United States ; Ahny McLean, Member of 
Congress from Kentucky ; John J. Crittenden, United States Senator, 
and Attorney- General of United States ; Thofnas H. Benton, Senator 
in Congress; Charles Fisher, Member of Congress from North Carolina; 
John Croioell, Member of Congress from Alabama; Samuel L. Sotith- 
ard. Senator in Congress, and Secretary of the Navy ; Rvfus King, 
Senator in Congress, and Jfinister to England; George 31 . Bibb, Senator 
in Congress, Chief Justice of the Court of Appeals in Kentucky, and 
Secretary of the Treasury ; Albert Gallatin, Secretary of the Treasury ; 
William Fastis, Governor of Massacliusctts, and Secretary of War; 
Edward Tiffin, Commissioner General Land Offi.ce; A. J. Dallas, 
Secretary of the Treasury ; W. H. Crauford, Secretary of Treasury 
and War Department ; and others. 

Williamsburg Ti, January 10, 1802. 
My Dear Sir : 

I inclose several letters, which I hope will arrive in time to promote their 
purpose. Wishing you success in the appointment, and that you may find it 
advantageous in every point of view, I beg leave to return to my own 
business. 

I am ultimately resolved on my Kentucky project, and have nothing fur- 
ther to do than to make preparations for tlie trip and to decide on the time of 
starting. On these subjects I must trouble you with a few questions : 

*Some of the letters from Wm. Wirt, in this Chapter, are addressed to Beujamin Edwards, the 
father of Ninian Edwards. . 



LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 405 

What kind of furniture will it be uecessaiy for me to carry to Frankfort ? 
In other words, arc manufactures in such a state there that every article 
immediately necessary to house-keeping may be procured on my arrival — I 
mean tables, chairs, beds, table-furniture, etc. 

When do the superior courts sit ?— for I wish to be there at the spring 
terms, if possible. 

Would it be practicable to procure the Constitution, and acts of Assembly 
passed there since the erection of the State ? — that is, so as to have them here 
in a month or two. 

If you decline the Indiana election, or if the appointment should have been 
otherwise disposed of, suppose, on your return to Kentucky, you visit this 
country. It is worth seeing in a historical point ,of view. Within eight 
miles of this place was the first Christian settlement made in the United 
States — I mean Jamestown. Besides, Norfolk is worth the journey, as being 
one of the most flourishing towns on the Atlantic frontier ; and, among 
other inducements, we wish very much to see you. The interview would, at 
least to me, be very highly useful. I wish to ask a thousand questions about 
your State, which would do only for conversation ; one, though, I will ask 
even on paper, viz : In what are lawyers' fees paid, in Kentucky, /. c, in cash 
or specifics ? This I ask to assist me in adjusting some previous movements 
in this State. I have not yet heard from your father, or any of my other 
friends in Kentucky, to whom I wrote early in November ; but you have had 
such opportunities of possessing all the facts necessary to decide on the pru- 
dence of my removal, tha't I shall rely exclusively on you — so that if you have 
decided too soon, in the advice which you have given me, it will be but 
charitable to retract before I shall have taken any irretrievable step. 

I am, my dear sir, 

Your friend, 

WILLIA]\I WIUT. 

P. S. — My acquaintance with the members of Congress and the Secretary of 
State would enable me to inclose you more letters, but I apprehend they 
would scarcely pay the postage, and for this reason I have declined sending 
them.— W. W. 

To NiNiAN Edwards, Esq., Montgomery Court-house, Maryland. 



WiiiLiAMSDUKGir, Dcccmhcv IG, 1S03. 
My Bear /Sir : 

Your very interesting and obliging favor, of the 7th of October, was re- 
ceived about the last of that month. I sat down and answered it immediately ; 
but as you had informed me, in yours, that your visit to Philadelphia would 
keep you from Maryland until the first of January, my scroll was thrown by 
in my drawer, with the view of being sent to meet you in Montgomery, on 
your return. It has been lying so long by me that it has grown stale, even 
to its author, and I find that it contains a circumstantial narrative of my life 
since I came to Virginia which could aflbrd very little entertainment to you. 



406 LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 

I have determined, therefore, as the 1st of January is drawing near, to give 
you a letter at least fresh, and more concise than that which I prepared in 
October. 

The account which you gave me of your father's health, spirits, scttlemcut 
and prospects, administer the most sensible pleasure to me. AVheu I saw 
him last, in Maryland, I had the most gloomy forebodings as to his health; 
and he seemed, himself, to apprehend that his restoration was hopeless. In- 
stead of those sincere bursts of laughter, which used to bespeak his mind 
void of care, he was, I thought, pensive and desponding. I rejoice at his 
recovery, and would most heartily join in his laugh even at my mncontro with 
Chase. 

Your mother's recoll(?ctiou and account of my visit to Mount Pleasant is 
exquisitely grateful to me. To be remembered and esteemed by the early 
friends of my youth — by those who led mc upon the theater of the world — 
affects me in a manner which does no discredit to my sensibility, however it 
may dishonor the sternness of manhood. But I must acknowledge that I am 
not made of those rugged and inticxible materials which constituted the 
character of Cato and his brother stoics. The passing glory of tlie w^orld, 
and even the dismemberment of a once happy and beloved neighborhood, 
touches mc acutely ; the remembrance of Seneca — of my friends once col- 
lected, healthy and gay, but now dead or dispersed over the earth — strikes 
with force on the chords of my heart. Enough ! 

The general prosperity of your sisters and jjrothers affords me very great 
pleasure. What obligations have your pareuts conferred on Kentucky, by 
transferring to it so hopeful a little colony ! It is but just tliat the State 
should requite the favor to their children. 

The variety of scenes through which you have passed Avill do you no dis- 
service. Dissipation can never again lure you to ruin ; she possesses no charm 
which you have not proved to be hollow and sepulchral. You are fortified, 
therefore, against any further temptation from that quarter. Your profes- 
sional success, I doubt not, is merely commensurable, to your desert — for, not- 
withstanding all your disqualifying observations on yourself, I do not believe 
that the people of Kentucky are to be imposed on by any Jenkinsonian jirc- 
tensions to wisdom ; they are too conversant with those beautiful landscapes 
called "connected plots," to be plotted out of $30,000 by an imposter. I am 
sorry, however, that your pursuits have been interrupted by ill health ; but 
the man who mines for gold must expect these little rubs. By this time I 
trust that your recovery is complete ; yet, considering the seat of your dis- 
order, I should have more sanguine hopes from a trip to a Southern climate. 

I heartily wish you success in your election for Congress. You complain 
of the want of political information, to meet your competitor in public. If 
the acquirement of that information is not immediately practicable, you must 
try Chesterfield's trick on the question for reforming the calendar : he ac- 
knowledges that he gleaned from a noble friend a few scanty ideas on this as- 
tronomical subject; but he clothed these few ideas to such advantage, that 
he bore away the palm from the very friend who had furnished him with his 



LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 407 

lights. It is incredible, to the man who has not tried, how much may be 
done in a popular harangue by the mere force of harmonious periods, new and 
striking metaphors and spirited apostrophes, with very little solid matter. 
It is, to be sure, a shameful artifice for the man who has any alternative ; and 
it ought, besides, to be considered, if these mere embellishments are capable, 
by their own intrinsic force, to produce such effects, what would they work 
if one could breathe into them the soul of wisdom and information — sapienU 
verbum sat. On this liead of information I will merely hint, that, for the pur- 
pose of the "spouting" campaign which you meditate, on your return to Ken- 
tacky, it will be perhaps more material to show the people that you under- 
stand the proper interests of the State, than to convince them of your histor- 
ical exactitude in past events — inasmuch as the man who knows what ought 
to be done, is better qualified to legislate than he who merely knows what 
Jias been done ; but to know both is certainly best. Besides that, the knowl- 
edge of what has been done, constitutes the sound experimental test of what 
is proper to be done in future. 

I never received your pamphlet by Dr. Rumsay, and I am mortified at his 
having deprived me of that gratification. I wish I may have an o]3portunity 
of claiming it from him. 

Of my little exhibition on the Fourth of July I have not a single copy, nor 
do I know where one is to be procured. I believe that, like other ephemera, 
it perished at the close of its day. 

From the superscrij^tion of your letter, I infer that you are apprised of the 
office which I hold in this State. It is, to be sure, one of the most honorable 
that Virginia can confer, but it is almost. literally a post of mere honor — the 
salary attached to it is not sufficient to support my family ; and, to my shame, 
I have not been industrious and economical enough to have laid up any sub- 
sidiary resource from the practice of law. The consequence is that I shall l^e 
compelled to resign and go back to the bar. This I meditate to do very 
shortly ; and Avhcre do youconjecture I mean to resume the office of lawyer ? 
In Kentucky, sir — unless I am differently advised by your father and some 
other friends there, to whom I have written for counsel. But, for your opin- 
ion I sliould be particularly thankful, because, having been, yourself, of the 
profession, you l)est know the profits on which I could calculate, and you best 
know what station would be more advantageous for me, if you should incline 
to the opinion that the i)roject of removing to Kentucky is a discreet one at 
fill. When I accepted the office of Chancellor for this State, I was a single 
man ; and I could have well lived and supported myself and uiy niece on 
$ir)00 per annum. I accepted the office, too, under the impression that I 
should never again be married — for I had addressed the only girl on earth 
who could govern my heart ; and although her attachment, even then, was 
not less ardent and sincere than mine, yet, for certain reasons of state, I was 
discarded. But, a]>out three months ago, I pressed her to my heart as my 
wife. My situation thus unexpectedly changed, I can resign my office with- 
out the lair imputation of too much versatility ; and I must resign it, or ig- 
uominiously perislj with the girl of my heart ! I shall return to the bar with 



408 LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 

more determined zeal and with mucli better qualification ttian I have ever Ijc- 
fore possessed. I shall be impelled by two of the most powerful springs which 
can actuate the soul of man : the pride of vindicating the opinion which the 
■ Legislature of Virginia has passed on mc — and the pride of dignifjdng one of 
the most angelic girls that ever filled the enraptured arms of man ! I feel 
the consciousness that I am capable of far greater exertion, and of more pa- 
tient and inflexible perseverence, than I ever was ; and if the world has not 
flattered most imprudently, I have reason to hope that my exertions will not 
be lost. ' 

Thus determined, I would know of you (and I expect you will answer not 
to please, but candidly to advise) what j)rospects I might expect in Kentucky ? 
For fifteen years, if my life and health are spared, I will labor most indefa- 
tigably. In that time, might I expect an independence in Kentucky ? Are 
the land disputes over ? or how are tliey ? Are the lawyers very formidably 
eminent 'i for I mean not to shrink into the country practice ; on the con- 
trary, I am resolved, if not otherwise advised, to talce a dash at the highest 
courts. If you think my removal to that State expedient, would you advise 
me to reside at Lexington, or Frankfort ? Lexington is said to be the most 
populous and flourishing, but Frankfort is the seat of Government. How 
slight these circumstances, to aflcct my determination! In which place would 
my progress to wealth be most early and rapid? Pray deliberate maturely 
on these jjoints, and give me your ingenuous and friendly advice. In Vir- 
ginia, I could live well by the profession : but Ed. Randolph merely lived ; 
T wish to go to some country where I can provide for sickness, old age and 
death — so that, when I am gathered to the tomb, I may leave my fiimily in 
circumstances at all events indej)endent, and, if possible, aflluent. I am at- 
tracted to Kentucky, not more by the wish to get an honest subsistence for 
my fixmily, than by the desire to belong to that State. I love Kentucky ; I 
am charmed by her republican spirit ; I am delighted by the energy with 
which she sustains her rank in the Union. Virginia has the same advantages; 
but Virginia is an old and well-established dominion, full of veterans, who 
are fortified against the possibility of want of honorable service. I am not 
wanted here. I wish to go where I shall be able to render service to the State 
— in a small circle, to fan the flame of liberty — in the narrow sphere of my 
associates, to assist in repelling sentiments hostile to the freedom and happi- 
ness of the country ; and if I fasten only one leaf on the cap of liberty, I sliall 
think my existence not in vain. 

If I determine ultimately to remove to Kentucky, I shall endeavor very 
strenuously to eff'ect my removal in the spring. There can be but one obsta- 
cle, which, however, by the aid of my wife's fatlicr (Col. Gamble of Richmond), 
I liope I shall be able to surmount. 

I wish it were possible for you to extend your journey to Williamsburgh — 
we should be able to communicate on the preceding subjects much more mi- 
nutely and satisfivctorily than by letter ; and if you are not absolutely com- 
pelled to return directly home, I shall cherish at least a faint liope that you 
will do me this pleasure. 



LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 409 

The subject of my resolution is a secret in this State, and I wish it to re- 
main so here ; yet, if Kentucky is certainly my destination, I do not know 
that it will be necessary to keep my intention a secret there. 

One question, before I conclude : Are houses to bo had in Frankfort and 
Luxiugtou, for rent ? Because I do not know that I shall be immediately able 
to purchase, and I might perhaps find it necessary to prevent embarrassments , 
on my arrival, by engaging a house beforehand. 

Wishing you health and prosjierity, 

I am, dear sir, very sincerely, 

Your friend, 

WILLIAM WIRT. 
To NiNiAN Edwards, Esq., Moutgomcry Court-house, Maryland. 



Williamsburg n, March 3, 1803. 
Dear Sir : 

I was on a visit in Richmond, my dear friend, when yours of the oth Janu- 
ary, from Montgomery Court-house, in Maryland, reached this place, so that 
I did not receive it until last Friday — at which time, also, I had the delight- 
fully good fortune to receive a letter from your father, in Kentucky. You 
tell mc, in the conclusion to yours, that you proposed very shortly after its 
date to go home, but that you would wait eight or ten days longer than you 
had intended, to receive my answer. At all events you direct me to write to 
you us if in Maryland, and that, if you should be gone before the arrival of 
my letter, you woukl leave directions with the postmaster to send it on to 
you. This I had determined to do Avhen I wrote to your father, as he will in- 
form you ; but, on farther reflection, the delay in receiving your letter was so 
much greater than you could have calculated, that I suppose there is very 
little probability of your being, at this time, in Maryland. To save, there- 
fore, the time which would be lost in this letter taking a circuit through 
Slaryland, I write directly to Bardstown, to the care of your father. 

In the first place, I hope you will do me the justice to believe that the 
kindness with which you have answered my inquiries, and tendered your aid 
in facilitating my establishment in Kentucky, has made the proper impression 
on my mind and on my heart. The time may come — though, for your sake, I 
hope it never will — when the impression may be manifested by other evidence 
than words. At present, however, I do not know that I shall have any need 
to avail myself of your generous offer of service in Frankfort ; if I should 
need it, on my arrival there, I shall use the freedom of a friend in claiming 
your engagement. 

The prospect which you point out to me in Kentucky is so fair, and so 
firmly established by the actual experience of others, that I see no reason and 
feel no disposition to repress the delightful expansion of hope with which I 
look to that country. I feel the sweet presage that the inauspicious gloom 
of want and dependence, which has lowered over my past life, is about to 
break away forever ; and I look, with emotions little short of transport, to 
the sun-gilt calm- of ease and plenty. The month of November gave me 
— 52 



410 LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 

birth — my morn of life was winter indeed ; tlic lucid spring of it is, I hope, 
fast advancing, and I trust in God that I shall not survive the autumn of my 
age. I would fain gather the fruits of my labor, but I wish not to see the 
withering and fall of my leaves — much less to endure again the piercing 
frosts which had nearly blasted me in tlie bud. The reflection which crowns 
my sweet anticipations in Kentucky is, that I shall conduct to prosperity, 
and, I hope, to happiness as pure and perfect as mortals can know it, a wife 
who has realized and even sux'passed the fondest expectation of a lover. 
Connected with tliis is another reflection, which, as Corlolanus says of his 
wounds, " shall be yours in private," and which feeds the flame of rapture in 
my breast. In short, on whichever side I view the subject, I am delighted — 
inexpressibly delighted — with it, and regard Kentucky in the same light as 
a careworn JMahomefcan does his paradise. At the same time I am not so 
iguoi'ant of the flattery of hope, and the fallacy of the brightest earthly ap- 
pearances, as to be unprepared to meet, with that fortitude and dignity which 
become a man, a diminution and even reverse of my expectations in Ken- 
tucky. If adversity meets me, she will be no stranger— habit has instructed 
me how to receive and entertain her; but if prosperity, she will be a wel- 
come guest, and I shall practice all the arts of hospitality to detain her. 

I concur with you perfectly in the opinion that Frankfort is the most eli- 
gible stand. In addition to the reasons which you adduce, my residence there 
will give me a command of the records of the Court of Appeals, and enable 
me to inform myself of the principles which govern the decision of your 
land cases — -for I suppose, from the manner in which your country has been 
settled, that there must be principles of adjudication on this head peculiar 
to Kentucky ; and, indeed, considering the number and variety of causes 
which your Court of Aijpeals has adjusted, I shall be somewhat disappointed 
if I do not find in their records one principle or other to fit any future ques- 
tion relative to the title of lands. In England, where there is such a multi- 
tude and such a countless diversity of tenures, it is not surprising that a case 
shall now and then occur on which a precedent can be brought to bear ; 
but I should suppose that in Kentucky, where the kinds of title, and the 
modes of acquiring them, were so free and uniform, the judicial difficulty 
would be, not in inventing new principles, but in applying those which have 
been already settled. But I shall know more of this, I hope, in the course of 
the summer. I should endeavor to meet you, as you kindly hoped, on the 
first Monday in May, in Frankfort, but: for the consideration that the April 
term of the Chancery Court, here, will find the business at a stage which 
would render my immediate resignation an inconvenience and an injury to 
the district — and Virginia has deserved no injuries at my hands. On this 
account, I will be obliged to defer my resignation until the last of April ; 
and then I propose to set out as soon as possible. 

Accept my congratulations on your appointment to the judicial bench of 
Kentucky. I have no doubt you will give lustre to the oflice — in point of 
health I presume the change will be greatly to your advantage. I imagine 
there is no labor connected with it, except in term time — so that you will 
have leisure to pursue your studies as far as you please, and to mingle in that 



LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 411 

pursuit as mucli exercise as your health will require. That you may succeed 
in the pursuit of both science and health, is my most ardent wish. It will 
be no small addition to the happiness which may await me in Kentucky, that 
it will bring mc within striking distance of your father's family, and that my 
profession and your ofBce will bring you so often in contact with 
Your miich obliged and sincere friend, 

WILLIAJI WIRT. 
NiNiAN Edwards, Bardstown, Kentucky. 



Richmond, Sept. 17, 1805. 
My Dear Friend : 

Your favor of the 29th July reached me on the morning of the last day of 
August. On the evening of that day I had to set off for the District Court 
of ]\[oorlield, on the south branch of the Potomac, from which place I have 
just returned — so that I lose no time in acknowledging the receipt of your 
letter, and thanking you for the genuine pleasure which it afforded me. 
Your father's transmitting my letter, for the inspection of his children, in the 
quarter in Avhich you live, and his urging them to regard and treat me as a 
brother, administer the most exquisite gratification to me, and convince 
me that he is still the same obliging friend I have ever found him. I can 
truly say, in the presence of that God who knows the secrets of all hearts, 
that the approbation of such a man as your father is far more soothing and 
delightful to me, than all the plaudits and acclamations would be which 
Shakspeare represents as having made the welkin ring in Caesar's rejection 
of the crown, tendered him by Mark Anthony : for I know your father is too 
penetrating and judicious to be imposed on by mere surfaces, and too virtu- 
ous to approve of anything but virtue. I am made happy, therefore, in 
thinking well of myself, when I remember that such a man is my friend and 
would even be willing to let me consider him as a father. Let me entreat 
you, as a brother, to help me maintain my place in his good opinion, and if, 
by chance, hereafter — by the agency of calumny, or any other fiend — there 
should be danger of losing his esteem, that you will be my advocate with 
him until I have a chance of advocating myself; and let me hope that you 
will ever be to me the friend you so obligingly declare yourself in this letter — 
relying that, on my part, there shall be no want of the feelings of friendship, 
although, for your sake, I hope that tlie continuance of your prosperity may 
render any practical exertion of it, towards you, forever unnecessary. 

One evidence of your friendship I shall continue to insist on : I mean your 
correspondence — nor do I admit the soundness of your apology for having, 
hitherto, lieeu remiss in this particular. My want of knowledge of Ken- 
tucky, and the fewness of my acquaintances there, should, ou the contrary, 
have been inducements with you to write — for my ignorance in these resjiects 
would have given you a new and fresh field for description, and you jni^ht 
have introduced me, on paper, to your country and its prominent characters. 
Besides, while Mr*. Morse and Mr. Scott, together with the Kentucky papers 



412 LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 

are open, I cannot be supposed altogether ignorant of your State, so far as 
relates to the boundaries, climate, soil, productions, trade, constitution, juris- 
prudence, etc., and of those who, I suppose, ought to be your prominent 
characters. I knew Duval, Haden, Edwards, Gerard, Fortunatus Cosby, 
William Wallace, and a few others. It may be that some of these men are in 
obscurity : for it is not always that men fulfill the promise of their youth. 
Indolence, and worse vices, have blasted many of the fairest geniuses that 
ever graced the earth. It is really mournful to look back on their school 
days, count up the brilliant companions of their youth, and observe how many 
of them have been lost to themselves and to the world— the victims of idle- 
ness or intemperance, or both. How few of them have come out with 
honor ; and even of those whose habits have been temperate and studious, 
how rarely the autumnal fruit has corresponded with the luxuriant flowering 
of the spring — resulting more frequently, I believe, from an error in the mode 
of culture, than from any defect in the original stamina or any declension in 
the faculties themselves. I will be obliged to you, however, to give me, in 
your next, some account of the gentlemen whose names I have mentioned, 
and to inquire for another friend of mine — James Bell — who used to practice 
law in Orange and the adjacent counties, in this State, and who now, I be- 
lieve, lives somewhere in your Green River country. One of the best of men, 
and with very respectable talents, he was the victim of unvanquishable diffi- 
dence. If you can hear of him, pray let me know how he prospers in Ken- 
tucky. 

I am extremely sorry that there is anything so disagreeable in your judicial 
office as to make you think of resigning it — more especially as you seem to 
entertain some idea of following up your resignation by a removal to Louisi- 
ana. I like this last idea less than the other, because I should be afraid of 
the effect of the climate on your health and that of your family. I doubt, 
too, the advantageous effect of the removal on your fortune. Your salary as 
a judge in Louisiana would not, I apprehend, be higher than it is in Ken- 
tucky — and as to the progressive value of land there, I apprehend it must be 
very slow, because the value of land can only rise with the pressure of popu- 
lation, and the consequent pressure in the demand for land; but Louisiana 
is, itself, such a world, that it must he a very long time before there can be 
any pressure of population felt. I suppose (for on tliis subject I am, of neces- 
sity, all hypothesis,) that the acquisition of Louisiana must lessen the value 
of lands in Kentucky, because it opens a sluice to drain off your population, 
and relieves the little pressure which you might have already begun to feel. 
It presents, too, a new object and a new theatre for your laud speculators and 
our emigrants, and will withdraw from your market much of the influence 
which tliey have produced. 

Admitting that the cheapness of living in Kentucky would enable you to 
juaintain your family and educate your cliildrcn there on your salary and the 
income of your estate, I incline to think that you had better remain as you 
are. You are in a country filled with civilized and polite people — a coun- 
try in which you are known, respected and established. Your place gives 
you time for the culture of science, the superintendence of your children's 



LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 413 

education and the blandishments of conjugal and paternal bliss. Your wife 
and children will soon have found their select circle of associates, among a 
people who, I presume, so far from Indianizing, may tend to form the man- 
ners of your young ones to advantage. As for [yourself, you may attain all 
the eminence of the judicial character in a country capable of estimating 
your worth. Why, then, should you sacrifice all these certain blessings, 
which are now in a great measure in actual possession, and run the hazard of 
their renewal in Louisiana ? — on a mere speculation of fortune, as I under- 
stand it, to get more lands, when you have already more than you can turn to 
advantage. As to your two elbow associates, is it clear that you will have 
more elbow room in Louisiana, or better company on the bench ? Qncere de 
hoc. For my own 'part I am a good deal of Hamlet's way of thinking, and 
had much rather "bear the ills that I have, than fly to others that Ihnow not 
o/y All this may only serve to convince you that I am tendering advice 
which I do not understand ; but, you know ^^ubi intentio bona, actio non mala^'' 
and at all events these hints may lead you to consider this subject of your 
transmigration a little more closely and earnestly. 

Tor my own part, I begin to think that my lot is cast for life in Virginia ; 
but not with an eye to the Presidency of the United States, your solemn 
mention of which has aflbrded me a hearty laugh and reminded me of some 
talk your father used to hold with me, when I was about sixteen years old, 
on the same subject, with the view, as I then knew, merely to stimulate me to 
study and emulation. Far different reasons induce me to believe that my lot is 
finally cast here. My wife's parents and relatives are extremely anxious that 
I should come to Richmond to live, and, by way of inducement, my father- 
in-law talks of building a house and improving a very beautiful lot for me 
here. If he does so, as I believe he will, I shall not be long in Norfolk, pro- 
bably not longer than a year or two. By this means I shall get rid of all the 
objections to Virginia arising from the climate of Norfolk ; I shall have every 
advantage of education for my children ; and, if my professional prosperity 
continues, shall be able to retire from the bar in fifteen or twenty years with 
a sufficient fortune for my wife and daughters. My sons must do as I have 
done — shift for themselves ; daughters cannot. As to Kentucky, my wife's 
objection to the removal will be insuperable, as long as her parents live ; and 
by the time they are no more, if they reach the usual period, I hope to be so 
well fixed here as to render a removal altogether unnecessary. I iiresume 
that, when I am established in Richmond, I may anticipate an average prac- 
tice of $5,000 per annum. My experience has already convinced me that I 
can live economically ; and I imagine the calculation of expense sufficiently 
liberal when I estimate it annually at $3,000. I shall be thus able to lay up, 
from my practice, $2,000 per annum ; and as money, you know, begets money, 
and in this commercial country many modes of employing money securely 
and advantageously present themselves, I expect that, Ijy these means, and 
another that I shall presently mention, I may, if I am spared fifteen years, 
possess a capital of as many thousand pounds. I mention fifteen years as the 
limit of my forensic toils ; but if my son is spared to me, and 1 also am spared, 
I shall continue at the bar until he shall be ready to take my place — whicJi 



414 LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 

will be six years longer than I have mentioned. In the course of fifteen or 
twenty years I hope the people of this country will see the folly of the piti- 
ful salaries which they have attached to the bench, and tender something- 
worthy of a man's acceptance. In that event, when my sou comes to the bar, 
I may possibly be again invited to the bench. 

And here you have the whole scheme of my life, in expectaucy. You see 
that it is obviously projected on the supposition that the political affairs of 
this country go on quietly in the beaten track. The example of France, 
however, teaches us how precarious this must be. It surely would not be 
matter of more surprise if the twentieth year from this should find an Emperor 
enthroned in America, than that ten or twelve years should have conducted 
France through a complete revolution from despotism, through anarchy, 
democracy and aristocracy, back to despotism again ! Heaven avert such a 
calamity from us ; but really it is not easy to determine what may be the fate 
of this ceuntry, when all those eminent characters shall die ofl' whose re- 
spective grades were fixed by our revolution, and who seem to have a kind of 
acknowledged title, in succession, to the first honors of the country. Is there 
not some reason to dread that State jealousies, faction, corruption, ambition, 
may then disturb the halcyon sea on which wc are riding, and change our 
peaceful elections into a military operation; then disunion, anarchy, civil 
war, and the fate of divided Greece ; subjugation to some Macedonian Philip, 
Coriscan usurper, or some other foreign martial tyrant, or perhaps some Cicsar 
or Cromwell at home ? I know the American character is a sedate and reflect- 
ing one, and, in this, very unlike the character of France ; but it is to be 
remembered that the English have always been pronounced phlegmatic and 
saturnine — yet, that even they were capable of all the excitement which I dread 
in America : witness the bloody wars of York and Lancaster, and the tragedy 
of 1G45. Nay — if we are truly informed, Pennsylvania, at this moment, on 
the subject of the election of Governor, betrays an excitability and an actual 
excitement which, if it were the temper of the country in a Presidential 
election, would soon bring about the national catastrophe of which I am 
speaking. These apprehensions may be visionary ; they seem to mc, however, 
to be too well justified l)y the history of mankind, and to be too strongly 
countenanced l:)y the spirit which has sometimes manifested itself already, even 
in the American Congress. What a pity it is that our young men who are 
rising into notice, and who soon will be the political leaders of our country, 
have so false an idea of personal greatness of character. I speak of those in 
Virginia, whom alone I know. According to thera, heat, rashness, intempe- 
rance and intolerance constitute the patriot and statesman. This has not been 
the character of our greatest men. Our. Washington, Franklin, Jeft'erson, 
Madison, etc., were and are cool, calm, temperate, thoughtful, deliberative, 
tolerant and benevolent. I am afraid of those young men. Our Legislature 
is, this year, full of them. I tremble for my country when I see so many 
State bomb-shells, fraught with combustion and death, withlheir fuses already 
lighted ; but Heaven, I hope and trust, will protect us. 

As for me, I have not the most remote idea of going into public life. My 
sole object is to place my dear wife and children above the reluctant charity 



LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 415 

and still more insulting pity of a cold, in'oud and selfish world. This object 
I will pursue with unremitting ardor. I consider it my first duty (next to 
that ^vhich I owe to my Creator), and no vain idea of public honors shall 
take me f)ff from the discharge of it. In this I make no sacrifice of feeling, 
for I have no 2}6nchant for political life ; my feelings dispose me to tranquillity, 
the bosom of my family, and my books. I cannot say that I am indiflerent 
to professional fame ; but I can truly say that I love it less, for itself, than as 
the means of attaining my siDumuia boimm : competence for my family. This 
is so truly the case, that, if I knew any other honest means by which I could 
acquire competence and independence more rapidly, I could relinquish the 
bar, not only without a sigh, but with pleasure. The truth is that, as yet, it 
is very little indeed that I know of professional fame or its accomi)anying 
sweets, except by the report of others ; when I know more I may perhaps have 
a better relish for it. 

According to your desire, I scud you the " British Sj^y." I would send a 
copy of it to your father, Init I ai)prehend, from his having mentioned it in 
his letter to me, that he already has a copy. It is strange how easily the 
multitude are taken by a little glitter. I can declare with the utmost sin- 
cerity that I had no conception that tlie soap-bubbles would have survived 
the news2)aper in which they first appeared. I did not project them with a 
view to duration, or to anything else than a momentary amusement to myself 
and to the equally idle readers of newspapers. The printer, however, knew 
a little more of mankind, it seems ; for you perceive that this is the third 
edition, which he is selling ofi' very rapidly, and I presume he has cleared 
several thousand dollars by the adventure. This aftair has induced me to con- 
sider whether, in those intervals of professional labor which would other- 
wise be si)ent in idleness, I cannot execute some little work in this way, by 
which I may earn both money and fame. I am accordingly preparing mate- 
rials for the lives of our Virginian revolutionary characters of eminence ; and 
if I can succeed in collecting them, I propose to myself to become their biog- 
rapher. I shall probably send out the life of Patrick Henry, next fall, as 
Noah did the dove out of the ark, to see what foothold the country aifords. 
If he succeeds, the other lives will follow in succession, or all together, some- 
thing on the j)],an of "Plutarch's Lives." If I can do justice to this work, it 
will pay a just tribute of honor to the dead, will perpetuate their memory, 
stimulate the jrising generation and present them with the best models by 
which to form their own characters, besides affording to myself a decent 
harvest of reputation and — cash! It is said, here, that John D. Burk, who 
is writing a third-rate history of Virginia, has sold the right for $10,000. I 
will not vouch for this, although I had it from a bishop ; but if it be true, as 
is rendered highly probable by the immense profits which the author and the 
other parties concerned have derived from the " Life of Washington," it pre- 
sents a very flattering evidence of the profits of book-making in this State ; 
and if my own experiment shall be successful, the term of my labors at the 
bar may be perhaps considerably shortened. In the meantime, I am not so 
deeply infected witjj the caccethes scribendi as to permit it to interfere with my 



416 LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 

profession. I sliall ply this without intermission, considering it as my chief 
dependence. The other shall come in collaterally, merely to fill a chasm in 
the toils of the law. 

I am much gratified to hear of Presley's progress in his education, and feel 
myself most delicately and i)oignantly flattered by the wish you express to 
l)lace him under my direclion, in the fail of 1806. Most welcome shall he be 
to every advantage that I can impart to him. I only wish that I could be 
living in this town next fall — for then I should hope that the examples which 
he would see at the superior courts of this State might fix themselves, as 
models, in his mind : whereas I fear that the little sort of questions which 
form the principal part of our Norfolk business, and the pettifogging discus- 
sions which he will hear at the bar there, will be scarcely considered, either by 
him or you, as compensating him for tiie time. I will i^romise, however, to 
show him, as distinctly as I can, the way in which he should walk in order to 
be eminent. I cannot, indeed, say to him, like Henry the Fourth of France 
to his soldiers, " when you find yourself in disorder, and at a loss what course 
to take, look upon my white plume — you Avill always fintl it on the road to 
honor and glory." I cannot even say to him, in the charging order of our Col. 
Washington, " follow me, my boy," ^vhieh I am told was the practice of our 
Col. (now Gen.) Henry Lee. I can point out the plan, and tell him, "go on 
my boys." I will write to him as noon as my fall circuit will be over and I 
get back to Norfolk— which, however, never liappcus until about the 20th 
November. 

It Avill delight me to see you, as you promise, and I hope you will not easily 
permit yourself to be diverted from taking Norfolk in your route. By the 
time this reaches you, your expected son will be born. Let me congratulate 
you, by auticijDation, on tliis joyous event, and beg tiiat you will give my love 
to him, your lady (who is my old-young acquaintance) and to your daughter ; 
and let me be remembered, in terms of filial respect and allection, to our 
father, mother, sisters and brothers. Heaven bless and 2)rosper you. 

Believe me, ever. 

Your friend, 

WILLIAM WIRT. 

To Hon. Ninian Edwakds. 



NoKFOLK, Jrrn. 10, ISOO. 
My Friend and Father : 

It was not longer than five or six days ago that I sat myself down to com- 
plain of your long silence; but, in writing a folio page, I mt^de myself so 
melancholy with the idea that we were never more to meet, that I found I 
was incapable of writing anything but what was calculated to infect you 
with my own hypo., and I determined to wait for a flood-tide of spirits. Your 
letter of the 6 th ultimo, which was brought to me this morning, while I was 
at breakfast with my wife and little daughter, has affected me in such a man- 
ner as to disqualify me for thinking of anything but you and yours, or doing 



LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 41'? 



iiuytliiiig but writing to you. Without waiting, therefore, any longer for 
tiood- or ebb-tides, I sit myself down to pour out to you the feelings of my 
heart and the vagaries of my brain, without reserve. 

I see, by your letter, that you have not forgotten how fond I used to be of 
your praise — you are right in supposing that I love it still ; but, indeed, your 
partiality has betrayed you into very great extravagancies about me. I look 
upon the picture which your friendship lias drawn of me, in this letter, as 
the traveler in Germany does on his own gigantic image, reflected by the 
rising sun from the mist of the mountains : in size and grandeur the phantom 
surpasses him so far, tliat he wonders how his own little self could have pro- 
duced such a phenomena, and whether it be not self-existent, without any 
prototype in the human creation. No, my dear Mr. Edwards ; my vanity has 
had too many castigations to permit me, at this time of day, to suppose myself 
anything uncommon. I have, too "often, occasion to feel my own defects, and 
I meet with too many superiors, to believe that I am born for peculiar honors 
or distinctions. In this borough resides a man, a practitioner of law — one of 
the best curers of vanity that I have ever met with. I am opposed to him at 
the bar; and very rarely am I so, without the most sensible humiliation. He 
is, indeed, an uncommon man — a young one too — that is, about my own age ; 
and the only comfort I have, when I compare myself with him, is tlie reflec- 
tion of the superior advantages which he has had. His name is Littleton 
Waller Tazewell. His father was a judge of the General Court of this Com- 
monwealth, then a judge of the Supreme Court of Appeals, and died as a 
member of the Senate of the United States for Virginia. Tlicse honors show 
the estimation in which the virtues and talents of the father were held, and 
j ustly held, by the country. The sou is confessedly very far the father's supe- 
rior in point of native talents, and he has had an education unequaled Ijy any 
iu tlie State. He was not more than seven years of age when he was placed 
in the family of Bishop Madison, the President of William and Mary Col- 
lege, and the particular friend of his father. Under the instruction of this 
gentleman, and the various professors in that seminary, he became master of 
the dead languages and of several living ones, and, by the time he was seven- 
teen years of age, was a veteran in all the sciences and a first-rate historian. 
So that while I, with a little knowledge of Latin and less of Greek, was 
mounted upon a ))ench iu the Seneca meetinghouse, teaching a parcel of little 
girls and boys to sol-fa it, this gentleman was conversing Avith the planetary 
system, ranging through all nature, and learning wisdom from the experience of 
nations that are no more. Thus accomplished, he was, at the age of seventeen, 
placed by his father in the office of Mr. Wickham, a relation by afiinity — the 
rival of Marshall and of Washington, and their superior before a jury. In the 
office of this gentleman he had the advantage of a most extensive and judi- 
ciously selected library ; he heard the daily and hourly counsel given by this 
eminent advocate in every variety of cases; he learned all the technical and 
practical parts of the profession, acquired the best system of arranging his 
papers and going through the routine of professional duties, and, being in the 
metropolis, he liad before liim not only the most finished models of forensic 
argument and eloquence iu the sujaerior courts of the State, but he had an 
—53 



418 LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 

opj)ortunity of lighting his genius at the altar of a Ilenrjr and a Lee in 
the Virginia Legishxture. 

Much about this time Ninian, poor Andrew Lane, and myself, were living 
with William P. Hunt, hhnself a novic;c in the profession — his li!)rary con- 
sisting of three or perhaps six books, no clients to consult him, and no exam- 
ples of oratory before us much superior to Baker Johnson's pike-staff — nor of 
these half a dozen law books or Baker Johnson's staff did we think a thou- 
sandth part as often as of the Ijright eyes and angel smiles of the Misses 
Turner & Co. ! 

I am ashamed to pursue tlie parallel any farther — l)ut this gentleman came 
to the bar, where he found himself the master of every question that was 
started ; whither he brought with him the law learning and address of his 
master, and all the stores and treasures which he had amassed at college ; 
whither lie brought with him what is, if possiI)h.>, more important than tlicn\ 
all : the firuily-rooted habits of industrious application and of close and 
forcible thinking. Here he soon felt what it Avas to ho touched with the ani- 
mating beam of public applause and admiration, and he had the still more 
exquisite pleasure of gladdening the heart of a father and filling it with 
proud and rapturous anticii)atious. Of all these pleasures my evil stars and 
my own imprudence deprived me. Against all my disadvantages of educa- 
tion and of habit I have yet to struggle. I have, indeed, with the aid of 
Divine Providence, cast off the debauchee ; but when I compare the neat and 
systematic operations of this gentleman — his papers, his pleas, his arguments — 
wnth the chaos which I contrive to create around me, and my loose, irregular 
and desultory mode of acting and of speaking, I am so far from finding occa- 
sion of vanity, that I am humbled unto the dust. 

Dugald Stewart (a professor in the University of Edinburgh) observes that 
every man, when he grows up and enters upon life, finds and feels some error 
which Vv'as committed in his education ; and he adds that Ave ought never to 
think it too late to begin to educate ourselves anew. Heaven knows how 
sensibly I feel the truth of the first part of this observation; and, were I in 
circumstances to educate myself anew, I would enter the ofiice of some auto- 
maton of a clerk or merchant — the creature of habit, a mere machine — where 
I would remain until I liad gotten the habit of keeping my papers in the 
most exact arrangement. I would then study the mathematics until my brain 
became mathematically methodical — until I could find a pleasure in hanging 
over intricate problems and Avinding through the most perplexed and exten- 
sive mazes of logical deduction. These are the two Avants which hang like a 
dead Aveight about my neck, 'and which must always prevent me from rising 
much higher in my profession than I uoav am. BeAvare of them, my dear 
friend, in the education of your younger sons ; rely upon it, that these tAVo 
habits are of more importance to a laAvyer than all the genius of a Cicero or 
Demosthenes. For my own part, I am persuaded that there is scarcely any 
solid basis of intellectual greatness and utility, other than the mathematics. 
If Providence spares my son, I am determined, if it be in my poAver to have 
it so, that he shall be sufficiently qualified to be a professor of mathematics in 
a university. It is for the want of this acquirement, and of those habits of 



LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 419 

business and of close, systematic and persevering thought and application 
which it never fails to generate, that my progress at the bar has resembled 
and Avill continue to resemble more the lambent motions of the flume of a 
candle, than the steady emersion of a planet, gradually increasing in light as 
it rises, until its glories blaze in the zenith. This, my dear friend, is not af- 
fected depression of myself. It would be a very silly piece of affectation, and 
very unworthy of that perfect candor and openness which I wish to subsist 
between us. I have thought it my duty to be thus full about myself, in order 
to undeceive you as to the estimate in which you seem to suppose I am held 
in this country, and more especially a^ I may have myself contributed, though 
innocently, to produce the deception — for I find, by your letter, that I stated 
myself to have received an accession of cliaracter from the letters of the 
" British Spy." This was true : those letters made me known to many to whom 
I was before a stranger, and known to my advantage, too, as the 'bagatelle had 
the good luck to hit the capricious taste of the j)ublic. But on the roll of 
fame I am far, very far, behind the TuUys and Hortensius of Virginia, and 
indeed, comparatively, am little more than a cypher. Yet, let not my sin- 
cerity rob me of your esteem : it Vv'as your own benevolence, and, I doubt not, 
your sympathy for my desolate and unfriended situation, which first attached 
you to me. I am no longer, indeed, desolate or unfriended, but I should 
almost believe myself so, if I thought I were to be discarded from youi 
esteem and affection. Continue, then, I beseech you, to think of me as a son. 
Your solicitude for my prosi)erity and fame will be a strong incentive to exer - 
tion ; and if nothing less than fame can insure me your heart, I will struggle 
to overleap the barrier of mediocrity, which, hitherto, has been my limit. I 
fancy that, by this time, you will not think that I paid you any great compli- 
ment in attributing to you the formation of my mind and character. The 
fact is that, on the dissolution of Parson Hunt's school, your invitation drew 
uie from the whirlpool of vice in Bladensburgh, in which, but for you, I 
should have been irretrievably lost ; nor is this all : if, on my taking up my 
abode at Mt. Pleasant, your character had been a negative one — a neutral 
l^etween vice and virtue and destitute of dignity — my levity and immoral 
propensities would still have ruined me. It was the decision, the energy, the 
dignity of your mind and character, that restrained my follies and levities. 
The praise which you bestowed on my genius, and the opinions which you 
expressed of what I was capable of attaining, awakened in mc a greater 
respect for myself and kindled my emulation. The warmth, let me add (with- 
out the imputation of flattery, for I speak from my heart) the eloquence — the 
natural, ardent and impressive eloquence — with which you delivered your 
sentiments on virtue, public and private — on morals, on the glory of patriot- 
ism as exemplified in Brutus and Cato — and this very frequently too — gave a 
shape and fashion to my own sentiments on those subjects, which finally mixed 
with my constitution and became a part of my character. It was thus that 
you erected a court of oyer and terminer in my own breast, and commissioned 
a self accuser. It was before this tribunal and this accuser that, during the 
days of dissipation into which I was betrayed, on first coming to this State, 
my conduct was, every morning, arraigned and punished — until the salutary 



420 LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS, 

punishment and my anxiety for the happiness of another wrought a reforma- 
tion in me, and brought me back to the ground on which you phiced me. 

How can you speak so disrespectfully of your own j^owcrs? I doubt if 
there ever was a mind more highly endowed by nature, or a man who would 
have shone more splendidly than you would have done, if you had devoted 
yourself to public life; but you preferred the peace and quiet of private life- 
I approve your choice, and, as far as it is in my power, shall follow your 
examjilc. Like Shakspeare's Falstaff, " I like not such grinning honor as Sir 
Walter hath," neither have I any very strong appetite for those highly-sea- 
soned dishes of calumny with which I see the President and his secretaries 
regularly regaled, by half the presses in America. I would not give the dance 
which I have just witnessed between my wife and children (for it is now 
night, and I am a iiddler) for a thousand such high and honorable banquets ! 
Give me independence, the peaceful bosom of my family, a friend, and books— 
I ask no more ! The rest I leave to those who love public honors more than 
tranquillity. 

You have said something about your own health: I liope, therefore, that 
you continue well, and more especially that you have no return of that mal- 
ady which made it necessary for you to submit to the surgeon's knife, in 
Frederiektown. You talk, indeed, of religion " supporting you in solitude, 
and enabling you to bear your afflictions without a murmur;" but, with such 
a tiock of children around you, and within three miles of Bardstown, I should 
hope you were not much oppressed by solitude ; and as for afflictions, I trust 
you introduced them only to complete the quotation, and not because you 
have in reality any afflictions to contend with, other indeed than those " little, 
whiffling cares and vexations," as Sterne calls them, which are the inevitable 
lot of the most fortunate life. 

What pleasure it would give me to place my dear wife and our little ones 
around your hospitable board — to see and converse with you and Mrs. Ed- 
wards, and your children — I leave to your imagination ; I cannot figure to 
myself a higher or more exquisite enjoyment in this world. But, alas ! that 
enjoyment cannot be mine ; for, besides her parents, my wife has a sister (the 
wife of the present Governor of the State) and two brothers stationed for 
life in Virginia, and I believe she could not leave them without a sacrifice 
which I have no right or wish to ask. Much, indeed, do I long to be sta- 
tioned in Kentucky, because it is there that, I think, I should the soonest be 
enabled to relinquish the laborious, harassing and degrading profession in 
which I am embarked. I jierhaps receive more money here than I should in 
Kentucky ; but I have no genius for speculation or turning that money in any 
way to advantage ; and I am persuaded, in order to become wealthy in this 
State, a lawyer must have some source of profit other than the mere revenue 
arising from his profession. In Kentucky, lands present a subject of easy 
speculation and certain j)rofit, in which it would be difficult if not impossible 
to err. I must own to you that I am impatient to be released from the wran- 
gles of the bar. It is, indeed, possible that if I were perfectly at liberty to 
indulge in those studies and pursuits for which I feel a very ardent passion, I 
liiight be of some service to my fellow-creatures — so at least I think ; and I 



LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 421 

often sigh for thiit liberty which would ciniblo nie to make the experiment, 
but which I fear cannot be mine — at least until all the vigor o£ mind as avcU 
as body, and "all the life of life," is llown. But it is in vain to rei)iue at our 
destiny, and can produce no other possible effect than to aggravate the trou- 
bles with which we arc already surrounded. There is no conduct on such 
occasions, worthy either of the philosopher or Christian, but to kiss the rod 
witli a smile of resignation, and console ourselves by doing all the good we 
can Avithin the sphere of our action. 

I think your remarks on the profession of the law, in tlie general, correct. 
The necessity of defending wrong with a face and manner of earnestness and 
sincerity, and of laboring with zeal to deceive judges and jurors, has certainly 
a tendency to sully the sanctity of the moral sense — more especially when it 
is seen that eulogies and honors are lavished on the bright and victorious elo- 
quence which can the most successfully produce those deceptions. Deception 
indeed, is, half our time, the very traflic in which we deal — fashion and 
opinion have made it not only a justiliable, but even an honorable, traffic ; 
nor is it much Ui 1)0 wondered at, if some members of the profession in this 
country and very many in England, urged by want, transfer the habits of the 
bar into private life. There are, howc;ver, few if any instances in this country 
of men, virtuously educated, who have been remiered base and corrupt by the 
practice of tlie law. 

There is no revolution in my family since I wrote you last. My daughter 
and son continue to grow more and more interesting every day. I shall teach 
them to love and respect you and Mrs. Edwards, and to consider you and 
your children as their paternal relations ; and from you I shall claim the ful- 
fillment of your promise, that you will teach yours to regard me as a brother ; 
they shall indeed iind me one, if an occasion shall present itself. 

Niuian, in his letter, talked of bringing on Presley and leaving him with 
me this winter, and perhaps longer. If it be your impression and Ninian's 
that his residence with me will be serviceable to him, you know me, I am 
sure, well enough to be convinced that it would afford me one of the most 
delightful gratifications in the world. The only objections to it are such as 
arise from a consideration of Presley's benefit, and which I think I mentioned 
to Niniau : my library is, as yet, on a small scale — the practice of these courts 
is too loose to afford him any information as to the technical parts of the 
profession — and the yellow fever assails the town every fall. If these diffi- 
culties can be obviated to your satisfaction, my liouse, my books, my best 
instructions, and the bosom of an affectionate brother, are at his service. 
When I wrote to Ninian, I had, I think, a pretty near prospect of going to 
Richmond to settle. That, however, is removed further off; and even if I 
should go while Presley is living with me, he can accompany me without any 
inconvenience or difficulty. When I state that my library is small, you must 
not understand it to be quite as small as William P. Hunt's. I suppose I 
have five or six hundred dollars' worth of well chosen books, and I am con- 
stantly augmenting the number. I hope Presley has not been confining his 
attention to law, SQlely, but that, independent of his education at college, he 
has attended to general science, to history (both ancient and modern), and to 



422 LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 

poetry — tlic latter by way of raising liis imagination and acquainting him 
with the melody of the English language ; an important acquirement for a 
public speaker. 

My Betsey returns her dutiful acknowledgments to yourself and Mrs. E. 
for your affectionate mention of her, and begs you both, and her adopted 
sisters and brothers, to accept of her love. My little Laura, whom I liavo 
just asked if I should give her love to you, too, answers tliat I "must do (for 
(jo) and tell you !" Little does she know what hajjpiuess it would give me 
to be able to do so. My love and duty to you, Mrs. E., and all the children, 
with their husbands and wives. (Elisha, I suppose, is married by this time.) 
Pray let me hear from you again, soon — every month at least — and promj^t 
Ninian. I don't know how to quit you, and yet I have not said half I wished ; 

but I must. Adieu, my friend and father. 

WILLIAM WIRT. 

To BENJAiriN Edwakds, Escj., near Bardstown, Kentucky. 



RiciiMOiSfD, February 2, 1807. 
My Dear Sir : 

I am indebted to you for your favor of the 5th uU., which I received to-day. 
A combination of causes have made me a defaulter towards you lately ; be 
assured, however, that a diminution of my respect and affection for you is 
not amongst those causes. You do not, indeed, notice my defalcation in this 
letter, and I infer pardon. I shall l)e happy to hear from Mr. Trigg, and to 
serve him by any means in my power ; the particulars of his case you tell me 
I shall have from himself. 

I have seen the papers from your State, and marked with regret the num- 
ber of respectable names involved in the Spanish intrigue. V/c hope that 
the work of expurgation, which is begun among you, will go on until the 
body politic is thoroughly cleansed. To say the least of Innis, his virtue was 
in a capitulating mood ; he ought to follow the steps of Sebastian. Poor 
Nicholas ! death has dropped the curtain over him ; let us not raise it. I am 
glad to find that those who are on the spot, and have therefore the best 
opportunity of judging, concur in extolling the vigilance and patriotism of 
Mr. Daviess. He has been very strongly suspected, in this State, of being 
touched with the Spanish disease ; and even his late efforts against Burr, for 
which he received such distinguished honor in Frankfort, aj^pcared to us so 
poorly concerted and weakly sustained that they were regarded as feints to 
give a moment's relief to the reputation of the culjjrit and favor his escape. 
I am pleased to find you think otherwise, and hope you may see no cause to 
change your present opinion of him. Poor Burr ! what an inglorious fall for 
genius and science ! The example of Sylla, Cataline, Ca3sar, Augustus, 
Bonaparte, etc., appear to have had the same effect, on his brain, which 
those of Orlando Furioso and other knights-errant had on that of Don 
Quixote :' more especially if we believe him to have projected the extended 
and magnificent project to whicli Gen. Eaton has Just sworn — (not knowing 



LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 423 

wlietlier you take the liichmond papers, I inclose the " Enquirer," of this daj% 
eontaining Eaton's and others' depositions, together with the President's hist 
communication touching tliis conspiracy, and suppose it may probably reach 
you as soon as through anotlicr channel). Hitherto, "Wilkinson lias behaved 
well in this affair ; l)ut, ;idmitting that nothing had been understood between 
him and Burr, before the arrival of Swartwout and BoUman at Orleans, this 
is a curious departure from the generally supposed style of Burr's negotia- 
tions — sending agents there to confer with Wilkinson, and sending them 
under the impression that W. had heen previously gained ; writing to him, 
too, in a manner which shows that ho himself was under the same impression ! 
If there had been no previous understanding between Wilkinson and Burr, 
all that can be said fo;- it is, that the latter has assailed his virtue with as 
little ceremony as if he had been a common prostitute, and was always ready 
when the money was oitered. There is, indeed, reason to suspect Wilkinson ; 
but if he is disposed, " by hearty repentfince and true faith, to turn unto his" 
duty, should he not be received? Would it not afford just cause for clamor 
against the tyranny of the Government y And even if Wilkinson be pure, 
at present, would it not naturally force him, with ail his influence, into the 
arms of Burr, and palliate his treason ? It is a critical situation in which 
the Government is placed. PerhajDS the course adopted by the President, 
towards him, is not only the most j ust but the safest : the show of a ma"' 
nanimous couiidcncc has !)eeu known to confirm even a wavering,faith. If 
Wilkinson is innocent, removal would be cruelty not to be surpassed, for it 
would blast his character forever, or else the blow would recoil on the Ad- 
ministration. " Sed noil noils est, tantas comjwiiere lUes." The danger we 
believe is now over ; for if Wilkinson luis been merely playing the jjatriot 
all this time, and " mouthing at Ctesar " in order that he may be retained at 
his post until he can surrender Orleans and the army to Burr, it is believed 
that they will find the fallacy of calculating on the conduct of an army of 
freemen and Americans, from the example of the corrupt and mercenary 
legions of Rome. 

I saw, some time ago, in the "Western World," a paragraph stating the 
resignation of Sebastian, and expressing a hope that Judge Wallace would 
follow his example. Who is this Judge Wallace? Not, I am sure, my old 
friend and schoolmate ; and yet, knowing no other Wallace iu Kentucky 
likely to be a judge, I felt considerable uneasiness on his account. You would 
have increased it if you had stopped at informing me that my friend Wallace 
had succeeded you on the bench of the General Court, but you have relieved 
me entirely by speaking so warmly of his virtues. I am happy to hear of his 
promotion, so far as honors are concerned ; but how can he suj^port his family 
on the salary of a judge of your General Court? and would he not have 
found it his interest to have continued at the bar? Your lawyers get rich ; 
Wallace, certainly, could not have failed in a country in which Daviess suc- 
ceeds ! or else Daviess must be a very different man from what he was when 
he was in Richmond, about seven years ago. I think Wallace has talents 
which would have enrolled his name amongst advocates of the first order, if 



424 LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 

he bad. energy enough to throw ofT that flattering and hurried manner, which 
lie learned in his childhood, and cultivate a talent for speaking. He had but 
to practice that slow and deliberate enunciation which Lord Bacon so strongly 
inculcates, and which Plato is said to have exemplified so beautifully and 
sweetly. But how easy is it to give these lessons ; how difficult to practice 
them ! I have been trying all my life to learn to speak in the time of Lady 
Coventry's minuet, hut I began with a Virginia jig, and shall go on shufliing 
all the days of my life. I have a little son, just two years old, who is begin- 
ning to talk handsomely. I labor before him to speak in proper time, know- 
ing the decisive importance of parental example ; but the moment my atten- 
tion is withdrawn from my own enunciation, my tongue breaks loose like one 
of those windmills with which they frighten crows from a corn field, and so 
my poor boy, I fear, must be a jig-dancer too. 

And Presley is at the bar, while I was expecting him in Richmond ! What 
pleasure it would give me to hear his maiden efi'orts ; and how shall I rejoice 
to hear the echo of his fame reverberating to our Atlantic coast! He will 
have a good deal to do to fulfill the expectations which were formed of him 
in his childhood. Your father, I remember, got Brooks' novel called " The 
Fool of Quality," about the time Presley was five or six years old, and we 
were all struck with the resemblance which he bore to the character of "Henry 
Clinton." I suspect I can repeat, to this day, the first set-S2)ccch he ever 
made — and that was borrowed from an almanac : 

"Man's but a vapor and full of woes- 
Just cuts a caper, and down he goes." 

Pray, give him my love and best wishes. It will make me happy to see 
your cousin, Mr. Pope, in Richmond. There is not the least iirobability of my 
going to Washington next winter. I am no politician. I have not that 
fondness for politics which I perhaps Avould have, if natUre had given me 
talents to make a figure in them, and a temper to endure the buffetiugs and 
humiliations which I see all politicians are doomed to suft'er. As it is, my 
ambitioii is bounded by the single desire of finding ease and peace for my 
old age and independence for my himily ; and this I have a prospect of com- 
passing if I live out the usual lot of man. I very sincerely wish you success 
in your desire to get on the Federal bench. I have no influence on the ajipoint. 
ments of the Cabinet. I know ]\Ir. Jcfl'erson and Mr. Madison, indeed, both 
very well, and, if it be necessary, might perhaps be justified in stating to them 
my impression of you, but liave no reason to flatter myself that such state- 
ment would produce any eflcct in changing the destination of honors and 
oflices ; but if you think otherwise, or it would aff'ord you any manner of 
gratification, I will write with pleasure to either or both of them. Pray 
what is the salary of a judge of the Court of Appeals of Kentucky? The 
manner of your appointment was certainly very honorable ; you must have 
out-Jenkinized Goldsmith's hero ! One and the same sjieech would not always 
serve your turn, and nothing can be more difterent than your catasti'nphies ; 
but perhaps you are not at the end of your journey. 



LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 425 

Yoll give but a i^oor account of the net proceeds of my little school. Carl- 
ton is, however, full as smart as I expected ; and Sol. has maintained his charac- 
ter throughout the drama — which, you know, is a matter of great merit 
among the critics. It was kind in his wife, since she was predetermined^ to 
beat him, to furuis-li him with a fortification of horn-works against her own 
assaults. Mr. Addison's idea is verified in the example of tlae two boys — 
they make the same figure, now, in relation to society, which they formerly 
made in relation to their school-mates. Sol. was always, you know, a smiling, 
Jerry-sneak sort of a fellow, and Carlton a giggling one, who asked no more 
than a slight provocation to laugh to be perfectly happy. It is possil)le that 
AVatkins' vanity may be corrected by age, and Catlctt's temper by prosperity ; 
I wish they may. I am of the opinion that Catlett is the cleverest fellow of 
the two ; he has more volubility, but it is all commonplace, and an affected 
imitation of the gay, fashionable rake and debauchee, who has been the ob- 
ject of comic satire ever since the reign of Charles the Second; his glitter is 
mere isinglass. I am glad to hear that Dr. Jones is doing even so well as 
you represent ; pray remember me to him aflectiouately. Give my love to my 
old schoolmate and favorite, Doct. "Wallace ; he was always amiable, in spite 
of Latin and Maguire, both of whom he hated as much as he is capable of 
hating anything. This Maguire was our usher ; and, by-the-by, Wallace can 
tell you a good story of him, wliich now I have neither time nor paper to give 
you. 

I am afraid Elisha is going to be an old batchelor ; it is high time he Avas 
contributing to de-forest and people Kentucky. Betsey married, and Peggy 
has had offers ! When I read this I felt disposed to look into a glass and see 
if I was not as hoary, wrinkled and emaciated as Father Priam, or even Me- 
thusalem ; and yet I am but thirty-four, if there be any truth in fomily chroni- 
cles ! You have not told me the name of Betsey's husband, which you ought 
to have done. I have no objection to Peggy's being a little romantic, for I 
think it spreads the charm of delicacy with a fine effect over a female charac- 
ter ; but it will not do to carry it so far as Mrs. Radcliffe, the celebrated 
moralist, who, I am told, is at last crazed by the offspring of her own flmcy. 
I am surprised at your saying my old friend Kelly moved to that country, a few 
days past — for if, by that country, you mean Kentucky,! thought he had been 
there ten years ago, at least ; but perhaps you mean that he had moved to 
Logan county. Pray recall me to his recollection, and assure him I take the 
most friendly interest in his welfare. 

I presume you will expect to hear something about me and my prospects, 
in so long a letter. Providence has still favored me since my removal to this 
place. I have more of reputation and business than I deserve ; still maintain 
my family, and have a little surplus cash to invest in an advantageous specu- 
lation, now and then. The Legislature, lately in session here, solicited me 
by some of their members to take a place in the Council of State, which I 
declined, as interfering too much with my pursuits. I have been much pressed , 
too, to represent this city in the Legislature, but I have declined it, and mean 
not to be diverted from my object of an aflluent old age, exempt from politi- 

—54: 



426 LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 

cal storms, and indulged in the innocent pleasures of retirement and books. 
This may be thought an iugloriously indolent scheme ; but I think it quite as 
desirable, though perhaps not so glorious, as the exit of Cato, Cicero or De- 
mosthenes. My soul is entirely too unambitious to be pleased with the pros- 
pect of falling on my own sword, being the victim of tyrants' myrmidons, or 
stealing into the grave by sucking poison from a pen ; nay, I am torpid enough 
to love solitude and jicace more than the glory of running the gauntlet of all 
the scandalous presses in America. I have three children— the youngest, a 
girl, near five months old ; this is an effectual way of serving my country ! 
and I have a prospect of serving her very effectually in that way, which is 
quite enough to satisfy my ambition ! Besides this, there is no necessity for 
my embarking in the vessel of State : there are candidates enough, anxious 
for the service, even to stand before the mast ; and I do not see why I, who 
know nothing of political navigation — scarcely the names of the ropes and 
sails — should be pushing and elbowing to become a mariner. These are the 
motives which have determined me to private life. 

I beg you, if you should have an opportunity, that you will offer my love, 
respects and duty at Shiloh. Mr. Edwards has seen so many of his children 
married and colonized, that, I imagine, he is beginning to look forward to 
the time when he and Mrs. E. may sit in ojpposite corners and play " Darby" 
and "Joan !" What a patriarch he will be in a few years, with his children 
and his children's children swarming in hosts around him, until it will I'equire 
as good a chronicler as Moses to enumerate, through all of their ramifications, 
the descendants of the new tribe of Benjamin ! I hope he still enjoys his 
health, and has had no symptoms of the return of his Maryland complaint. 

Pray what has become of those geniuses, Haden Edwards and Gerard, or 
Garrett as he was called, who frightened me so much when they were at your 
father's, on their way to Carlisle College ? I remember I was almost afraid to 
open my lips before them ; and as for Garrett, I expected to have heard be- 
fore this that he had set the Ohio, Mississippi, Missouri and Gulf of Mexico 
on fire ! I hope he has not returned into water himself, like one of Ovid's 
metamorjohoses. 

Give the love of a brother and friend to Mr. and Mrs. Whitaker, your sister 
Polly, and all your brothers and sisters. Remember that you promise, in this 
last letter, to write to me again shortly. Adieu ! 

WILLIAM WIPtT. 
To Hon. Ninian Edwards, Logan county, Kentucky. 



Richmond, February 23, 1807. 
Dear Sir : 

The mail of this morning has brought me your favor, without date, but 
bearing in the postmark that of the 29th ultimo. So far from an apology 
being necessary for your letters, I am extremely obliged to you for them, both 
on account of the facts and the speculations which they contain. As the best 
return which I am now able to make, I inclose you a handbill, struck from 



LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 42"? 

one of our papers of yesterday morning, and whicli may probably bring you 
the news of Burr's surrender, Monroe's treaty with Great Britain, and the con- 
struction of Bonaparte's proclamation-blockade of that kingdom and her 
dependencies. If I were able to write, I would not trouble you with the in- 
closure ; but this is the first time I have written a line for a week past, owing 
to a distracting pain over my right eye, and I now find writing so painful 
that I have barely power to reassure you that I am. 

Your friend, 

WILLIAM WIRT. 
To Hon. Ninian Edwards, Collina, Logan county, Kentucky. 



Richmond, August 3, 1807. 
My Dear Sir : 

I dare say, my good friend, you begin to think me a Godwinian, in point 
of gratitude — seeing how diligently you detailed the operations of Aaron 
Burr, while he was in your quarter, whereas he has been near four months in 
our metropolis and you have not heard a word from me. I can only assure 
you that my silence has resulted from the importunity of my engagements, 
and from that cause solely. 

While he was wandering over the United States, brought before grand 
juries in Kentucky and the Mississippi, and finally under proclamation for fly- 
ing from his recognizance, I could not help often imagining, "suppose that 
chance had brought him on his trial in Richmond, and chance still greater 
had embarked me in his cause — what course would I pursue ?" Little did I 
suppose that that imagination was so soon to be realized. I had gone from 
Richmond about the last of March to wind up old causes in Norfolk, and 
to defend a criminal by whom I was called to Northumberland District Court. 
Burr arrived in my absence. At Williamsburg, I received an express to en- 
gage me on behalf of the United States, and I did engage. At Northumber- 
land Court-house I was met by an express from Burr, which was of course 
too late. From this solicitude to engage me, you will readily see that I am 
playing the "Jenkinsonian" successfully in Virginia, as you represented your- 
self to have done in Kentucky. On the 33d of May the Federal Court met. 
Burr challenged some of the grand jury for favor, on the authority of Hawk- 
ins' Picas of the Crown and Bacon's Abridgement. The propriety of the 
challenge was admitted, I think most wrongfully — the authorities setting out 
a class of causes of challenge totally distinct from favor, and the year 
books, on which Hawkins founds himself, flatly disproving the principle in 
the latitude of construction allowed to it here. Others of the grand jury 
were set aside as having been improperly summoned. After tlie marshal 
had summoned the twenty-four required by law, some of the twenty-four 
having declared their inability to attend, it was decided by the court that 
the marshal had exhausted his power by summoning the twenty-four ; that 
having no power to touch another man, the rest were not, in law, summoned 
and consequeutly>were not grand jurors. By these acta the grand jury was 



428 LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 

reduced to its lowest number, sixteeu, and consequently tlie chance of the 
concurrence of twelve in finding a bill, was reduced to its minimum. Of 
these sixteen, too, several were Federalists and several minority men, and 
among the latter John Randolph, who had spoken of the affair, in Congress, 
as a petty intrigue. Burr and his counsel were filled witli triumph at the 
prospect that there would be no bill found ; they displayed this triumph very 
injudiciously, and went. so far as to declare out of doors that there was no 
chance of finding a bill — representing the whole as a military project, to take 
place only in the event of a war declared between the United States and 
Spain. Meantime, while the grand jury were engaged in examining the evi- 
dence. Burr amused us with a series of interludes in court — motion upon motion 
— argument upon argument, for upwards of thirty days — the principal policy 
of which was to turn the current of jDopular indignation from Burr against 
the Administration, by representing Burr as a victim of envy, malignity and 
persecution. These arts had no eficct beneficial to Burr, except upon a few 
Federalists, who were predisposed to believe anything and everything dis- 
honorable to the Administration ; but upon the community at large, from 
whom Burr's jury must come, the effect was most inauspicious. 

In the midst of all this hurly-burly came Wilkinson and his suit, like 
Pope's fame, " unlocked for," at least by Burr's partisans. I was anxious to 
to mark the interview between Burr and Wilkinson. There was no nature 
in it ; they had anticipated the meeting, and resolved upon the countenances 
they would wear. Wilkinson had been some time within the bar before Burr 
Avould look towards him, afl'ccting not to know he was there, until Hay intro- 
duced him by saying to the court, " it is my wish that Gen. Wilkinson, who 
is now before the court, should be qualified and sent up to the grand jury." 
At the words " who is now before the court," Burr started in his chair, 
turned quickly around, and fixed a look of scorn and contempt on Wilkin- 
son. Wilkinson, bowing to the court on his introduction, did not receive 
Burr's first glance, but his bow finished, he turned his face down on Burr and 
looked with all the suUenncss and proteuity of a big black bull. Burr with- 
drew his eyes composedly, and there was the end if it. When the grand 
jury came down with the bills against Burr and Blenncrhassctt, I never saw 
such a group of shocked faces. The Chief Justice, who is a very dark man, 
shrunk back with horror upon his seat and turned black ; he kept his eyes 
fixed upon Burr with an expression of sympathy so agonizing and horror so 
deep and overwhelming, that he seemed, for two or three seconds, to have 
forgotten where and who he was. I observed him, and saw him start from 
his reverie, under ihe consciousness that he was giving way too much to his 
feelings, and looked around upon the multitude to see if he had been noticed. 
He is, I believe, one of the greatest and best of men ; some of our political 
friends, warped by their prejudices, think him too much warped by his— if 
he is so, he does not know it, for never did I know a man who was more soli- 
citous to cast every bias from his mind and decide every i)roposition on its ab- 
stract merits. I think he has sometimes decided wrong, but it is much more 
probable that I myself am wrong. The great Luther Martin was licre all the 
while. He may have been eminent, but I think he has nothing but tlie fixme 



LETTERS TO i\INIAN EDWARDS. 429 

of his greatness to recommcini liim ; lie is all sing-soug — a most loose, careless, 
slubbering speaker; bis style is very coarse and very often incorrect ; his con- 
ceptions half-formed, and -without grace, spirit or force. Jonathan Dayton, 
being amongst those against whom the grand jury found bills, is also some 
where about town,incog., and my brother, Robert Gamble, who has just ar 
rived from Orleans via Rhode Island, informs me that IngersoU and Lewis are 
coming on for the purpose of defending him (Dayton), so that we shall have 
the grand climacteric characters of the American bar to cope with. " O ! the 
Ijlood more stirs to rouse a lion than to start a hare." 

Love to Mrs. Edwards and to your father and family. To-morrow the trial 
in chief comes on ; the witnesses are parading ; Martin has arrived. You 
shall hear from me again. 

In haste. 

Your friend, 

WILLIAM WIRT. 

To IIox. NiNiAN Edwards, Logan county, Kentucky. 



Richmond, Dcceynler 2G, 1807. 
My Bear Friend : 

The last mail brought me your favor of the 14th Noveml^er, accompanied 
by Joseph 11. Daviess' pamphlet. I had received, also, in due course of mail, 
your former letter, describing the indisposition of your father, and immedi- 
ately on the receijit of it sat down to write to him, under all the oppression 
of spirits which your letter was calculated to produce ; nor was it until I had 
discharged my heart on three i>ages, that it occurred to me I was not in a 
proper frame of mind to write to a sick man. I am glad I did not send the 
letter, for I find, on looking at it now, that it would very probably have given 
your father the %p(), even if it had found him in health. Since that time I 
have been almost afraid to inquire about Kentucky, lest I should hear that 
the benefactor and father of my youth was no more. But about four weeks 
ago I dined in company with n IMajor Duvall, of this place, then just from 
Kentucky, who began, of his own accord, to tell me of his having been seve- 
ral days at our father's, and that he had left him in full and perfect hcaltli 
and spirits . Your last letter has banished this pleasing illusion and added the 
afflicting account of your own ill health. Thus is something ever occurring 
to remind us of the frail tenure by Avhicli we hold our earthly enjoyments. I 
have had some sever lessons on this text during the fall : In October we lost a 
little girl thirteen months old, one of the sweetest and most fascinating children 
I ever saw ; and in the following month a beautiful infant of four weeks old. 
We have only our two first left. They are, thank Heaven, very healthy, very 
sprightly and very entertaining. ]\ry wife and myself enjoy our health, and 
endeavor to learn resignation to the will of Heaven. I very much liope that 
the winter will bring you and your father up again and brace and restore you 
to hoaltli. A short time ago I had some hope of seeing you both in Ken- 
tucky. Mr. Rodney, the Attorney General of the United States, proposed to 
me to attend the court at Chilicothe and aid in the prosecution of Aaron 



430 LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 

Burr there ; l:)ut the lowest sum which would have indemnified me for the 
trip was higlier than the treasury could afford, at a time wlien we were tlireat- 
ened with war. If I had gone I was half resolved, while on the wing, to 
take a flight to your State, and shake you all by the hand once more. As I 
cannot go myself, I send you, inclosed, my representation ; it is the work of 
a French artist here, by the name of Memin, and is thought an excellent 
likeness. I shall inclose one, also, to your father. Hoav gratifying would it 
be to me, if, in exchange, I could receive likenesses of you both, since I now 
believe that I sliall never see you more ! The distance which separates us, 
and the duties which confine us to our resjoective homes, have placed a gulf 
between us which we never can pass ; and to this the prospect of war adds 
another barrier. The return of our Minister from London, and the embargo 
laid by Congress, which was announced to us on yesterday morning, have 
cast a deep gloom over the country. War is considered as inevitable ; and 
who can tell whether we will survive it. Bonaparte has given us as much 
cause of offense as Great Britain, saving the impressment of our seamen : our ^ 
commerce h equally a subject of jjlunder and our flag of insult with both 
nations ; but whether we go to war with one or both, the war will be no 
trifling one. It seems to be the wretched destiny of every State, that inter- 
meddles with either of them, to fall sooner or later under the tyranny of the 
Corsican ; whether friend or foe, this is equally the case. We just hear, 
through a respectable channel, that Bonaparte is in Madrid, at the head of 
100,000 Frenchmen, and among other exploits, that he has imprisoned two 
hundred Spanish nobles. This is his friendship : what his hostility is, all 
Europe can tell. Is not this man bent on realizing the chimera, as it was 
tliought of Louis XIV — universal dominion ? He will pay dearly for us, if 
he gets us at all ; we will give him the flag of St. Domingo on a grander 
scale : our mountains and our forests shall stand us in newstead. 

I am much obliged to you for Daviess' pamphlet ; it is a curious produc- 
tion. I should not suppose that, in the cast of his talents, judgment was his 
predominant faculty, or it would scarcely have permitted him to mix sucli a 
quantity of trash, and sometimes low trash, with the sounder parts of his pub- 
lication. But he wrote under the influence of spleen and resentment, and his 
judgment, perhaps, had not its usual ascendency. However this may be, he 
seems to have consulted liis own personal dignity as little as he did that of 
the Administrati'on, and his pamphlet, I suspect, will do him more harm than 
it will them. It is strange that man cannot have a little more wit in his an- 
ger : but that he will permit his revenge to range so licentiously abroad, as to 
defeat its own purposes. Herein he resembles more the wounded serpent, 
which, in the anguish of pain and fury of resentment, turns its envenomed 
fangs upon itself. Genius will, sometimes, run mad. 

I am extremely gratified, but not surprised, at the interest which your fa- 
ther takes in my welfare. Since he can find a pleasure in the skeletons of 
my speeches, as given him by the newspapers, I will, in two or three weeks, 
inclose him a pamphlet containing a pretty faithful statement of my two prin- 
cipal arguments in the course of the jiroceedings against Burr and his asso- 
ciates. He will be enabled, by this pamphlet, to form a correct idea of ray 



LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 431 

public speaking. I will, at the same time, inclose a copy to you, and you will 
see on how small a foundation it is sometimes the pleasure of fame to stand. 
I have heard no man whom I think eminent as a public speaker : they are 
either too declamatory and frothy, or too argumentative and dry ; if those 
who argue attempt also to adorn, the ornaments are too obviously studied 
and too detached from the body of the argument. It is rare, I suspect, in 
any country, to find a man so variously accomplished as to speak to the judg- 
ment, the fancy and the heart with full effect. Such an one, I am told, was 
Mirabeau, the great leader of the French revolution. Lord Chatham spoke 
to the judgment and the heart — seldom if ever to the fancy. Bo, also, Fox, 
Burke and Sheridan paid their chief homage to the fancy and the heart ; -they 
rarely, if ever, made a powerful appeal to the judgment. The late William 
Pitt assailed the judgment principally, if not solely. Our Patrick Henry had 
very little to do except with the heart; and our John Marshall confined him- 
self e.xclusively to the judgment. So rare is it to find a man who can rea- 
son irresistibly, and, also, when the occasion shall require it, can paint t« the 
fancy and to the heart like a master ! The faculties are totally distinct, and 
it seems to require almost the study of a lifetime to bring any of them to per- 
fection. It is not wonderful, therefore, that their union is so seldom seen. 
Thex'e is certainly no man now before the public, in this State, who can make 
this high pretension. We have very able lawyers, good reasoners, astute and 
ingenious advocates, and fluent and elegant speakers ; but we have no man 
who can fire the fancy by an evolution of new and sublime images, or who 
can melt the heart by the simple of nature. As to me, you will see how vwy 
small are my pretensions to the possession of any one of these faculties. The 
newspapers have sj)oken of me as eloquent, and on a recent occasion the mem- 
bers of the Assembly, now in session here, placed me, in their debates, above 
the heads of Demosthenes and Cicero ! It would divert you after this, if your 
friendship would not be too much mortified to permit of your being diverted, 
to hear me speuk. With a tongue two inches thick, and an articulation so 
rapid and indistinct, as a friend candidly told me the other day, that, in the 
middle of my sentences, I am perfectly unintelligible, it is only by. putting 
together the beginning and end of the period, that the middle is to be guessed 
at ! I have some briskness and vivacity of fancy, but it has not the original- 
ity, the fertility, the boldness and the awful grandeur which the orator re- 
quires ; and as to moving the heart, I have no more of it than a child. This 
is not affectation : it is the ingenuous openness and frankness of friendship. 
I think myself unfortunate that the exertions of mere duty, during the trial 
of Burr, have imposed on me a superstructure of character which I know I 
cannot bear. This is too apt to be the case. The world is agreeably sur- 
prised by a man from whom they expected little or nothing : they puff him 
to the stars. Expectations are thus excited which it is impossible to fulfill ; 
ke disappoints them, and very probably falls below the point at which he 
ought to stand, and at which he would have stood if he had never been ex- 
tolled beyond his deserts, but had been permitted to rise quietly and grad- 
ually, under the mere impulse of his talents. I have seen these things happen 



432 LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 

If I write auything for the public on any occasion, I will certainly comply 
with our fiither's obliging request. At present I have nothing in view, ex- 
cept the biograjihy of Patrick Henry, which, l)y one cause or another, and in- 
dolence among the rest, I liave had on the ami! lor two years. I expect to 
tinish it this winter, unless war should come in earnest to divert me from my 
l^urpose. If I can satisfy myself and the public witli "Patrick Henry," I pro- 
pose to pursue the "lives" of our other distinguished men, on Phitarch's plan. 

Inculcate your young brothers, wdio are intended for public speakers, with 
the mathematics and Lack's Essay on the Human Understanding (they give 
the key to the human judgment), and epic and dramatic poetry, together with 
a close observation of the manners of men and the various motives and springs 
of human action. Inculcate in them the necessity of knowing the history of 
every country as intimately as if they belonged to each country; and inculcate 
in them the inealculating importance of the early habit of examining nothing 
superticially, but of engraving deeply on the memory a clear, distinct and full 
knowledge of every subject to which they turn their attention. I sigh deeply 
while I vfvitG these precepts : they remind me of advantages which I might 
have had, but which are gone forever. But these are auricular confessions, 
and in catholic confidence. 

My Betsey and her children join me in love to you and Mrs. Edwards, 
Your good lady, I imagine, scarcely remembers me — she was very young when 
I saw her last ; pray recall me to her, and assure her that she is very dear to 
me, both for her own and her mother's sake. 

Your friend and brother, 

WILLIAM WIUT. 

To lIoK. NiNiAN Edwakus, Frankfort, Kentucky. 



RicmiOND, Seitcmljor 13, ISOS. 
My Dear Friend : 

The last mail brought me your favor of the 26tli July. * * * I am 
glad to understand you purj)ose coming on this year. I hope you will take 
Richmond in your way, and let me see you once more in my life. If you come 
in December, you will find the Assembly in session, and may pass a week or 
ten days here very comfortably. 

Daviess, being so eminent a man, I wish he was a less bitter opponent of 
the Administration — yet his extravagance, perhaps, renders his opposition the 
more harmless. He seems to me, from his book, to have a bold and strong 
mind, but as undisciplined and illy regulated as a raw body of militia. I am 
glad to hear of the footing Mr. Madison has in your State. What I think of 
him you will learn from an accompanying pamphlet, comprising a very hasty 
and crude reply to John Randolph's protest. It was scribbled off with great 
precipitation, in a few moments stolen from professional pursuits; hence 
you will find it unpolished and rough — passable merely as a newspaper essay. 
I think so little of it that I would not send it to you, if you had not desired 
me to send all I 'wrote. 



LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 4o3 

I believe all the States, but the New England ones, will stand the embargo. 
New Hampshire and Rhode Island have already flown that way in their late 
elections ; Massachusetts is said not to be fairly represented in the State. The 
peojile here sustain the privations with all the jjatriotism of '7G. I hope Ken- 
tucky will be true to the Administration — Wilkinson, notwithstanding. How 
would it do for the President to displace him, since his acquittal '? His situa - 
tion (the President's) is a trying one. I think that the general want of con- 
fidence in Wilkinson is such as to make it very improj^er for him to be re- 
tained at the head of the army. It is much to be regretted that he cannot 
be got rid of, without the appearance of his being sacrificed to the public 
clamor. Horace's ^^prava, ardor juhentium,''^ if the warmth which is felt against 
liim on this occasion deserves the epithet of j^rava. Heaven bless you ! 

WILLIAM WIRT. 

To Hon. Ninian Edwards, Franklin county, Kentucky. 



Richmond, Nommh]!- 20, ISOS. 
Dear Friend : 

The last mail brought me yours of the 20th ult. I hasten to acknowledge, 
because I wish you to be sensible how much I value your correspondence. 
The indulgence with which you have read the pamphlet signed "One of the 
People," is very oljligiug, but nevertheless cannot remove my own conscious- 
ness that those essays are not in the tone of calm dignity which would better 
have become the vindicator of Mr. Madison. He is, himself, so totally free 
from asjicrity, so dispassionate, so purely intellectual and argumentative, that 
the example is a reproof to any advocate who uses heat and declamation in 
his defense. If the character of the jjiece could find any justification in the 
character and conduct of those to whom it is addressed, it is most amply jus- 
tified; but I believe it would better have served the purpose, and would cer- 
tainly have given a more advantageous impression of the person and dignity 
of the writer, if it had been more in the spirit of Mr. Madison's own pamph- 
let on "neutral rights." While we are on the subject of political essays, I 
cannot help expressing my surprise at the apprehension which you seem to 
have of the efl"ect of Daviess' "Citizen." I should think that either "Rcgulus," 
who is understood to be Mr. Clay, or the eccentric "Doctor" who edits one of 
your ])apers, would have point and force enough to blow forty such cltkens 
out of the water. Let my old acquaintance, Bibb, at him; if he is only half 
the man he promised to be when fifteen, he wcmld scatter him like cliafi' be- 
fore the winds of heaven. I am sure there must bo at least a thousand men 
in Kentucky capable of refuting so gross a sophist and so blind a politician 
as Daviess either is by nature or has been rendered by tlie poison of political 
prejudice. The insolent confidence whicli he seems to feel, and the lordly 
tone in which he aft'ects to dictate to the people of your country, amaze me. 
Such a bullying blade would be suflieiently answered by being rendered ri- 
diculous. If I were living in your State, and thereby had a right to interfere 
in your politics, instead of inflating the gentleman with more importance, by 
—55 



434 LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 

.1 solemn answer, I would laugh at him and his arguments till the canopy 
cracked ; I would not get mad with him, as I did with "Protestus," but would 
tickle him into convulsions with a peacock's feather. The people ought to sec 
him in his true light of a Briton in politics and a despot in temper, and it 
is no matter how ludicrous the representation of him is made — ridicalum <icr/, 
fortius et mcliufi sccat res. Your proposition for me to answer him resulted 
from the heart with which you wrote. A moment's consideration would have 
satisfied you that such an intrusion would neither be modest nor decorous in 
me ; it would have implied an opinion that there was destitution of talents 
in Kentucky and a superal)undance in myself, Avhich would have rendered me 
as fair a target for ridicule as Joseph Hamilton Daviess, himself I am, more- 
over, so pressed with business, that I shall have to lay aside a political sketch 
of tlie Republican minority, which I had meditated ; but we have now three 
superior courts in session, and they will run into tlie session of the Legisla- 
ture which begins ten days hence — so you see the impossil^ility of my com- 
plying witli your request, even if it were proper or necessary, and I think it 
can be no more necessary than proper. Yet, you give mc a grievous account 
of the ascendancy of Federal talents in your State. If this opinion be not 
the effect of your own patriotic fears, it is grievous indeed, for it will have a 
most unpropitious effect on the opinion", of young men of genius : they will 
begin to consider federalism, as they used to do deism, the proof and badge 
of talents, and will coincide witli your Federal leaders with the same readi- 
ness that they would with Voltaire and Bolingbroke — to be thought like them 
in that respect. 

I do not much like tlie idea of our judges embarking very actively in 
political feuds, yet I should hope that, without subjecting yourself to reproach, 
you might cull the prime and flower of the Rei)ublicans, give concert to their 
movements, and inspirit them to resist intrepidly and firmly the machinations 
of the Federalists in every part of the State. They require but to be met 
foot to fof)t and bearded with facts, to make them " shrink from the storm 
and steal to rest." They crow and plume themselves on the tame and passive 
silence of the Republicu,ns. Joseph Hamilton Daviess no doubt already 
imagines that he " bestrides the State like a Colossus, and that you petty men 
are forced to peep about Ix'twcen his legs to find j'ourselves dishonorable 
graves ;" and the danger is tltat the people, seeing him everywhere uncontra- 
dicted, Avill at length believe that it is because he cannot be contradicted 
with truth. He, in concert with the other Federalists throughout the United 
States, has laid hold of the embargo, and they fancy it the lever of Archi- 
medes, with which they will overturn the Republican Avorld ; yet, the meas- 
ure is so obviously dictated by the true interest and soundest policy of the 
Union, that even some of the most prominent men of their party are its advo- 
cates. Such is John Adams, his son John Quincy Adams, William Smith of 
South Carolina (whose political consideration of the subject is aided by a 
personal knowledge of foreign courts), Oliver Woleott, and others. Federal- 
ists who oppose the measure declaim against it as weak and inefficient; yet 
it is a truth, asserted and reiterated by American merchants in Loudon (and 



LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 435 

Federalists too), that nothing prevented the measure froua having its imme- 
diate effect but the clamor and uproar raised against it here, and the very 
menacing attitude taken by our Eastern brethren, on the occasion. This is 
the cfiect of several letters which have been received in this city and George- 
town, from several of our Federal merchants in London, and among the rest 
my brother John Gamble, of this place, and Wm. Murdock of the other. 
Thus, according to the evidence of their own party, it is the Federalists who 
have frustrated the measure, and made the continuance of it until this time 
necessary ; and of those very effects, produced by themselves, are they now 
making handles against us. This may be policy, but it is not honor or even 
honesty. The truth is that the Federal opponents of the embargo are, in 
their political principles and feelings, as truly British as if we had already 
gone back to the darkest ages of our colonial servitude. Of the same color 
is Jo. Daviess' proposition, to suffer foreign nations to come here and buy our 
produce, although we will not buy theirs. They themselves say that the 
British fleet is our shield against France, and so omnipotent is her power on 
the ocean that they will not suffer the French to come here and hurt us. 
Suppose, then, our ports are open for foreign ships to come and buy ; the 
ships of Great Britain and her colonies might be seen here, but where would 
be that vast competition for our products which has hitherto resulted from 
France and the countries connected with her '? Our object, then, is to punish 
Great Britain for the wrongs she has done us ; and how do Federalists pro- 
pose that we shall effect it ? By giving up to her the whole of the American 
carrying trade ! Our object is to starve and impoverish her until she does us 
justice; and how do the Federalists propose that we shall effect this '? By 
giving up to her, at her own price, the whole of our surplus produce, thereby 
feeding her at a much cheaper rate than before she wronged us — and furnish- 
ing her, moreover, with a productive subject of speculation on those nations 
whom she keeps from our ports. This view of the subject, so simple and so 
plain, must surely occur to every reader of Daviess' proposition, and defeat 
its effect ; for can it be conceived that there is anywhere one American so 
tame and so mean as to reward Great Britain for the slaughter of our breth- 
ren on board of the "Chesapeake," for the captivity of the thousands whom 
she holds in her ships, for the unprincipled tyranny by which she has driven 
our seamen from the ocean, and the thousand wrongs and insults which she 
is daily offering us, by making her a present of the complete monopoly of our 
whole carrying trade and surplus produce ! This was one of the very grounds 
on which our patriotic forefathers took up arms against her ; and yet the 
virtuous Federalists propose that we shall return to our bondage— and that 
in requital of British murder and rapine. You will see by the President's 
message the overture which has been made to that court to take off the em- 
bargo, if she will rescind her orders of council ; and by Canning's rej^ly 
(compared with the hiss of the President of the United States at the dinner 
lately given to the Spanish delegates) you will see the respect which they 
entertain for us. Congress is debating with closed doors — it is supposed a 
proposition for war ; but, whether the word is war or embargo, I cannot help 



436 LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 

believing, with the President of the United States, that there is in the coun- 
try a fund of virtue sufficient to match the crisis. If there is war with Eug- 
hiud, what confidence can we have in these British- Americans of whom I 
have been speaking ? I think such men as your Daviess would repine at the 
success of the American arms, if directed by a Republican administration 
against Great Britain. Whatever would contribute to give luster and cclut 
to Jeffi.Tson or Madison, would be poison or death to him ; and I believe he 
would rejoice in his country's ruin, if republicanism were to fall with it. I 
do not doubt but that the whole gang would sooner see this country under 
the administration of George III, than either of the pure and virtuous pat- 
riots whom I have just named! I write to you without reserve, and I write 
my cool and deliberate opinion of those incendiaries. I do not mean to 
embrace in the censure every man who has the name of Federalist, because I 
know many in this State who are as pure and patriotic as any Republican ; 
but I mean those fire-brands of faction who have chosen this perilous and 
fearful crisis to foment disunion and discontent, and to erect themselves 
upon the ruins of republicanism and the Union. .For the principles, cither 
moral or jjolitical, of such men, I have no respect. 

I will make another eftort to get you a copy of my arguments on Burr's 
trial. The whole report of the case is coming out, taken in short-hand by 
Robertson, who took down the debates of the Convention. I have not much 
opinion of his stenographic excellence, from the samples I have seen. 

I beg you to present my compliments to Mr. Bibb, with the inclosed pro- 
file, and assure him I am much gratified by his friendly remembrance of me. 
I had indeed a great partiality for him, and looked upon him as a prodigy 
of genius and literature, considering his age. I am happy to hear, both for 
his sake and yours, that he is on the bench of the appeals. He must be a 
pleasing as well as an able associate. 

I have, for sometime past, received botli the " Palladium " and the " West- 
ern World," in consequence of your direction, as I presume. How anx I to 
remit the subscription money ? Do you take the " Enquirer," of this place, 
or shall I send it to youV 

You talk of my seeing you this winter ; and being here, myself, confined 
for the winter as a member of the Assembly, I take it for granted that I am 
to see you here — at which I shall very greatly rejoice. If you can come be- 
fore February, you will see Richmond in its highest state of animation, and 
you will see how wofully the legislative council has fallen since the days of 
Pendleton, Wythe, Henry, Jcfterson, Richard Henry Lee, etc. This last you 
will perceive I do not say by way of attraction, but to prevent disappoint- 
ment by preparing you for the more humble figure which our House really 
makes at this time. 

I observe, in Toulmin's collection of your "Acts of Assembly," page 239, an 
act allowing aliens to hold lands in fee simple, in your Commonwealth. I 
should suppose, from the language of the act, that its benefits are only inten- 
ded for the benefit of aliens who should have been resident in the State two 
years previous to the falling of the title, and that no alien could, by going 



LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 437 

now to reside iu Kentucky, acquire by two years' residence a title whicli has 
already fallen. A gentleman in this place died lately, entitled to lands iu 
your State ; his relatiens here arc aliens. They are willing to go and live iu 
Kentucky, if, by so doing, they could acquire a title to tliese lands. I have 
given them my impression of this law as above stated, and now write to you, 
not to know your exposition of the statute, because that would be indelicate, 
considering that the question may be brought before you, but I write to know 
whether the law has actually received a judicial exposition eitlicr against or 
iu favor of my clients — or if there be any later explanatory or amendatory 
act providing for the case ? Either of these questions I think you might an- 
swer with perfect propriety. If you think otherwise I hope you will not 
answer them. Be pleased to let me hear from you as soon as possible on this 
point. 

I am extremely pleased with your remarks on the embargo, and peculiarly 
as it relates to Kentucky. Why do you not expand those ideas and propa- 
gate them iu the form of essays V The people, I am persuaded, need but to 
be enlightened on the subject, and they Avill submit without a murmur. 
Daviess must be exposed, and the people must be prevented from being mis- 
led by false views of the subject. The nature of the British acts in council, 
and French decrees, ought to be simplified and made plain. The unjust • 
aggressions of those nations ought to be depicted in detail, in order to show 
the policy of the embargo and the insidious and infamous arts by which the 
Federalists themselves have rendered the measure abortive. These subjects 
well explained, and colored only to the life, would make them execrate the 
Federalists, admire and applaud the Administration, and support with the 
gallant and patriotic spirit of their fathers every measure which the Govern- 
ment might take. It is not virtue, Ijut correct information, that the peoi)le 
want ; and those who arc capable of giving it to them ought to feel it a sacred 
duty to do so. 

I have just seen the " Western World," which was brought iu this morn- 
ing. I postponed my letter in the hope that something might arrive from 
Kentucky indicative of their resentment at the proud and insulting repulsion 
of the President's offer to the British council, touching the orders of council. 
I see that Mr. Street, or the writers, concur iu Canning's sentiment of con- 
tempt for our Government; and my opinion is that they are just as well 
entitled to a coat of tar and feathers as any British tory at the beginning of 
the last war. It will not Jjc long before such men will get it. 

Pray give my love to your wife and children, and all friends. 

Yours affectionately, 

AVILLIAM WIHT. 

To Hon. Ninian Edwatids, near Frankfort, Kentucky. 



438 LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 

EiCHMOND, Feb. 17, 1809. 
Dear Sir : 

I thank you for the trouble which you were so good as to take relative to 
my question on your "alien" statute. That question arose upon the death of 
a gentleman of this place, a naturalized Scotchman, who died intestate 
seized of a vast estate, consisting, in part, of Kentucky lands. His next of 
kin were nephews and nieces, part of whom were native Virginians and other 
part aliens. The aliens were willing to go to Kentucky if, by doing so, they 
could come in, pff?'i i^iassu, for those lands ; but as they were not capable of 
receiving the title when it fell, and the other nephews and nieces were, I 
presume the latter will take the whole estate. Is there any doubt of this? 
You will sec, by the statement, that the services you so kindly offer will be 
unavailing. The offer, however, is not the less sensibly felt. 

I hope you will not be hindered from performing an act of piety in accom- 
panying your father to the Virginia Springs, next summer, for his health. 
For my own part, I have already met you in imagination several times, and 
held long ideal conversations with you. Let me beseech you not to disap- 
point me. You could not have chosen a subject half so grateful to me as the 
description which you give of your father's attachment. liis partiality for 
me is indeed excessive, and if I were politic, I should refuse to meet him at 
the Springs, where a personal interview would dissipate all the extravagance 
of his opinion and reduce me to my proj)er size. Nevertheless, I do long to 
meet him. You must tell me, for you have still time enough for the commu- 
nication, at which of the Springs I may expect to find you, about the 26th of 
July ; for, as I shall have only three, or at the ftirthest, four weeks to be with 
you, I should not like to lose any part of the precious time in hunting you 
from one watering place to another. Pray let me hear from you explicitly on 
this subject. 

The session of our Assembly has just closed. It is my first experiment 
and I confess that it has not left me very highly enamored of legislative life. I 
was, indeed, clerk of the House of Delegates for two or three years, about eight 
or nine years ago, and may be supposed not to have come into the House totally 
ignorant of the nature of such a body ; yet, when clerk, I was so insulated 
and had so little time to observe the springs of action in the House, or to mix 
my feelings with the ordinary business, that I really found myself in an ele- 
ment totally new when I entered it this winter as a delegate. So much inat- 
tention, so much servile dread of ayes and noes, so much of blind and sudden 
impulse, of prejudice deaf as an adder and almost as rancorous, too — such a 
sordid, avaricious, mean-spirited regard to the public purse, to the sacrifice of 
everything like just and wise policy — that, for my own part, I am heartily 
sick of the life of a legislator. We have had a great number of offices to fill 
in the executive, in the judiciary, in the militia, besides a treasurer and register 
to ai)j)oint. This has opened another scene of disgust — low and petty intrigues 
among the members, for office. The scene has been wound up by expelling 
from the office of superintendent of our manufactory of arms one of the finest 
artists that this or any other country has ever y)ossessed, on charges without 



Letters to ninian edwards. 439 

foundation, and in a manner as cruel and despotic as was ever practiced l)y 
the Jacobin convention of France, save only that they have not called in the 
guillotine. In short, my dear friend, that happiness which is to be derived 
from a communion with wise and virtuous men, is not to be derived, I fear, 
from communion with largo popular assemblies. Faction, heat, intrigue, 
rashness and folly are not the agents to which a good man would appeal for 
happiness. I have spoken several times in the House this winter ; they have 
heard me Avith deep silence and great resjDect. Sometimes they have decided 
with me ; at other times, when the decision was upon the surface, jjalpable to 
the merest observer, I have seen them yielding, in a manner the most shame- 
ful and degrading, to their fears for their popularity or some less tolerable 
motive This is a sad picture, but a true one. My happiness, I believe, will 
be only found in the bosom of my family, and in the zealous cultivation of 
professional eminence. These will leave me at liberty to select my company 
and my occupations ; they will leave my breast calm and composed, my mind 
imagitatcd by the tumult of popular passion and frenzy ; they will \nit it in 
my power, too, to effect au object which ought to be the iirst with every man 
— that is, to make my wife and children independent of a scurvy world. This 
I hope to achieve in a few years. 

I hope your apprehensions about the storm you suppose is brewing iu Ken- 
tucky will be found to arise only from your patriotic concern for your coun- 
try. Burr is said to be, certainly, iu England, and it is thought is negotiating 
for his Mexican empire. His business is mere matter of conjecture. 

Congress is giving ground unwisely to the insolence of Massachusetts ; the 
repeal of the embargo, without a more rigorous substitute, will call the origi- 
nal wisdom of the measure into question. I fear the Union is not to be of 
long continuance ; but the issues of political as well as jjhysical life are in 
the hands of a Being who will direct everything for the best. 

Reniember me affectionately to Mrs. Edwards, your father, mother and 
family. I have had a little daughter l)orn about three weeks ago. My family 
is not well, and unless their constitutions recruit greatly, there will be another 
object at the Springs next summer, besides the pleasure of meeting my 
friends. 

Yours affectionately, 

WILLIAM WIRT. 

To Hon. Ninian Edwards, Franklin county, Kentucky. 



RicmroND, jWarh 13, 1808. 
JDear Friejid : 

I received by the last mail your favor of the 29th January, from Fraidi- 
fort. 

Your delicacy in relation to your father's will does you honor — but you are 
amply requited for it; for a testamentary compliment from such a man and 
such a father is the richest of legacies. You distress me extremely by your 
account of his ill health. I had flattered myself that Kentucky bad restored 



440 LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 

.and confirmed his lioaltli, -whicli was seriously attacked in Maryland, and that 
be would live to a good old age — that he would see his posterity increasing 
and flourishing around him to the third and fourth generation — and that I 
might myself live to see him full of years and happiness. I will not yet dis- 
miss this hope. 

I wrote to him lately and inclosed to him a copy of my speeches in Burr's 
trial, of which a printer here had taken it into his head to form a pamphlet. 
1 now send you one. I think they are taken down with sufficient accuracy to 
afford a just idea of my sjjeaking. They would have had more dignity 
if I could liavc listened to the virulence of Burr aud his counsel with indif- 
ference. But this was an effort beyond humanity — at least beyond my hu- 
manity. I susj)ect my face has altered so much since you saw me that you 
will scarcely sec the likeness of the plate in the frontispiece. It is done by a 
very eminent artist here, and is thought an excellent likeness. Upon recol- 
lection, I think I inclosed you an impression from my plate, in a letter; if so, 
as you will have one to sjiarc, you can give it to one of your brothers or 
sisters. 

As to Wilkinson, my opinion of him is just yours. I have forborne to 
make this opinion public during his trial, and wish you not to proclaim it. 
It may be sujjposcd that my opportunity of examining his guilt or innocence 
lately has been greater than that of the community at large, and a weight 
might be attached to my opinion, from that circumstance, which might excite 
prejudice against him. Let him have fair i^lay. A member of the Executive 
Council of this State, who left the city of Washington last Thursday, has 
been sitting with me to-day, and states that Wilkinson is rising rapidly in the 
pul)lic estimation and tliat Clark is sinking — sed qtifvc de Jioc. I think it most 
probable that they will both sink together. 

The gentleman stated to me that he liad sat with the President a few 
evenings ago, and that he stated the negotiation with the British Minister to 
be at an end for the present — that it would be at least four months before it 
would be known it would be successfully resumed — during Avhich time we 
should have a^contiuuance of peace and the embargo; that Congress was about 
passing an act authorizing the President to remove the embargo, on the hap- 
pening of certain events in their recess ; that the bill to augment the military 
establishment would certainly pass into a law. The President seemed to 
think it probable that the rival powers — France and England — would be re- 
ciprocally cautious in striking a blow against us Avhich would force us into 
hostilities and throw our weight into the scale of her adversary. That policy 
must keep them both at peace with us; and if one relaxed in her maritime 
regulations the other would probably relax too — from the same policy — and 
thus there was still a hope of honorable ptiace. The same gentleman also 
stated it as his impression, at headquarters, that if we arranged our differ- 
ences with one only of those powers, our merchantmen would be permitted to 
arm and repel the hostilities of the other. 

We liavc had some disagreeable collisions on the subject of the next Presi- 
dential election — the State has been in some degree split between Madison 



LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 441 

iind Monroe ; but a serious push being made in some of the Northern States 
in I}ch;ilf of Mr. Clinton, Col. ]\lonroe will probably be dropped, and the con- 
test will lie between Madison and Clinton — between meridian light and iutcl- 
ligence, and orefuscular dimness and dotage. 

Give my sincerest love to your parents, brothers, sisters, and to your own 
good lady and family. 

Your friend, 

WILLIAM WIRT. 
To Hon. Ninian Edw^vi!DS, near Frankfort, Kentucky. 



Warm Springs, August 24, 1809. 
Ml/ Dear Friend : 

I have been the tonr of the Springs with my fiimily, and am thus far on 
my return to Richmond. I lost all hope of meeting you on this route, but 
still entertained some faint expectation of seeing our father. That also is 
baffled, and I have no resort Ijut to write to you in revenge. This inclina- 
tion, Avhich I before had, is quickened by a letter just received from my much 
valued friend, Mr. Stuart, in which he makes honorable mention of you, and 
says he flatters himself that he has made some progress in your esteem. You 
know me too well to believe that I would recommend any man to your friend- 
ship whom I did not thoroughly know, and know to be worthy of it. I have 
been acquainted v/ith Mr. Stuart for thirteen or fourteen years — during ten 
of them I havO' lived with him on the footing not merely of a friend but of a 
brother. It is upon this intimate knowledge that I had " grappled him to 
my heart with hooks of steel." He is among the most valuable men that I 
have ever known in this world. A warmer, honester and more exquisitely 
impassioned heart never throbbed in the breast of a man ; and with this sen- 
sibility, so acute and sometimes almost infantile, he unites the most undaunted 
firmness of spirit, and a judgment which, in point of vigor and solidity, has 
rarely been surpassed. He will seldom err — I may venture to say never, un- 
less Avhen betrayed by the honest warmth and impetuosity of his feelings. Ho 
is separated from all his friends — so are you from yours; you are thrown 
together in a new world — you are each in want of a friend ; let me assure 
you that you will find no man on whose honor, j)rudence and ardent suscepti- 
bility of friendship you can more safely rely than on Alexander Stuart's. I 
am thus full and anxiously minute about him because I fervently wish the 
happiness of you both, and am convinced that you require only to be inti- 
mately known to each other to conceive the mutual attachment which I wish, 
llis manner, perhaps, may not please you at first, but you will soon be recon- 
ciled to it ; and you have been long enough in the world to look through the 
manner to the man. 

I have not, I believe, yet had the pleasure of tendering my congratulations 
on your appointment : this I now do, rather on your estimate of the office 
than my own. I had supposed the Presidency of the Court of Appeals^— con- 
nected with the society of your relatives and friends, and its dignity upheld 
—56 - 



442 LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 

by your own splendid fortune — was an office mucli more desirable than that 
for which you have exchanged it ; and although it gave me great pleasure to 
state to Mr. Madison at large my impressions of you, yet, I must confess, in 
secret I half wished the application might fail, i)rincipally on your father's 
account, whose old age I believed reijosed in a great degree on you. But of 
all these considerations, you, " who saw the whole ground," are certainly the 
best judge, and I will not doubt that you have decided correctly. 

My friend Stuart thinks that money might be advantageously invested in 
lands in your country, and has obligingly offered me his services in this way. 
What think you on this head ? You would oblige me by a full and detailed 
opinion. For be it known to you that the rich harvest of collections which 
has enriched AViekham and one or two others of our lawyers has passed away, 
and the mere profits of the bar present but a long and tedious road to inde- 
pendence. I am at a time of life when it is requisite to hasten my progress 
by some auxiliary means, or old age will find me, if not poor and destitute, 
at least in narrow circumstances. Yet my share of the practice is a very liat- 
tering one, and continues to increase annually. I should be gratified by a 
pretty full account of your Territory — its population, manners, amusements, 
intellectual improvements, agricultural productions, trade, etc. 

Make my respects to Mrs. E., and believe me, as ever. 

Your friend, 

WILLIAM WIRT. 

To NiNiAN Edwards, Oovenwr of Illinois Territory, Kaskaskia. 



Richmond, Ainjmt 28, 1810. 
My Dear Sir: 

I received, some days back, yours of the 30th June. * * * Tlie circum- 
stances which you mention as showing tlic prudence for investiture of money 
in lands in your valley at two dollars per acre, would be decisive but for two 
circumstances : 1. The ill health of the country, which will always hang like 
a mill-stone upon the neck of your lands ; 2. That you yourself wind up 
yeur encomium on the land with a " but," which I do not well understand. 
After speaking of the public rise of the land in ten years, you say, " I hesi- 
tate not to say that a large fortune might be made of it — hut some other ob- 
jects would also present themselves" — I suppose as superior to the purchase 
of those lands. You do not say what they are, and from your snajjping off 
the paragraph so short at the words which I have quoted, I am to sujjpose 
you did not mean to say what they were, and therefore I do not inquire. 

My friend S. might very safely promise to communicate that same j)roof of 
your confidence if ever we should all meet — he knew that that was very im- 
probable. I have a strong impression of the subject matter of the secret — : 
and if my conjecture be right he will never tell me of it ; for the act was a 
direct infraction of an engagement of honor which we both made when we 
were widowers together. He is one of the best of men — his only fault being 
that he is too much of one — in a political light. I do not know that it will 



LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 443 

be held a fault in n neio TerrUonj; but I will say no more lest I sliould liavc 
missed your aim and be uuveiliug a trait which you have not suspected. 

I have a letter from him lately iu Lexington, Kentucky, and am delighted 
to hear of the good understanding that exists between you. I think you will 
Ijc more and more pleased with him the longer you know him. lie is one of 
the good fellows who will wear well. 

I have a letter from your flither dated 3d July, by which I am very glad to 
find that his health is much improved. I have one also from your sister Mar- 
garet, of date the 35th July — and an elegant one, too — by which I discover 
that I have made a faux pas in imparting to her, on your information, a pas- 
sion for novels ; so I have saddled you with it, and holding the evidence of 
the fact it will be iu vain for you to deny it. 

I have heard, although not from you, that there was a Wirt in your family — 
by which I find that you are not of Mr. Shandy's opinion as to the influence 
of names on the fortunes of a house. You did well, however, to stick it iu 
the middle, between two very auspicious ones, where I hope it will remain 
harmless, at least, to its owner. I will not be so formal with a friend as to 
thank him for this compliment — it is not necessary that I should, for you 
know I feel it. 

Mr. Stuart talks of paying us a visit in about eighteen months from this 
time. Would it not be possible for you to join him? I think that we could 
make two or three months very agreeable to you. Should it be in the winter 
time I would go on with you to Washington, if you were so disposed to di- 
versify the trip ; if in the summer and after July, I would go with you to the 
seaboard, hire a vessel and run out a few leagues on the Atlantic. What 
say you V 

Remember me affectionately to Mrs. E., and if you are a kissing man, kiss 
your children for me — if not, ask Mrs. E. to do it. 

Your friend, 

WILLIAM WIRT. 

To NiNXAN Edwards, Oovernov of Illinois Territory, Kaskaskia. 



Richmond, May 12, 181G. 
J/y/ Vmr and Ecer-Jionored Friend : 

Judge Fleming, the President of our Court of Appeals, has been so obliging 
as to apprise me of his intention of paying a visit to your part of Kentucky , 
and to request that I will make him the bearer of a letter to you. I cannot 
deny this pleasure either to him or to myself — for he is quite enraptured with 
your former reception of him, and has never failed, whensoever or whereso- 
ever I have fallen into his company, to make you the subject of his conver.sa- 
tion and warmest eulogies. He is, himself, one of the most excellent of the 
human family — as pure of seul as a ray of light — and though age has con- 
siderably impaired the springs of his faculties, yet his understai;diug is still 
respectable, and his virtues and past services make him universally venera- 
ted. He is extremely fond of conversation — and it is much to be lamented, 



444 LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 

for his own sake as woll as tliat of his associates, that his deafness renders 
this pk-asure so difficult of attainimnt. But lie is an old patriot — worn out 
in the service of his country — and I am therefore sure that j-ou will overlook 
every inconvenience which may attend his entertainment. 

And why, my dear friend, have I not heard from you for so many, many 
months — I might almost say years V Has anything occurred to diminish your 
csteeni for me ? I hope not ; nay, I am sure that you would not permit any- 
thing to work this effect on you, without communicating it and hearing my 
defense. ■■'■ * * * ='= * * * * 

I am sure it will give you pleasure to know that my professional prosperity 
is still in its flood. I have received an appointment — that of United States 
Attorney for the District of Virginia — which is said to be worth from f 1,500 
to $3,000 per annum, hut which I have a well founded hope of being able to 
render worth three times the latter sum, and to add to it a civil practice of 
equal value. I consider my property in this place as wortli fiom $80,000 to 
$90,000 ; and I am engaged in a series of prosecutions for the recovery of a 
vast landed estate for tlie heirs of the late Col. Byrd, of Western Virginia, 
in which, if I succeed (a point thought very clear by Mr. Wickham and my- 
self), I shall derive an addition to my present property of from $-10,000 to 
$50,000 ; so that, with the blessing of Providence, I hope, when I shall ])e 
called away, to leave my wife and children independent — no trifling acquisi- 
tion to a man who started from nothing, and commenced his gains with a 
family on liis b.ick, and who has a prospect of at least sixteen children to 
provide for — one-half of that number being now in full life and health. The 
last Legislature of Virginia ofl'ered to make me a Senator of the United States, 
and had my family ])een sufliciently provided for, I would certainly have 
accepted it; but a sense of douu;stic duty compelled me to decline it, and 
the same cause will keep me ehaiiu'd to my profession for seven or eight years 
more — so that whatever figure I might have made as a politician, I consider 
the door as now closed and the color of my destiny as finally fl.xod for life. 
Nor am I at all dissatisfied w^ith it ; on the contrary I think I have abundant 
cause to bless the Author of all Good that he has raised me from insignifi- 
cance and obscurity, even to the station which I now hold in society. The 
imprudence and errors of my youth, the worse than waste of those golden 
hours which I ought to have devoted to intellectual improvement, and the 
manner in which I have slighted the vantuge grounds to which Providence 
has so often raised me, as it were, by force, at least without any eft'ort on my 
part, ought to have consigned me, if I bad received my deserts merely, to 
poverty and obscurity. Have 1 not far greater reason, then, to bless the 
beneficent Disposer of Events for what I am, than to repine over the unavail- 
ing speculation of what I might have been ? I think — I often think — over 
those friendly predictions which you used to make for me at Mt. Pleasant. 
You said, when I was not more than sixteen years of age, that I might be the 
President of the United States, if I chose ! I believe I have never told you 
the impression which such remarks used to make on me at the time. I will 
tell you uow^ and with a freshness and certainty of recollection which seems 



LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 445 

to liixve been improved even by time. I never thought it flattery, for I knew, 
young as I was, that your spirit was too lofty to flatter the proudest of mor- 
tals, much less sucli a thing as I was. I never tiiought it wrong, either, for I 
knew you too generous and sympathetic to wound me, in the humble situa- 
tion in which I was placed. ]\Iy conclusion, therefore, was that you had a 
friendly wish to excite my emulation, and make the most of me, by leading 
me to aspire after what you knew, at the time, was far Ijcyond my reach. 
Sometimes I thought (for I am going to be very candid with you) that you 
were disposed to amuse yourself, in a vacant hour, by seeing how far the 
credulous vanity of a {joy could be intluenced ; l>ut, although I dare say that 
I gave, at that day, many proofs of vanity, capriciousness and folly, I tell you 
now sincerely that I never, even then, thought myself possessed of any un- 
common powers of intellect, much less such as your glowing eloquence some- 
times ascribed to me ; and every subsequent year of my life has confirmed 
the rectitude of my own judgment at that early day. I have since become 
very intimately acquainted with Mr. Jefterson and Mr. Madison — men who 
travel, in one sentence, over an extent of region which it would take me days 
to explore. I have coped with men much inferior to them, at the bar, whose 
promptitude and resources have made me feel my own littleness — my want of 
information — my want of readiness — my want of that quick and resistless 
vigor of conception, cool self-possession and commanding survey of the whole 
ground which are the true characteristics of a mind formed for the great 
business of life. You must, therefore, excuse me, my ever dear and revered 
friend, if I have ballled prophecies which you may have most seriously meant ; 
and let me not lose your affection by having forfeited a part of your admira- 
tion. By way of palliation for my deficiencies, I beg leave to inclose you a 
pamphlet which has just made its appearance, and which may tend to show 
you that I have not entirely neglected the little talent which the bountiful 
Father of us all vouchsafed to give me. It is right, however, to tell you, by 
way of correcting any inordinate conclusions in my favor, that the book is 
reported to be written by a young gentleman who read law with me, Francis 
W. Gilman, a brother of my first wife. 

Here is a letter of egotism from beginning to end — from which I hope you 
will infer no more than that I still think myself and my concerns matters of 
some conseqvieuce to the friend of my youth — the only father, in feeling, that 
my youth ever knew. I shall think of you, till ,thc last gasp of life, witli 
gratitude, affection and veneration. I recall, with feelings which your manly 
firmness and dignity of character might deem childish or eft'eminate, our many, 
many conversations, serious and sportive, atMt. Pleasant ; and at this moment 
every object there — every apartment of the house, the yard, the road, gate, 
store and neighboring fields, and the sugar-loaf mountain — bring you and all 
your dear family, with tears of recollection, to my fancy. Has Mrs. Ed- 
wards, have your sons, your daughters entirely forgotten mc? I shall never 
forget them — never, never till memory, itself, is no more ! May Heaven bless 
you all, and make you as happy as my heart wishes you to be. 



446 LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARt)^ . 

I am told that your health is much better thau it used to be. IIow fortu- 
nate is this, and that you still cujoy that best of intellectual banquets — for 
•which Heaven so eminently fitted you — social conversation. All this is hap- 
py ; but that conversation I must never more enjoy — unless Providence, by 
one of those strange turns which has marked my life, should carry me to 
Kentucky. IIow should I enjoy such a visit ? I have seen several of your 
countrymen this winter, at Washington, of whom I have become very fond, 
and of whom I should have had much to say to you if I had thought of it 
sooner ; but I have already tired your patience, I fear, and I have now to pack 
up for a journey in the stage, to-night, to a distant court. I must tell you, 
though, that my dear wife, who considers you and Mrs. Edwards as her 
second parents, assures you of her love and duty, and begs to be affection- 
ately remembered to our brothers and sisters. I pray you to present me most 
tenderly to them all, one by one, and to believe me, as over, 
Your grateful and affectionate friend, 

WILLIAM WIRT. 
To Benjamin Edwards, Esq., Shiloh, near Bardstown, Kentucky. 

P. S. — My wife has just begged me to present, in her name and with her 
love, two little books — " The British Spy" and " Tlie Old Bachelor" — to her 
sister Margaret. The latter has all the numbers which proceeded from my 
pen marked with a W. The rest 1 am not at liberty to disclose. — -W. W. 



Washington, January 17, 1821. 
My Dear Friend : 

I received, last night, your letter of yesterday, and after reading your feeling 
and solemn injunction that I would say no more on a certain subject, I regret- 
ted extremely that I had said so much in two letters received by you on yes- 
terday, and which, l)ut for an accident, you would have received two days 
sooner. 

With regard to your determination to retire from public life, I should con- 
sider myself a traitor in friendship if I did not say, in sj^itc of your injunc- 
tion to the contrary, that I consider you as standing in your own light, in 
coming to that resolution, and as committing political suicide. No man, who 
has been for so short a time in Congress, has more hopeful or brilliant pros- 
pects than you have. This is only a shadow that flits across your path; why 
should you mistake it for eternal night? If you are right in your view of 
things, the rectitude of that view will ere long appear, and your political sun 
will break out with redoubled lustre. Were I constituted for public life as 
I believe you to be (with the cxcei)tiou, I fear, of a little too much sensibility), 
neither the machinations of enemies nor the mistakes of friends should lead 
me to devote myself to voluntary obscurity. In reading Homes' " Sketches of 
Man," many years ago, I was struck with a trait in the character of the people 
of Japan, which, outre and ludicrous as it is, finds many a parallel in more 
enlightened nations. The Japanese, when he is insulted, takes revenge upon 
himself: he rips up his own bowels; and, according to the laws of honor, in 



LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 447 

Japan, is considered to be as nol)ly avenged as a knight of the fourteenth 
century would be in meeting his enemy in a dueL I dare say I have men- 
tioned this to you before ; the truth is that something is continually occur- 
ring to recall it to my mind, and even my children have it by heart. Need 
I make tliis application to your case V You cannot but be struck with it. 
The truth is that your feelings are too quick and acute. A politician should 
have the hide of a rhinoceros, instead of the uncovered and agonizing nerves 
of Marsyas, after he was fleeced. This is, I confess, preaching unsujiported 
by practice. In imputing this soreness of nerve to you, I am describing my- 
self. Enough ! Think better of this matter — think twice — and do not per- 
mit irritation, impatience and disgust to sit, much less to preside, at the coun- 
cil board at which the question is to be decided. A man in a pa!ssion never 
says or does anything right. Consult your wise and excellent father and let 
him decide — -by whom I would rather be directed, after he knows the whole 
ground, than by a whole battalion of Congressmen. Don't take the advice 
of younger men than yourself in this matter : they are too hot for counselors 
in such a case ; nor that of inferior men, who will always think themselves 
wise in echoing your own opinions. And now I shall nevermore touch this 
forbidden subject, 'till you yourself dissolve the injunction. 

Your speech is excellent, manly, strong and sound. Farewell. May God 
bless and direct you. 

Your sincere friend, 

WILLIAM WIUT. 

To Hon. Ninian Edwakds. 



Washington, JuhuiO'I/ "^1> 1833. 
Deco' Sir: 

The rumor, which you mentioned last evening, that I had charged the Gov- 
ernment $400 for an oflicial opinion in regard to the claim of the Messrs. 
Johnson on the United States, is of too serious a nature to be left on the very 
short verbal explanation which I then gave you. It is due to my feelings 
and character to acquit myself of so injurious an imputation — for I take the 
liberty to say that there is no honor nor profit in the gift, either of the Gov- 
ernment or the people, which could induce me to do the act which this rumor 
imputes to me. 

It is proper, for a correct understanding of this case, to show you, in the 
first place, what acts do belong to the oflicial duties of the Attorney-General, 
that, with this standard in your hands, you may compare the service in question. 
' The judiciary act of 1789 defines the duties of the Attorney-General in the 
following terms : " Whose duty it shall be to prosecute and conduct all suits 
/?i tJie Sujyreme Court, in which the United States shall be concerned ; and to 
give his advice and opinion upon questions of law, when required by the Presi- 
dent of the United States or requested by the heads of any of the Dei^art- 
ments, touching any matters that may concern their Departments." A subse- 
quent law makes the Attorney-General a commissioner of the sinking-fund. 
He is, also, regularly summoned, together with theheads of Departments, to 



448 LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 

attend tlic Pi'csideut iu council, whenever a meeting of tlie members of tlie 
administration is required. These arc tlie duties of the office — and they are 
all the duties. 

In the case in question, I was called on by Gan. Jessiqo, the Quartermaster- 
General, with a request that 1 toould 2'>^'6P<^1'0 <-'' written arguvient to he laid he- 
fore the arbitrators to whom the claim of the Messrs. Johnson had been submitted. 
I stated to Gen. Jcssup, in the most explicit terms, that if my opinion on the 
legality of tlie claim was wanted, the Secretary of War had a right to call 
for it, and was bound, e.v.-officio, to furnish it ; but if he wished me to argue 
the cause, either tiva voce or by writing, before the triljunal to which it had 
been referred, it was no part of my official duty, lie answered that he was 
aware of the distinction ; that he called upon nic, not officially, hut profes- 
sionally ; that the contract with the Messrs. Johnson having occurred iu his 
Department, the superintendence of the controversy had been j^laced under 
his immediate care ; that the opposite party had procured written arguments, 
on their side, from two eminent counsel (Messrs. Pinckncy and Clay), to be 
used before the arbitrators ; that he was desirous tliat these arguments should 
be answered by some professional gentleman, and that a full argumentative 
view of the whole subject, both of the facts and laio of the case, should be 
furnished for use before the arbitrators ; that the service must be rendered 
by some professional geutlemau, who would of course be entitled to compen- 
sation for it ; and that, being a service entirely distinct from my official 
duties, it was perfectly understood that I was to be compensated for the 
service as any other professional gentleman must be who should be called to 
perform it. With the clear and distinct understanding on both sides, all the 
documents, depositions, etc., together with the arguments of the opjjosite 
counsel, were placed by him in my hands; the case was studied by me, in all 
its aspects, as elaborately as if the argument wxtc to take place before the 
Supreme Court, and the argument drawn out, in extenso, with a full discus- 
sion both of the facts and the, law, with a labor far more oppressive, as all pro- 
fessional men of my experience know, than if the argument had been deliv- 
ered ore tenas in court. 

The rate of compensation for this service had not been previously fixed. 
When it had been rendered, and the qucmturn of the service thereby ascer- 
tained, it was left to Gen. Jessup to fix the compensation. I stated to him 
that there was no scale of compensation fixed, cither by law or practice, for 
such a case (a written argument for arbitrators) ; that, so far as I was in- 
formed, the average fee for argument in the supreme Court, in cases involv- 
ing such heavy sums (hundreds of thousands of dollars) might be considered 
to be five hundred dollars, and that, to my knowledge, it was frequently 
more than this ; and that I had much rather have argued the same cause be- 
fore the supreme or any other court than to have undergone the labor which 
I have had with it ; that, however, I demanded neither that nor any other 
sum, but should be content with whatever was thought a reasonable compen- 
sation for the Ifibor. 

Gen. Jessup took full time to consider of it, and tendered me four hundred 
dollars, which I accepted — and I will add that it is not one-half the sum 



LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 449 

which I have repeatedly received, both before I held this office and since, for 
a much less troublesome professional service. 

In determining "on the form of the argument, I suggested to Gen. Jessup 
that, as the opinion which I was required to advocate was my sincere opinion, 
and not one which our profession are sometimes required to advocate from 
motives merely professional, the argument might have more weight with the 
arbitrators and be thought entitled to more respect, if this truth were known 
to them ; and with this view I proposed to give it an official stamp by address- 
ing it to the Secretary of War. He said that he left the form entirely to my 
own judgment — he being solicitous only to have the argument in that form 
in which it would best advance the purposes of justice. With this under- 
standing, equally clear and explicit with every other part of the transaction, 
the argument was prepared as it stands, and submitted to the arbitrators. 
And if the form, adopted on this explanation and with this view, can change 
the inherent character of the service, and take away the right of compensa- 
tion, thus expressly stipulated, then I was wrong in receiving- the compensa- 
tion thus stipulated : otherwise the act was just and proper, and I am not 
afraid of the decision of any correct and unprejudiced mind. It is most cer- 
tain that I never did and never could have considered it an official opinion 
for the guidance of the Secretary of War. Had I done so, it would have been 
copied into my official opinion book, where it is not to be found. The Sec- 
retary of War had asked me for no advice or opinion for his guidance — he 
had no act to jjerform in which he required advice — the subject had passed 
out of his hands into those of the arbitrators, and all that remained for him 
to do was to await their award. The Secretary had asked me for no opinion, 
for he wanted none. He could not have asked lor an opinion on the facts, 
much less for an argumentative discussion of the facts ; for the law has given 
him no power to make any such call. He has a right to my opinion on ques- 
tions of law on a given state of facts — here his right and my duty end ; and 
it seems to me that the mind must be willfully blind which can confound 
such an argument, drawn from me on an understanding and a contract so full, 
clear and explicit, and that, too, for the exclusive use of the tribunal to which 
the case had been referred, with an opinion on a question of law called for 
hj the Secretary for his guidance. 

Give me leave, in conclusion, to state that the heads of my official duties 
are easily enumerated, but the execution in detail renders this, I believe, 
(and I know that I am not singular in the opinion) the most laborious office 
in the Government. Tliere is no other officer, from the heads of departments 
down to the lowest clerk, who has it not in his power to devote his evenings 
to relaxation, to social or domestic intercourse, and to the care of his health. 
I alone am obliged, by the nature of my duties and my anxiety to discharge 
them in a manner satisfactory at least to my own conscience, to come into my 
office before breakfast, and to remain in it from nine till ten o'clock at night ; 
and yet, if I am not misinformed, there are those who consider the otlice as a 
sinecure, and who arc disposed to throw an additional mass of duties on the 
load already almost insupportable, with one hand, and at the same time 

—57 



450 Betters to ninian edwards. 

to witlidraw the salary gradually with the other. Would it not be wiser and 
more just to abolish the office at once? If it be unnecessary, why not abol- 
ish it ? But before it be abolished, would it not be still wiser to ascertain 
its utility by inquiries of those who are best able to judge — the President 
and heads of departments ? — and if it be found not only useful, but highly so, 
and one of the most effective offices under the Government, on account of the 
wide scope of its duties and the controlling authority of the opinions of the 
law officer, would it not be wise, as it regards the public interest, to render 
the office comfortable enough for the acceptance and occupancy of a man 
qualified to discharge its duties ? These are questions which relate to the 
public, and not to me. I have, thank Heaven, a profession and a standing in 
it, by which I can live without the office ; and there are, I know, many others 
who could discharge its duties more wisely, but not more faithfully. But this 
I will venture to predict : that the man of jDrofessional standing who holds 
it at its present salary, under its present load of duties, and with the annoy- 
ance and humiliation of continual and unfounded 'censures, must be actuated 
by very diflercnt motives than a sordid regard for his own interests or hap- 
piness. 

I am, dear sir. 

With ancient regard and esteem. 

Your friend and servant, 

WILLIAM AVIRT. 
To Hon. Ninian Edwards. 

p_ s. — Will you have t\\c kindness to show this explanation to Mr. Galliard, 
from whom you had the report, . and to any other gentleman who may have 
been in the way of hearing it. General Jessup is, at present, not in Wash- 
ington, but is, I understand, expected. When he returns, I will make it my 
business to furnish you with his statement of the facts. — W. W. 



Washington, Oct. 2, 1824. 
Dear Sir : 

The President, in answer to my letter, says that the two statements, to-wit : 
First, that you had denied to him the authorship of the "A. B." letters, and 
thereby obtained your nomination to Mexico, 'and, second, that you had ap- 
plied, through Mr. Adams, to be permitted to wait on him, and had been 
refused, are unfounded — the first most certainly, the last according to his 
best recollection. He thinks, also, that Dr. Everett could not have spoken by 
his authority in making the communication Avhich you say he did to Mr. 
Cook. 

The President, however, is extremely unwilling to take any step which 
could be construed into a personal interference in your controversy with the 
Secretary of the Treasury — more especially at this point of time, when the 
affair seems to have died away, and when any movement on his part, although 
intended as a mere act of justice to you, would be certainly interpreted into 
a disposition on his part to revive the dispute to the prejudice of Mr. C. He 



LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 45l 

thinks that very purpose you have in view will be answered by your own 
denial of these statements in the papers published here ; which, under the 
silence observed on his part, will be considered as true. And, moreover, it 
any one should personally apply to him for information on the subject, he 
will say of the statements what I have said above. 

In great haste, 

Yours, truly, 

WILLIAIM WIRT. 
Hon. Ninian Edwards, Brown's Hotel. 



Annapolis, Nommler 19, 1820. 
Dear Sir : 

I received, some time since, under a black envelope, the inclosed letter, 
which I take it for granted came from you. I wrote immediately to your 
honored father — whom I reverence with all the devotion of a son — taking his 
address from Cyrus' letter, which I suppose was correct. 

It is needless to suggest to a mind so strong as yours, that this is one of 
those dispensations to which all must submit, and against which it is una- 
vailing to murmur. Your dear mother has died with a well-founded confi- 
dence which leaves us nothing to mourn on her account. That she is at this 
moment in the enjoyment of perfect bliss, I have no more doubt than I have 
of my own existence. But the state of desolation in which she has left her 
bereaved husband wrings my heart to think of. What is life, and what 
this i^oor world, that we should care so much for them ? You and I were 
boys the other day — up at Seneca— and now we are old and gray ; we shall 
soon be gone, and our children after us will moralize in the same way, and 
follow us to the grave. And what of it all? It is the will of that great Be- 
ing of whose creation we form but a small part, who best knows His own 
wise designs, and who deals with us at His pleasure, and always for the best, 
as I believe. AVhat remains for us, then, but to submit with resignation to 
that order of events which no wish of ours can arrest or alter ? Would to 
God that we could only do our duty on earth as faithfully as your dear and 
honored parents have done theirs, and that we could die with the same well- 
founded confidence of a happy futurity ! I should ask no better fate. These 
reflections, I am sure, are needless to you, through whose mind they have long 
since passed, and I suggest them only to assure you of my sympathy and con- 
dolence. 

Your friends (and I among the foremost) have rejoiced at the recent proof 
of respect which you have received from your State. It must have- been balm 
to your feelings as it is to ours. But I regret exceedingly Mr. Cook's dis- 
comfiture, both on his own account and on account of the reason which is 
assigned for it in this quarter — which is, that it proceeded from his avowed 
suj)port to the measures of the present administration. Of the question be- 
tween Mr. Adams and Gen. Jackson, at the next election, it might not become 
me to speak. But surely so long as the measures of the existing administra- 



452 LETTERS TO NINTAN EDWARDS. 

tion are sound and judicious, no discredit ought to be attaclied to any poli- 
tician for supporting tbem — unless our country is nothing and individuals 
are everything. But I profess to know nothing of political matters, so far as 
management and machinery to carry a given election, as you very well know ; 
and what is more, I am contented to remain in ignorance of all such matters 
— being quite content myself if I shall be able, as duty may require, to give a 
sound opinion as to tlio eflect of a public measure on the interests of the 
country. 

I beg my affectionate remembrance to Mrs. Edwards and Mrs. Cook, and 
remain, with sincere regard, 

Your old friend, 

WILLIAM WIRT. 
To Hon. Ninian Edwards. 



Letter li'om VVm. Wirt on the death of Gov. Edwards' father. 

BAi/riMORE, Decsmler 20, 1S2G. 

* * * :|: :1; % :(: :|: t * 

And most dearly did I love him ! I have lost one of my best arid dearest 
friends, and the world has in consequence lost to me much of its interest. 
He loved me when a poor, oljscure and destitute orphan. He took me by the 
hand when there was no one else to do it, and in all my wanderings, his 
affection never lost sight of me — nor am^d all my silence did I ever lose sight 
of him. On tlie contrary, I never met a bright turn of fortune that one of 
its sweetest concomitant reflections was not the pleasure I knew it would 
give him. 

A day or two before I left Washington, I received, myself, a letter from 
Presley, announcing this desolation ; and, under the pressure of the moment, 
I wrote an obituary notice of him, which I sent to Mr. Green, the editor of 
the " Telegraph," requesting him, if he approved of it, to insert it in his pa- 
per and send me a copy of it, and to send the origiiial, with my request 
indorsed, to Messrs. Gales and Seaton, requesting their insertion cf it in the 
"Intelligencer." Having heard nothing from Mr. Green since, I fear it did 
not meet his ap2)robation ; and I have been so much occupied here, that I 
have not had time to inquire of him — which, however, I will do in a few^ 
days. He told me, indeed, when I verbally proposed to do this, that he was 
engaged himself in preiiaring something on the subject; and probably mine 
was too long for convenient insertion — or less to his taste than his own. It 
was, indeed, a very hasty effusion, and full of the feelings of the moment^ 
which were, perhaps, too particular and individual for a newspaper obituary. 

I am interrupted by a gentleman on business. God bless you. Make my 
love accejotable to your wife and children, and believe me. 

Your friend, 

WILLIAM WIRT. 

Gov. Ninian Edwards, Belleville, Illinois. 



LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 453 



Annapolis, Odolter 11, 182V. 
My Dear Sir : 

Just before I left home, I received your letter of the 13th ulto., ami had 
barely time before I started to leave a letter, in favor of Hardage, for Mr. 
Secretary Barbour, who was theu daily expected from Virginia. It will 
always give me pleasure, while I continue to live and breathe upon this ball 
of earth, to render any act of kindness I can to those who were so kind to 
me in my destitute and unprotected youth. I remember those days rather 
with increasing than diminished gratitude, by the lapse of time and the ad- 
vance of old age. As I contrast that kindness to a poor, obscure, orphan boy 
with the heartless maxims of the present age, what -a change in the morals 
and charities of the world since those days ! I know not how it may be in 
the country, but in towns, where I have lived, it is not the same world — or 
at least there are no longer such men as your father in it, and very few such 
women as your mother known to me. I remember them as belonging to a 
golden age — so far at least as human charities and sympathies are concerned 
— and I shall be pleased with every opportunity that may present itself, du- 
ring the short sequel of my life, to show to their posterity that kindness 
which they showed to me. 

I really cannot tell you what is the tone of Mr. Secretary Barbour's feelings 
towards you. He did belong, you know, to the Crawford party, and those of 
that party, I sui)j)ose, have not forgotten or forgiven the Parthian arrow, as 
they called it, shot at their chief. But there has been such a strange jumble 
and mixture of parties, that I, who never understood political management, 
and hope I never shall understand it, really cannot tell you, with confidence, 
the feelings of any one man towards any other. The time seems to be at 
hand, if it has not already arrived, when, in the reckless scramble for public 
honors, all private honor will be forgotten, and mutual distrust, jealousy and 
hatred, or interested, hollow and transient factions, will be the only relations 
that will subsist among men. The j)ublic good, the love of country, which 
were the ruling principles of the men of the Revolution, are old-fashioned 
things, which men mouth in public now to serve their own views, as they do 
religion, and laugh at in private as fit only for fools, women and children. I 
am really very sick of the whole affair, and long for some retreat where I may 
get clear of the din and strife of party. This, I dare say, sounds very weak 
to you who have a gusto for these things, but there is no disiDuting, you 
know, about tastes. For my own part, while I hope I shall be ever ready and 
willing to serve my country, never will I be the servant of any j)arty till a 
party shall arise who have no other object at heart but their country, and its 
happiness, honor and glory. Such a party as that, I should be proud to join, 
but such a party is, I fear, not to be expected in these days. 

How is your health, and that of your family ? I shall be very glad to hear 
from you, if you can find time to write to such an unworldly man as myself — 
I use the expression in no vain sense, but in that in which you know me, as 
a man who has neither turn nor taste for the working of what is called politi- 
cal machinery, which seems to me to make up the whole interest of this 
Americau world. 



454 LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 

Pray remember me affectionately to !&Irs. Edwards and Mrs. Cook, and 
believe mc, with the kindest feelings of the olden tiAe, 

Your friend, 

WILLIAM WIRT. 
To Hon. Ninian Edwards. 



Washington, MarcJt 23, 1828. 
My Bear Sir : 

The jjressurc of the Sujireme Court has prevented me from attending to 
your letter inclosing the case between A and B. You have now Mr. Web- 
ster's opinion and mine, which you will find concurrent with your own. It is 
certainly a very plain case, and I am much surprised there should have been 
a doubt on it. 

I am much rejoiced, in common with your other friends, at the honorable 
demonstration you have received of the confidence of your State, so bravely 
and so nobly won ; but when you talk of quitting politics you do not know 
yourself as well as I do. You will find that you will realize the f;ible of the 
cat transformed into a lady, whenever a political mouse runs across the floor. 
The man who has been a fox hunter from the time he was first able to resist 
the cry of the pack, will continue to love the sport so long as he can throw a 
leg over the saddle. Habits so inveterate become a part of our nature, and 
we can no more give them up than we can give up breathing. I, who was 
never a political sportsman, but have found my happiness in my fireside and 
literature, am so far from being excited, by the uproar of the chase, to join in 
it, that I shrink from it intuitively, as I would from the pelting of any other 
pitiless storm, and jjress my wife and children closer to my heart. If the po- 
litical contest were one only for the good of the country, and the candidates 
were only of that noble kind of "who should do most good," I should like it ; 
but when it degenerates into a coarse, ignoble, vulgar contest for personal 
power, and is carried on by lying, abuse, intrigue and all manner of vile j)rac- 
tices, I shrink from it as I would from the taste of human flesh. I have no 
cannibal propensities, and ask only for peace and competency — a clear fire- 
side, a book, and my afl"cctionatc family. I know that all this is very poor- 
spirited and tame to the Bedouin Arabs, whose delight is in political rapine 
and mischief. So be it — every man to his taste. I prefer my life and death 
to theirs' — for I shall live peaceably and die quietly, none offending and of- 
fended by none. 

Among the many evils growing out of this species of political warfare, there 
is one which has touched me in a tender point. Your sister, Mrs. Green, is 
living here. We exchanged a visit or two with her on her arrival, and we 
should have been most happy to have kejat up the intercourse. She reminded 
me most strongly of Mt. Pleasant, and ef your dear and honored father and 
mother ; l^ut the tone of Mr. Green's paper, and my political connection with 
the Administration, rendered it impossible for me to keep np the intercourse, 
without exciting suspicions that would have been too painful to have been 



LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 455 

borne by me, and I have been obliged to discontinue it. You understand 
these matters, and I neeji say no more on so delicate a subject. 

You do only justice to Mr. Clay ; he has been scandalously treated, I think. 
I dare say you are aware that, my predilections in his favor were not stronger 
than your own. The political course which he held towards that excellent 
man, Mr. Monroe, used to shock and oifend me almost past endurance. He is 
a very different man in the Cabinet from what I expected to find him ; all 
that wildness of judgment which seemed to me to govern him, when a dema- 
gogue in the House, has left him, and he is one of the most safe and prudent 
counsellors I have known, and very cautious, kind and cordial in his inter- 
course with his associates and with the world. I was so much gratified by 
the paragraph in which you mention him, that I could not forbear showing it 
him. It had all the effect I intended and expected. "The manner in which 
the Governor mentions his sense of injustice done me, does honor to his own 
heart, and I cannot but hope that he may feel himself prompted to lend his 
powerful aid and support, at this crisis, to the cause which the most eiilight- 
cned men throughout the community consider as the cause of our country." 
He speaks, of course, of the Presidential contest. I merely state his sugges- 
tion, and leave it to your own disposal. My only motive for doing so is the 
pleasure I derived from the light in which he views you. 

We have had a tough campaign of eight or nine weeks in the Suijreme 

Court; thank heaven I have survived it, and find my health quite good, for 

my time of life. I have a little of the dyspepsia now and then, but it is not 

' very troublesome. I live abstemiously, take exercise, and work hard at my 

profession. 

My eldest daughter is married to Judge Randall of Florida, a fine, honora- 
ble, noble-spirited, high-minded young man, in whom I have the most un- 
bounded confidence. For $5000 I have been able to give him 1000 acres of 
prime lands, to build a good frame dwelling house, and give him ten working 
hands — five of them men, the rest young women — and a good tailoress. He 
had two young men of his own. His lands are first rate sugar and sea-island 
cotton lands, and I have no fear of his doing well. I mention these details 
because I know you will take an interest in them. 

Mrs. Wirt and family are well and desire to be affectionately remembered 
to you and yours. If Mrs. Edwards has not forgotten me, greet her frater- 
nally in my name. 

Your old friend, 

WILLIAM WIRT. 

To Hon. Ninian Edwaiids. 



Norfolk, March 17, 1805. 
Dear Friend : 

I cannot describe to you, my dear Mr. Edwards, the sensations with which 

I have just read your most welcome and obliging letter of the 17th ult., from 

Shiloh. I need not be ashamed to tell you that my tears bore witness to the 

sincerity and force of my feelings. You have taught mc to love you like a 



456 LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 

parent. Well, indeed, may I do so ; since to yon, to the influence of your 
conversation, your precepts, and your example in tbe most critical and deci- 
sive period of my life, I owe whatever of useful or good there may be in the 
bias of my mind and character. Continue then, I implore you, to think of 
me as a son, and teach your children to regard me as a brother : they shall 
find me one, indeed, if the wonder-working dispensations- of Providence 
should ever place them in want of a brother's arm, or mind, or bosom. 

You could not more strongly have expected my wife and me to partake of 
your Christmas turkey in 1803, than we ourselves expected it when I wrote 
you last. I was sensible that I owed you and my friend Ninian an apology, 
or rather an explanation, of the abrupt change of my plan in relation to 
Kentucky, and this explanation would have been certainly made at the proper 
time, but for a point of delicacy arising from the nature of the explanation 
itself. But now that the project is over, and with you, I fear, forever, I may 
explain to you without reserve. 

The first obstacle which I had to encounter arose from the difficulty of 
compassing so much cash as would enable me to make my debut. sufficiently 
respectable. To have disclosed this obstacle either to you or Ninian, after 
the strong desire which I had manifested to migrate to your State, might have 
been liable to an interpretation, which, either from true or false pride, I chose 
to avoid. As I could not state to you this primary obstacle, I thought it 
would be disingenuous to amuse you with an account of merely subordinate 
ones ; but now you shall know the whole truth. My wife, who was thor- 
oughly convinced of the propriety of our removal to Kentucky, had consented 
to it, from the dictates of reason and judgment, whilst her heart and affec- 
tions secretly revolted against the measure. Most dutifully and delicately, 
however, she concealed her repugnance from me, and I should never have 
known it, but for an accident. Waking one night, at midnight, while this 
journey was contemplated, I found her in tears ; and, after much importunity, 
drew from her an acknowledgment that her distress proceeded from the idea 
of such a distant, and most probably final, separation from her parents and 
family. 

I will not affect to deny that I believe this discovery and the manner of it, 
would have been.decisive with me against the removal, even if the first ob- 
jection had not existed. Fortune and fame are, indeed, considerations of 
great weight with me ; but they are light, compared with the happiness of 
the best of wives. About the time of this discovery, and while the current 
of my own inclinations had been thus checked and brought to an eddy, a 
young gentleman (a son of the late Judge Tazewell) who was at the head of 
the practice in this part of the State, very generously and disinterestedly 
waited on me at Williamsburg, opposed my removal by every argument that 
friendship or ingenuity could suggest, offered to recede, in my favor, from 
several of his most productive courts, painted the progressive prosperity of 
Norfolk in colors so strong and alluring, and exhibited such irresistible evi- 
dence of the present profits of the i^ractice in this borough and district, that 
my mind was left in equipoise between Kentucky and Norfolk. 



LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 457 

At this critical juncture came a letter from you, in wMch you very amica- 
bly exhorted me against the indulgence of a too sanguine imagination in re- 
gard to Kentucky. You stated that the specie had almost disappeared from 
the State, owing to the occlusion of Orleans by the Spanish Intendant against 
your deposits — an inconvenience whose duration it was impossible to calcu- 
late, and represented that the gentlemen of my profession, like the other in- 
habitants of the State, carried on their business by barter, receiving their fees 
in negroes, horses, etc. Under the joint action of all these obstacles, diffi- 
culties, considerations and motives of policy and expediency, I was led to the 
adoption of the resolution which brought me here. And so here lam, abreast 
with the van of the profession in this quarter, with the brightest hopes and 
prospects ; duping the i^eople by a most Jenkinsonian exterior, using " words 
of learned length and thundering sound," puffed by the newspapers as an 
orator, to which I have no pretensions, and honored and applauded far be- 
yond my deserts. It is only for the humiliation with which I see and hear 
what is written and said in my praise, that I give myself any credit. I have 
formed in my own imagination a model of professional greatness, which I am 
far, very flir, below, but to which I wuU never cease to aspire. It is to this 
model that I compare myself, whenever the world applauds, and the compari- 
son humbles me to the dust. If ever I should rise to this imaginary prototype, 
I shall rest in peace. Herculean enterprise ! — But I must not despair, since 
it is only by aiming at perfection that a man can attain his highest practica 
ble point. 

If a fortune is to be made by the profession in this country, I believe I 
shall do it. It must require, however, fifteen or twenty years to effect this. 
Norfolk, as you guess, is very expensive. I keep, for instance, a i^air of 
horses here, which cost me eight pounds per month. Wood is from four to 
eight dollars per cord ; Indian meal, through the winter, nine shillings per 
bushel — this summer it is sup2)oscd it will be fifteen ; flour eleven and twelve 
dollars per barrel, a leg of mutton three dollars, butter three shillings per 
pound, eggs two shillings and three pence per dozen, and so on. Having set 
out, however, with a view of making a provision for my family, in the event 
of my being called away from them, I live as economically as I can, so as to 
avoid giving my wife any reason for regret at the recollection of her father's 
house and table. After this year, I hoi^e it will be in my power to net annu- 
ally two thousand dollars, by the practice, but I do not expect ever to do more 
than this. I shall be content to leave the bar whenever my capital will net 
me an annual revenue of four thousand dollars, and not till then. 

I am indeed sometimes very apprehensive that the yellow fever, which you 
mention, may cut this operation short, by removing me from this scene of 
things ; or protract it, by driving me from my business into annual exile, as 
was the case last summer and fall. If I find this latter event likely to take 
place, I shall certainly use all my influence with my wife to reconcile her to 
Kentucky ; for even now, I will not conceal it from you, propitious as is the 
face of my affairs, your letter makes me sigh at the thought of your State. 
It is not, however, the idea of being "a comet in a naked horizon," which I 

—58 • 



458 LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 

long to realize. I have seen too many luminaries, infinitely my superiors in 
magnitude and splendor, to believe myself a comet ; nor can I believe that 
horizon naked which is adorned and lighted up with a Breckenridge, a Brown, 
a Maury and N. Edwards. Besides, if I were amlntious, and it were true 
that this i^art of the hemisphere were gilded with the brightest stars, I should, 
for that reason, choose this part. A glow-worm would be distinguished 
amid total darkness ; but it requires a sun indeed to eclipse the starry firma- 
ment. No, sir. It is the Green River land which makes me sigh ; the idea 
of being released from the toils of my profession by independence, in six or 
eight years, and of pursuing it afterwards at my ease, and only on great oc- 
casions, and for great fees ; of having it in my power to indulge myself in 
the cultivation of general science ; of luxuriating in literary amusements, and 
seeking literary eminence. These are the objects which I have been accus- 
tomed to look to, as the most desirable companions in the meridian of life ; 
and six or eight years more would just bring me to that age at which Parson 
Hunt and his son William used to predict, in moments of displeasure and 
reproof, that I should begin to be a man — viz., at forty. It is because your 
letter holds out probabilities like these, that I sigh. For I know that, by the 
practice of this country, independence by my profession is a great way ofi". 

How much it would delight me to live once more within eye and earshot 
of you ! To be able to talk over with you the affairs of JMount Pleasant, 
and of my youth ; to hear your raillery and your laugh. These are things 
that I could think of until I should be quite unmanned — but enough. My 
wife has given me tw© children in little more than two years. We were mar- 
ried on the 7tli September, 1803, and on the 3d September, 1803, she gave 
me a daughter, now a lovely child, going on nineteen months old, with the 
romantic name of Laura Henrietta, the first the favorite of Petrarch, the last 
the christian name of my mother. On the 81st day of last January she gave 
me a son, who is certainly a very handsome child, and, if there be any truth 
in j)hysiognomy, a fellow whose native sheet of intellectual jiaper is of as fine 
a texture and as lustrous a white as the fond heart even of a parent could 
desire. My fancy is already beginning to build for him some of those airy 
tenements, in the erection of which my youth has been wasted. My wife 
wants to call this boy Robert Gamble ; and as this is a matter altogether 
within the lady's department, I shall give way. She was just twenty-one the 
30th day of last January, and I was thirty-tw o the 8tli day of last Novem- 
ber ; so I hope we may reach my wished for number of twelve, and be almost 
as patriarchal, by and by, as yourself. 

How much you gratify me by the circumstantial description of your chil- 
dren — their prosperity now, and their hopeful prospects ! May all your 
wishes in regard to them be fulfilled! I hope and pray so, from my inmost 
soul ! I have a kind of dim presage that I shall yet be in Kentucky time 
enough for your Benjamin Franklin, if not for Cyrus. Heaven send I may 
ever have it in my power to be of any use to either of your children ! Pray 
remember me to them all, with the regard of a brother, and present me to 
Mrs. Edwards with the respect and dutiful affection of a son. Shall I ever 
sec you again in the midst of them, on your farm, disengaged from all care, 



LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 



459 



and happy as you deserve to be ? You cannot tliink witli what tenderness 
my memory dwells on Mount Pleasant and the neighborliood. I remember, 
indeed, very many follies to blush at and be ashamed of, yet still it is one of 
those " sunny spots" in the course of my life, in which recollection dearly loves 
to bask. Let me be free with you, for you used to make me so. To this day, 

the image of B. S is as fresh in my mind as if she had just left Mount 

Pleasant, on Sunday evening, on the bay mare, and my eyes had followed her 
through the gate, and as far around as she was visible, on her way home. 

And the investigation which you once made of the difference between K 's 

passion for her and mine, is just as vivid as if it had passed on yesterda3^ 

By-the-by, you have not said a Avord of my friend K , and as I take a very 

strong interest in his welfare, let me hear of him when you write next. 

I thank you very much for your mention of several of my old acquaint- 
ances. Among them all. Jack Wallace (if he is the son of James) is my 
favorite. Nature, indeed, had not taken much pains in the caste of his genius, 
but she gave him one of the sweetest tempers, and one of the finest and 
noblest hearts that ever warmed a human breast. 

Major W , I presume, is my schoolmate, William, who used to live at 

Montgomery Court-house. When we were at school together, about the year 
1785, he was thought one of the world's wonders, or rather a new wonder, in 
point of genius. Where is the hopeful promise of his youth ? Smothered 
under the leaden atmosphere of indolence ? Or has it faded, like the first 
flowers of spring, to bud and bloom no more ? * * * * * 

Of Q. M 1 only remember that he was a large-faced, well-grown boy, 

who learnt the Latin grammar until he came to penna-a-pen, where he stuck 
fast, and his father took him away in despair. But it is possible that I may 
be mistaken, and am confounding him with some other boy. One other thing 

I am sure of, that he had a very pretty sister, whose name was L , with 

whom I was very much in love one whole night, at an exhibition ball, in the 

neighborhood of Parson Hunt's. E. M , I do not remember at all. I 

could not have been acquainted with him, nor, I think, with M. L . I 

well remember the family of the latter, who lived on a hill, near a mill-i^ond 
of Samuel W. Magruder's. There were five or six of us, of the family of Ma- 
grudcr, who, after bathing of a Sunday in the pond, used to go up and see a 
sister of Matthew's, whose name was Betsey (a name always fatal to me !) I 
was then about twelve years old, and I remember that for one whole summer 
that girl disturbed my peace considerably. The sex, I believe, never had an 
earlier or more fervent votary ; but it was all light work till I came to B. 
S . To this moment I think kindly of her, even in the grave. * * 

I have already used a good deal of egotism in this letter : but it is unavoid- 
able in letters between friends ; and it certainly is not desiralle to avoid it 
between friends so far sundered as we are, who are obliged to resort to letters 
as a substitute for conversation. For my own part, I sat down with the de- 
termination to write just as I would talk with you, in order that I might 
approach as near as possible to the enjoyment of your company; and, as I 
should certainly have talked a great deal of levity and nonsense, so have I 



460 LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 

written, and so I shall still write, although I know that I am taxing you with 
a lieavy i)ostage. 

But to myself again. I find that you have read " The British Spy," and, from 
your allusion to it, I presume you have understood me to be the author. It 
is true. I wrote those letters to while away six anxious weeks which pre- 
ceded the bii'tli of my daughter. In one respect they were imjjrudcnt. They 
inflicted wounds which I did not intend. * * * * * * 

In the esteem of a penetrating and learned man, "The British Spy" would 
injure me, because it would lead him to believe my mind light and super- 
ficial ; but its cl^cct on the body of the people here (on whom I depend for 
my fortune) has, I Ijelievc, been very advantageous. It was bought up with 
great avidity ; a second edition called for and bought up; and the editor, 
when I saw him last, talked of striking a third edition. It has been the 
means of making me extensively known, and known to my advantage, except, 
perhaps, Avith such men as Jefferson and Jay, whose just minds readily ascer- 
tain tlie ditrereuce between Imllion and chaff. * * * * '* 

Tlie title of this fiction was adopted for concealment, that therel)y I might 
have an opportunity of hearing myself criticised without restraint. But I 
was surprised to find myself known after the third letter appeared. Having 
once adopted the character of an Englishman, it was necessary to support 
that character throughout, by expressing only British sentiments ; yet, there 
were some men weak enough, in this State, to suspect, from this single cause, 
that I had apostatized from the Republican faith. The suspicion, however, is 
now pretty Avell over. '■''• * * '^. ''" * '= ■'■ "' 
I am your friend, and 

Your sou by election, 

WILLIAM WIRT. 

To Benjamin Edwards, Esq. 



RicuMOND, July 2, 1808. 
J/t/ Dear and Eoer -honored Friend and Father : 

I have read, half a dozen times, with swimming eyes, your precious letter 
of the 8th of April last. Our courts have been sitting, without intermissiom 
ever since the 1st of February till the 28th of last month, or I should sooner 
have acknowledged your»goodncss in writing to me under so much pain. 
Your friendship and afiection for me are among the purest and sweetest 
sources of happiness that I have upon this earth. Judge, then, with what 
feelings I hear of your ill health. Yet I trust that the same gracious Provi- 
dence " who makes the good his care," and who raised you once before from 
the bed of torture, will spare you still to your family and friends. I have 
been afraid that you do not take exercise enough, yet Mr. Street, the editor 
of " The Western World," handed me, the day before yesterday, a letter from 
my brother Ninian, dated Aj^ril 11th, three days after yours, in which he says 
that you had been, lately, at his house. That, I apprehend, is nearly as long 
a journey as would bring you to the; mineral waters in Virginia. Would not 
this excursion, aided by the waters and the animation of the company, 



LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 461 

promise to give a tone to your system, ami remove the torpor and debility of 
•wliich you complain ? 

I wish you could believe it prudent and advisable for you to take such a 
step, because I should then have it in my power to see you once more. I 
would certainly meet you at the Springs, and receive your blessing ; and my 
wife and children, froui tlic scutiments they have for you, would accompany 
me, with all the piety of pilgrims. My imagination has dwelt upon this 
meeting, until I begin to feel a strong presentiment that it will certainly take 
place. My brother Ninian and his family would, I dare say, attend you. 
What a happy group should wo form ! How would we talk over the days 
that are past, till torpor and dci^ility, and sickness and sorrow would fly and 
leave us to our enjoyments. What do you say to this project ? I have a san 
guine Iiope that you will fnul it as judicious in reference to your health, as I 
am sure it would be cx<piisitely grateful to your feelings. And if we meet 
once, and your health should become settled again, might we not devise a 
scheme of meeting at the same place every two or three years ? By these 
means our children would become acquainted, and the friendship which has 
subsisted between us would be continued in them. 

I leave it to your heart and your fancy to develope tliis idea, through all its 
consequences. To me, the anticipation, merely, is delightful ; and, in spite of 
Mr. Harvie's doctrine to the contrary, I believe the reality would be still more 
so. Will you not think of this? Take medical counsel upon it, and let me 
know the result. 

Yes ! — there is nothiog more true than what you say. " When we must die, 
there is nothing like a well-grounded hope of future happiness, except a per- 
fect iiiith, which removes all doubt." I thank God that I have lived long 
enough, and seen sorrow enough, to be convinced that religion is the proper 
element of the soul, where alone it is at home and at rest. That to any other 
state, it is an alien, vagrant, restless, perturbed and miserable — dazzled for an 
hour by a dream of temporal glory, but awakening to disaijpointment and 
permanent anguish. It is the bed of death which chases away all these illu- 
sive vapors of the brain which have cheated us through life, and which shows 
us to ourselves, naked as we are. Then, if not sooner, every man finds the 
truth of your sentiment, the importance of a well-grounded Christian hope 
of future happiness. * We need not, indeed, so awful a monitor as a death- 
bed, to convince us of the instability of earthly hopes of any kind. We have 
but to look upon nations abroad, and men at home, to see that everything 
under the sun is uncertain and fluctuating ; that prosperity is a cheat, and 
virtue often but a name. Look upon the map of Europe. See what it was 
fifty or sixty years ago — what it has since been, and what it is likely to be- 
come. Formerly partitioned into separate, independent and energetic mon- 
archies, with vigorous chiefs at their head, maintaining with infinite policy 
the balance of power among them, and believing that balance eternal : France, 
in the agonies of the birth of liberty, her campus martius resounding with 
fetes, in celebration of that event : the contagion spreading into other nations : 
monarchs trembling for their crowns, and combining to resist the diffusion of 
the example : the champions of liberty, and Bonaparte among the rest, victo- 



4G2 . LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWABDS. 

rious cverywlierc, and everywhere carrying with them tlic wishes and prayers 
of America. Yet now see, all at once, the revolution gone, like a flash of 
lightning; France suddenly buried beneath the darkness of despotism, and 
the voracious tyrant swallowing up kingdom after kingdom. The combining 
mouarchs thought that they were in danger of nothing but the propagation 
of the doctrines of liberty ; but ruin has come upon them from another quar- 
ter. The doctrines of liberty are at an end, and so arc the monarchies of 
Europe — all fused and melted down into one great and consolidated despotism. 
How often have I drunk that Cajsar's health, with a kind of religious devo- 
tion ! How did all America stand on tiptoe, during his brilliant campaigns 
in Italy at the head of the army of the republic ! With what rapture did we 
follow his career ; and how ditl our bosoms bound at the prospect of an eman- 
cipated world! Yet see in what it has all ended ! The total extinction of Eu- 
ropean liberty, and the too probable prospect of an enslaved world ! Alas ! 
what are human calculations of happiness ; and who can ever more rely upon 
them ! 

If we look to the state of things in our own country, still we shall be forced 
to cry, "all is vanity and vexation of spirit." Look at the public prints with 
which our country is deluged, and see the merciless massacre of public and 
private character, of social and domestic peace and happiness. Look at the 
debates in Congress. Where is the coolness, the decorum, the cordial com- 
parison of ideas for the public good, which you would look for in an assem- 
bly of patriots and freemen, such as were seen in the old Congress of 1776? 
Nothing of it is now to be seen. All is rancor, abuse, hostility and hatred, 
confusion and ruin. =■= * * =>= * ='• =!= * =:■ 

According to my present imi)ressions of happiness, I would not exchange 
the good opinion of one virtuous and judicious man, for the acclamation of 
the millions that inhabit our country ; not that these would not ha grateful — 
but as for taking them as a basis of happiness, I would as soon think of 
building a house on the billows of the sea. * * * * '^■ 

Yours most sincerely, 

WILLIAM WIRT. 
To Uen.tamin Edwatjds, Esq. 



RrcnjuiND, Felniarij 26, 1809. 
Bear Sir : ^ 

* * •* And now let me tell how grateful I feel for this " the longest let- 
ter that you have written since the commencement of your disease." It is so 
perfectly in the style of your conversation, that I heard the sound of your 
voice in every line, and saw every turn in the well remembered expression of 
your face. * * * * * * * * 

There are parts of your letter which make me smile. You wish me to aspire 
to the Presidency of the United States ! This is so much like your Mount 
Pleasant talk ! TJien, it was extravagant enough, although at that time I was 



LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 463 

but sixteen or seventeen years of age, and Lad a whole life before me to work 
wonders in ; but noic, you seem to forget that I am in my six-and-thirtieth 
year, by which time the color of a man's destiny is pretty well fixed, and that, 
besides being so old, I have yet a fortune to make for my family before I 
could turn my thoughts to politics. No, no, my dear friend, I make no such 
extravagant calculations of future greatness. If I can make my family inde- 
pendent, and leave to my children the inheritance of a respectable name, my 
expectations and, believe me, my wishes will be fulfilled. For the office of 
Secretary of State, under Mr. Madison, I am just about as fit as I am to be 
the Pope of Rome. Nor ought I, nor would I, accei)t it in my present cir- 
cumstances. It would be to sacrifice my wife and children on the altar of 
political ambition. I have no such ambition; and my not having it is one 
among a thousand proofs that I am unfit for that kind of life ; for nature, I 
believe, never yet gave the caj^acity without the inclination. I am writing 
unafl'ectedly and from my heart. I know enough of the world to know that 
j)olitical power is not hapi)iness, and that my happiness is nowhere but in 
private life and in the bosom of my beloved family. I think I may be able 
to attain distinction enough in my profession to have it in my power, in ten 
years, to retire from the bar into the country, and give myself up to the 
luxury of literature and my fireside. You will say that this is selfish — that a 
man's first duty is to his country — and you will tell me of Curtius, and Cato, 
and Brutus. I admit the grandeur of their virtues, but I am neither a Cur- 
tius, a Cato, nor a Brutus. There are thousands of my countrymen better 
qualified than myself for those high offices, and as willing as capable. Should 
I attempt to give myself the precedence to such men, it would not be love of 
country, but self, that would impel me. The wish to see my country prosper 
is not compatible with a wish to see the reins of government in hands that 
are unfit to hold them ; and to wish them in my own, would be to wish them 
in such hands. Hence my duty to my country is so far from opposing, that it 
accords with the real wish of my heart for independence and domestic peace. 
These are the principles by which I am regulating my life, and I should be 
almost as sorry to have them disturbed as a Christian would the foundations 
of his faith. 

Monroe is certainly a virtuous and excellent man. I opposed his election, 
but my opinion of him is unaltered. (By-the-by, my dear wife, who is a good 
Federalist by inheritance, drew her pencil through that part of your letter in 
which you speak of the Federalists and Tories who supported his election. 
She wanted to show your letter to her mother ; but as botb her fiither and 
mother are Federalists of the first water, and supported Monroe, she was 
afraid that this passage would defeat the effect wliich she wished the letter 
to produce — that is, to inspire them with the same love and respect for you 
which she feels herself) I think it a misfortune to Monroe that he had the 
support of which you speak ; but as it was unsolicited and undesired by him, 
I do not think he ought to be blamed for it. I wish the Federalists were all 
like you — Madisonian Federalists; and I wish the Republicans were all like 
him — that is, tolerant, candid, charitable and dispassionate. I should then 



464 LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 

have some hopes of the duration of the Republic ; but as it is, may Heaven 
protect us! If you knew Mr. Jefferson personally and intimately, you would 
know him to be among the most simple and artless characters upon earth. 
His foult is, that he is too unguarded. If he had more of Gen. Washington's 
reserve, he would be less in the power of his enemies than he is. I do not 
know that this would make him a uiore amiable man, but it would make him 
a happier one. * . * * * :it * * 

I am delighted with the account you give of Cyrus' parts. Has he read 
Locke's "Essay on the Human Understanding?" If not, I wish he would try 
it. I consider it a pretty good test of a young man's vigor. When I was 
about fourteen years old, a friend made me very flattering promises if I would 
read Locke through twice, and produce a certiflcate from a gentleman, whom 
he named, that I was master of his meaning. He intimated that I should be 
considered as a sort of phenomenon if I achieved this task. It was on Sunday, 
I recollect, when I received this letter ; and I went instantly to Parson Hunt's 
library, took out the book, and, spreading a blanket on the floor, up stairs, 
laid down flat on my breast — the posture in which I had been accustomed to 
get my Homer's lesson, and which I therefore supposed was peculiarly favor- 
able to the exertion of the mind. I was soon heels over head among "innate 
ideas" — subjects which I had never before heard of, and on which I had 
not a single idea of any kind, either innate or acquired. I stuck to him, 
however, manfully, and plunged on, pretty intelligently, till I got to his 
chapter on " Identity and Diversity," and thete I stuck fast in the most hopC' 
less despair; nor did I ever get out of that mire until I again mot with the 
book in Albemarle, when I was about twenty-three years of age. Even then, 
as I approached the chapter on " Identity and Diversity," I felt as shy as the 
Scotch parson's horse did when repassing, in summer, part of a road in which 
he had stuck fast the preceding winter. Cyrus is two years beyond the timo 
at which I made the experiment, and I do not doubt that he will bound over 
it like the reindeer over the snows of Lapland. Locke is certainly a frigid 
writer to a young man of high fancy ; but whoever wishes to train himself ta 
■ address the human j udgment successfully, ought to make Locke his bosom 
friend and constant companion. He introduces his reader to a most intimate, 
acquaintance with the structure and constitution of the mind ; unfolds every 
property which belongs to it; shows how alone the judgment can be ap- 
proached and acted on ; through what avenues and with what degrees of 
proof a man may calculate with certainty on its difl^"erent degrees of assent. 
Besides this, Locke's book is auxiliary to the same process for which I have 
been so earnestly recommending the mathematics — that is, giving to the mind 
a flxed and rooted habit of clear, close, cogent and irresistible reasoning. 
The man who can read Locke for an hour or two, and then lay him down and 
argue feebly upon any subject, may hang up his fiddle for life : to such a one 
nature must have denied the original stamina of a great mind. * * 

That Heaven may restore and confirm your liealth, and continue to smile 
with beneficence upon yourself and your family (who, I believe, are as dear to 



LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 465 

my heart as tbe closest consanguinity could make tliem), is the devout and 

fervent prayer of Your friend, 

WILLIAM WIRT. 
To Bei^jamin Edwards, Escj. 



RiCHMOi^D, June 23, 1809. 
My Ever-honored Friend : 

Yours of tlie loth ult. reached this place a week ago, I was then in Nor- 
folk, in the Admiralty Court, and learned, with sorrow, by a letter from my 
wife, your inability to meet us at the Springs. In consequence of this our 
own resolution of going thither is very much shaken ; and I doubt much 
whether wc shaTl go higher up the country than to my wife's sister's, Mrs. 
Cabell, who lives in Buckingham, a county bounded to the west by the Blue 
Ridge. There we shall get the mountain air, avoid a hot journey and a good 
deal of expense — which we would have encountered cheerfully in the hope of 
meeting you and some portion of your family. This inducement removed, 
the objections to the jaunt remain without a counterpoise ; and we must sub- 
mit with as good a grace as possible to the disappointment, still cherishing 
the hope that, by some means or other, at some j)lace or other, we shall yet 
meet before we bid adieu to the world. In the meantime, lest it should be 
otherwise, from your parental anxiety for me I am sure you would be glad to 
know what is to become of me, and how I am to pass through life. I have 
looked into this subject of my future life with a vision as steady and distinct 
as I can command, and I now give you the result. In the course of ten years, 
without some great and signal misfortune, I have reason to hope that I shall 
be worth near uj)on or quite $100,000 in cash, besides having an elegant and 
well-furnished establishment in this town. I propose to vest $25,000 in the 
purchase, improvement and stocking of a farm somewhere on James River, in 
as healthy a country as I can find, having also the advantage of fertility. 
There I will have my books, and with my family spend three seasons of the 
year — spring, summer and fall. Those months I shall devote to the improve- 
ment of my children, the amusement of my wife, and perhaps the endeavor to 
raise by my pen a monument to my name. The winter we will spend in Rich- 
mond — if Richmond shall present superior attractions to the country. The 
remainder of my cash I will invest in some stable and productive fund, to 
raise portions for my children. 

In these few words you have the scheme of my future life. You see there is 
no noisy ambition in it ; there is none, I believe, in my nature. It is true I love 
distinction, but I can only enjoy it in tranquillity and innocence. My soul 
sickens at the idea of political intrigue and faction : I would not choose to be 
the innocent victim of it, much less the criminal agent. Observe, I do not 
propose to be useless to society. My ambition will lie in opening, raising, 
refining and improving the understandings of my countrymen by means of 
light and cheap publications. I do not think that I am AtLas enough to sus- 
tain a ponderous work : while a speculation of fifty or a hundred pages on 
any subject — theological, philosophical, political, moral or literary — would af- 
ford me very great delight, and be executed at least with spirit. Thus I hope 
—59 



466 LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 

to be employed, if alive, ten years hence, and so to the day of my death, or as 
long as I can write anything worth the reading. Voltaire (voluminous as his 
works now arc, as bound up together,) used to publish, in tliis way, detached 
pamphlets ; and so did many others of the most distinguished writers in Eu- 
rope — all the essayists and dramatists, of course, and many of the philoso- 
phers. This mode of publication is calculated to give wider currency to a 
work. There is nothing terrible in the price or the massive bulk of the vol- 
ume. The price is so cheap and the reading so light, as to command a reader 
in every one who can read at all — and thereby to embrace the whole country. 
May not a man, employed in this way, be as useful to his country as by ha- 
ranguing eloquently in the Senate ? The harangue and the harangue-maker 
produce a transient benefit, and then perish together. The writer, if he have 
merit, speaks to all countries and to all ages ; and the benefits which he pro- 
duces flow on forever. To enjoy them both would be, indeed, desirable to a 
man Avho could feel sufficient delight in the ajjplause of his eloquence to coun- 
terbalance the pain which the cabals, intrigues, calumnies and lies of the en- 
vious and malignant would be sure to inflict upon him. This, I think, I could 
never do ; and I shall, therefore, attempt that kind of fame which alone I can 
find reconcilable with my happiness. 

By perusing these two pages you may look forward through futurity to the 
end of my life, and, from the point on which you now stand, take in my whole 
prospect. One thing, at least, your adopted son promises you : that he will 
transmit to his posterity a name of unblemished honor ; and he flatters him- 
self that, in future time, they will look back to him as the founder of a race 
that will have done no discredit to their country. This is vanity, but, I hope, 
not vexation to your spirit ; for with whom can I be free, if not with you ? 
I flatter myself that you have that kind of love for mc which would make 
you desirous of seeing how I shall conduct myself through life ; )jut since, in 
the-ordinary course of things, this cannot be, the next degree of enjoyment is 
to see it by antici2)ation, and for this purpose it is that I have been trying to 
lead you to the summit of Pisgah, and show you my promised laud. 

But enough of it. Your letter gives a view of the advanced life of pa- 
rents, not the most cheering that could be imagined. But then, those children 
whom you went to Kentucky to live with, although widely dispersed, are all 
in the road of honor, prosjjerity and happiness. They could not have re- 
mained with you always : you should not have desired it. They were to be 
established in the world ; and you have the delightful knowledge that they 
are well-established. What a feast is this reflection to a heart like yours ! 
Contrast it with the idea of their always having remained about your house, 
your daughters old maids, and your sons lazy old bachelors. You would have 
had their company, indeed — but what sort of company would it have been ? 
And if you once admitted the idea that they were to be married and settled, 
I am sure you were not chimerical enough to expect that they would all settle 
around Shiloh, like so many small bubbles surrounding a large one. I doubt 
very much the happiness of a neighborhood so constructed, even if it were rea- 
sonable to expect such a construction. I incline to think that distance gives 
you a juster value for each other, and that when you do meet, your hajjpiness 



LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 467 

malces up in intenseness what it wants in frequency ; so that, upon the whole, 
the sum of your hapjiiness is pretty much the same. 

But, my ever-honored friend, any man with your practical judgment must 
have foreseen this result — that your children would marry, and that their own 
parental duties would force them to follow their fortune wherever she pointed 
the way. And how happy is your fate compared with that of hundreds, 
thousands and millions of other parents. No child has ever wounded the 
honor of your liousc. You have no reprobate son to mourn : no daughter's 
ruin to bring down your gray hairs with sorrow to the grave. How many 
are there who have ! When I think of these agonizing, soul-rending calami- 
ties, I almost shudder at the idea of being a father. " Yet in Providence I 
trust." 

I had heard of Ninian's wish for the governorship of the Illinois, from 
himself, and had written to Mr. Madison (whom I know very well) my im- 
pressions of his (Ninian's) character. I know not whether the change ot 
office is for better or worse ; and am sorry to learn that you think it against 
reason and judgment. The office, I presume, will impose more labor upon 
him, and be more likely to embroil him in quarrels and trouble. But will 
not these be balanced by the i)ower which he will have of providing for his 
children, and ushering them advantageously into life ? 

I am happy to hear that Cyrus has laid siege to the mathematics. He will, 
no doubt, soon be tired of it, and when he is so, he ought to turn to Rollin's 
account of his namesake's siege of Babylon, to see what patience, enterprise 
and heroism can achieve ; and, though he may not see at present the benefit 
which is to result from his labors, he will feel it by-and-by, when the argu- 
•ments of his adversaries fill before him like the walls of Jericho at the 
sound of the horns. 

By-the-by, my wife is afraid that you took too gravely her little gayety in 
penciling some of the lines of your letter touching the Federalists. I told 
her that, to my sorrow, you were a Federalist too ; and that your oljservation 
could scarcely have been intended to cover the whole of a party to which you 
yourself belonged. The act was, as it related to herself, a mere sally of 
sportiveness ; and in this light she begs you to consider it. I have some 
hopes that, in time, I shall have better luck with her than Paul had with 
Felix : that I shall altogether persuade her to be a good Republican. This 
will be the effect, however, of living long together, and wearing down, by 
slow degrees, the little Federal asperities which her parents gave her ; that 
is to say, if my own political asperities, as being made of softer stuff, do not 
give way first. You know that in rencontres of this sort, men have not much 
to expect beyond the pleasure of being vanquished. * * * 

Here is another long and vapid letter. No wonder this time, for I have 
written under the pressure of about ninety-six degrees of heat. My wife and 
children unite with me in love to you, ]\Irs. E., and our brothers and sisters. 
Heaven bless you, restore you to health, and preserve you to your family. 

Yours, 

WILLIAM WIRT. 

To Benjamin Edwards, Esq. 



4G8 LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 

RicirMOND, Becemler 23, 1809. 
My Dear Friend : 

* * * * I tliink you arc rather hard upon my brother Ninian, whcu 
you speak of the Quixotic schemes which he has carried to his Territory. It 
strilvcs me that a fellow who has made his way through the presidency of a 
Court of Appeals, to the govermnent of a Territory, deserves to have his 
solidity a little better thought of. I suspect that the Knight of La Mancha 
would never have achieved such adventures as those. I own that I cannot 
see what he will gain by the exchange, except (what I should suppose he has 
no need of) land : but he has displayed so much soundness of judgment that 
I do not doubt motives exist sufficient to justify his conduct. I am sorry that 
Cyrus is deprived of McAllister. I hear this man everywhere spoken of as a 
prodigy of learning and mental force ; not very well qualified perhaps for 
the instruction of children, but highly so for the instruction of young men 
— and Cyrus is now a young man. McAllister, I am told, is distinguished for 
the clearness and cogency of his style of reasoning. What a treasure would 
such a man be to a young man of genius and enterprise who was destined 
for the bar ! This power of analysis, the poAver of simplifying a complex 
subject, and showing all its parts clearly and distinctly, is the forte of Chief 
Justice Marshall, and is the great desideratum of every man who aims at emi- 
nence in the law. Genius, fancy and taste may fashion the drapery and put 
it on ; but reason alone is the grand sculptor, that can form the statue itself. 
Hence it is that I have been so anxious for Cyrus to cultivate the mathema- 
tics — not for the sake of being a mathematician, but to give to his mind the 
habit of close and conclusive reasoning. I hope he will still be placed in 
some situation where he may pursue this science. I would have hifa mathc-. 
matician enough to be able to comprehend and repeat, with ease, by calcula- 
tions of his own. Sir Isaac Newton's mathematical demonstrations of the 
principles of natural i^hilosophy. Locke says, if you would have your son a 
reasoner, let him read Chillingworth : I say, if you would have him a reasoncr 
let him read Locke. I think you will find that the mathematics and Locke 
will put a head in his tub ; for, what you censure is not, I apprehend, any de- 
fect in the faculty of memory, but rather the inattention and volatility so 
natural to his time of life, for which there is uo better cure than what I am 
recommending. * * • * * * * * * * * 

As to my country's calling for my aid, you make me smile ! yet, if such an 
improbable thing should ever come to pass, you will find that your lectures 
on patriotism have not been lost upon me. Alas ! poor country ! what is to 
become of it ? In the wisdom and virtue of the Administration I have the 
most unbounded confidence. My apprehensions, therefore, have no reference 
to them, nor to any event very near at hand. And yet, can any man who 
looks upon the state of public virtue in this country, and then casts his eyes 
upon what is doing in Eurojje, believe that this confederated republic is to 
last for ever? Can he doubt that its probable dissolution is less than a cen- 
tury off? Think of Burr's conspiracy, within thirty-five years of the birth 
of the republic ; think of the characters implicated with him ; think of the 
state of political parties and of the presses in this country ; think of the 



LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 469 

execrable falselioods, virulent abuse, villainous means by wliicli they strive to " 
carry tlieir points. Will not tlie people get tired and heart-sick of this per- 
petual commotion and agitation, and long for a change, even for king Log, 
so that they may get rid of their demagogues, the storks, that destroy their 
peace and quiet ? These are my fears. Heaven grant that they may prove 
groundless ! It may be for the want of that jjolitical intrepidity which is 
essential to a statesman, that these fears have found their way into my mind 
— ^yet I confess they do sometimes fill it with awe and dismay. I am sure 
that the body of the people is virtuous ; and were they as enlightened as 
virtuous, I should think the republic insured against ruin from within. But 
they are not enlightened, and therefore are liable to imposition from the more 
knowing, crafty and vicious emissaries of faction ; and the very honesty of 
the peoi^le, by rendering them unsuspicious and credulous, promotes the cheat. 
They are told, for instance, that this Administration is in French pay, or un- 
der French influence ; and that this country, although nominally free, is, in 
effect, a dependent and a province of France. That the taxes which they j)ay 
to support this Government, instead of being applied to these purj^oses, are 
remitted to their master in France, to enable him to complete the conquest of 
Europe, and hasten the time of his taking open ijossession here. The people 
who live amid the solitude and innocence of the country, who read or hear of 
this tale, well vamped up, and see general items pointed out, in the annual ac- 
counts of expenditure, which are declared to cover these traitorous remit- 
tances — what are they to think — especially when the tale is connected with a 
long train of circumstances, partly true and partly false, growing out of the 
actual embarrassments of the country ? Would it be surprising, if, thus worked 
ujion for four years, with the vile and infamous slander sanctioned by asser- 
tions on the floor of Congress, they should precipitate Mr. Madison from the 
Presidential seat, and place one of his calumniators in the chair of State ? 
And then, when " vice prevails and wicked men bear sway," " what ills may 
follow." Heaven only can foretell. * * * * * * 

Yours, forever and aye, 

WILLIAM WIRT. 
To Benjamin Edwards, Esq. 



Richmond, May 8, 1810. 
My Dear and Bevcrcd Friend : 

* * * * * I iiave, indeed, great cause of gratitude to 
Heaven. I will not say that Providence has led me, but that, in spite of the 
reluctant and rebellious propensities of my nature, it has dragged me from 
obscurity and vice, to respectability and earthly happiness. 

In reviewing the short course of my life, I can see where I made plunges 
from which it seems clearly to me that nothing less than a Divine hand could 
ever have raised me ; but I have been raised, and I trust that my feet are now 
upon a rock. Yet can I never cease to dejilore the years of my youth, that 
I have murdered in idleness and folly. I can only fancy, with a sigh of un- 
willing regret, the figure Avhich I might have made had I devoted to study 



470 LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 

those liours wliich I gave up to giddy dissipation, and wbicli now cannot be 
recalled. I have read enougli to show me, dimly and at a distance, the great 
outline of that scheme of literary conquest which it was once in my power 
to fill up in detail. I have got to the foot of the mountain, and see the road 
which passes over its summit, and leads to the promised land ; but it is too 
late in life for me. I must be content to lay my bones on the hither side, and 
point out the path to my son. Do not charge these sentiments either to a 
weak and spiritless despondency or to sluggish indolence. I know that a 
good deal may yet be done, and I mean, as far as I can, that it shall be done; 
yet, comparatively, it will be but a droji in the bucket. Seven-and-thirty is 
rather too late for a man to begin his education ; more esi)ecially when he is 
hampered by the duties of a profession, and in this age of the world, when 
every science covers so much ground by itself. What a spur should this re- 
flection be to young men ! Yet there is scarcely one in ten thousand of them 
who will understand or believe it, until, as in my case, it comes home to the 
heart, when it is too late. I now think that I know all tlie flaws and weak 
places of my mind. I know which of the muscles want tone and vigor, and 
which are braced beyond the point of health. I also think I know what 
course of early training would have brought them all to perform their proper 
functions in harmonious concert. But now the character of my mind is 
flxed ; and as to any beneficial change, one might as well call upon a tailor, 
who has sat upon his shop-board until the calves of his legs are shriveled, to 
carry the burthens of a porter ; or upon a man whose hand is violently shaken 
with the palsy, to split hairs with a razor. Such as it is it will i)robably re- 
main, with a little accession, perhaps, of knowledge. You will do me injustice 
if you infer, from what I have said, that I am sighing with regret at those 
distant hights of political honors which lie beyond my reach. I do not know 
whether to consider it as a vice or virtue of my nature — -but so far am I from 
sighing for political honors, that I pant only for seclusion and tranquillity, in 
which I may enjoy the sweets of domestic and social love; raise ray faculties, 
by assiduous cultivation, to their highest attainable point, and prepare for 
that state of future existence to which I know I am hastening. Nor should 
I propose to myself, in such solitude, to forget what I owe to my country : on 
the contrary, I think I could be much more solidly useful, in that situation, 
than in one more public and active. So strongly are my hopes and wishes 
fixed on this life of sequestration and peace, that if you ever hear of my 
having entered on a political course, you may rely upon it that it is a painful 
and heart-rending sacrifice to a sense of public duty. I liope and trust that 
such an emergency is scarcely possible. I am sure that it is very improbable ; 
because I believe there will always be those who are much better qualified for 
public offices, and certainly far more anxious for them than I am. At the 
same time, I think our country is, at present, very badly supplied with mate- 
rials for future legislation and government. I cast my eyes over the continent, 
in vain, in quest of successors to our present patriots. There seems to me a 
most miserable and alarming dearth of talents and acquirements among the 
young men of the United States. I have sometimes sat down and endeavored 



LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 471 

to fill the various ofiSces in the Government with characters drawn from those 
who are made known to us, either personally or by fame. But so far am I 
from finding among them a man fit for a President, that I cannot even find 
persons fit for the heads of Departments. What has become of the talents 
of the country ? Are they utterly extinct ? or do they merely slumber ; and 
does it require another great convulsion, like our revolutionary war, to rouse 
their dormant energies ? I myself think that it proceeds, in a very great de- 
gree, if not altogether, from defective education. Our teachers themselves 
either want learning, or they want the address necessary to excite into vigor- 
ous action the powers of the mind. Young men are everywhere turned loose 
in the various professions, with minds half awake, and their surface merely 
a little disturbed with science. This is not the way great men have been 
made, either in Europe or America. As long as this system is pursued we 
shall never have anything but political quacks. * =^= * * 

You will no doubt have seen, in the public papers, the loss we have suifered 
in the premature death of my wife's father. Col. Robert Gamble. In the full 
enjoyment of health and strength, of uncommon mental and corporeal vigor, 
in the active and prosperous pursuit of his business, his children all estab- 
lished, surrounded by his grandchildren and an extensive circle of sincere and 
fervent friends, and with the fixirest prospects of earthly happiness opening 
around him on every hand, he was suddenly killed, on the morning of the 
13th instant, by a fall from his horse. He was a faithful soldier of the revo- 
lution, a sincere and zealous Christian, one of the best of fiithcrs, and hon- 
estest of men, * * * * * * * * * '■<■■ 

Yours, 

WILLIAM WIRT. 
To Benjamin Edwards, Esq. 



Norfolk, 3fay 0, 1806. 
My Dear Sir : 

* * '■'- You see I have not gotten rid of my levities, and most 
certainly I never shall while I live ; they make an essential part of my con- 
stitution. I catch myself sometimes singing and dancing about the house like 
a madman, to the very great amusement of my wife and children, and pro- 
bably of the X)assengers who are incidentally going along the street. This is 
very little like the wise conduct which Shakspcare makes Ilcnry IV recom- 
mend to his son ; but the harebrained find some consolation in the figure 
whicl) Henry V made in spite of his father's maxims of gravity. Yet I hope 
you will not believe that I either sing or dance in the street or in the court- 
house. I know the indispensable importance of a little state, to draw the 
magic circle of resjject around one's self, and repel intrusion and vulgarity. 

To be sure, in a letter, it is not so material if a man cuts an eccentric caper 
here and there ; but I feel the same propensity when I am arguing a cause 
before a court and jury — although I see the track plainly before mc, yet, like 



472 LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 

an ill-disciiJlined race-horse, I am perpetually bolting or flying the way — and 
this, too, perhaps in the very crisis of the argument. After having laid my 
premises to advantage — often having gone through an elaborate deduction of 
principles — in the very instant when I am about to reap the fruit of my toil, by 
drawing my conclusion, and when everybody is on tiptoe expectation of it, 
some meteor springs up before me, and, in spite of me, I am ofl', like Commo- 
dore Trunnion's hunter, when the pack of hounds crossed him so unpropi- 
tiously, just as he was arriving at church to seize the hand of his anxious and 
expecting bride. I was in conversation the other day with a very intimate 
friend of mine on this subject, and was lamenting to him this laxity of intel- 
lect, which I was sure arose from the want of a well-directed education. He 
admitted that I had ascribed it to its proper cause, but doubted whether it 
ought to be lamented as a defect, suggesting that the man in whose imagina- 
tion these meteors were always shooting bid much fairer, both for fame and 
fortune, than the rigid logician, however close and cogent. In reply, it was 
but necessary for me to appeal to examj)les before our eyes to disprove his 
suggestion. One was Alexander Campbell, whose voice had all the softness 
and melody of the harp ; whose mind was at once an orchard and a flower 
garden, loaded with the best fruits and smiling in all the many-colored bloom 
of spring ; whose delivery, action, style and manner were perfectly Ciceronian, 
and who, with all these advantages, died by his own hand. ^ * * 
On the other hand: here is John Marshall, whose mind seems to bo little else 
than a mountain of barren and stupendous rocks — an inexhaustible quarry, 
from which he draws his materials and builds his fabrics, rude and Gothic, 
but of such strength that neither time nor force can beat them down — a fel- 
low who would not turn ofi" a single step from the right line of his argument 
though a Paradise should rise to tempt him ; who, it appears to me, if a 
flower were to spring in his mind, would strike it up with his spade as indig- 
nantly as a farmer would a noxious plant from his meadow ; yet who, all dry 
and rigid as he is, has acquired all the Avealth, fame and honor that a man 
need desire. There is no theorizing against facts : Marshall's certainly is the 
true road to solid and lasting reputation in courts of law. The habits of his 
mind are directly those which an accurate and familiar acquaintance with the 
mathematics generates. * * * * * * * 

I feel so sensibly my own deficiencies in this mathematical study, that, if 
Heaven spares my son and enables me to educate him, I will qualify him to 
be a professor in it, before he shall know v/hat poetry and rhetoric are. If 
he turns out to have fancy and imagination, he will then be in less danger of 
being run away with and unhorsed by them. If he is for the bar, I shall 
never cease to inculcate Marshall's method — being perfectly persuaded thatr 
for courts (and especially superior and appellate courts, where there are no 
juries), it is the only true method. It is true that, if I had my choice, I would 
much rather have my son, as to mind, a Mirabeau than a Marshall — if such a 
prodigy, as I have heard Mirabeau described by Mr. Jefl'erson, did ever really 
exist ; for he spoke of him as uniting two distinct and perfect characters in 
himself, whenever he pleased : the mere logician, with a mind apparently as 



LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 473 

sterile aud desolate as the sands of Arabia, but reasoning at such times with 
an Herculean force, which nothing could resist ; at other times bursting out 
with a Hood of eloquence more sublime than Milton ever imjiutcd to the 
cherubim and seraphim, aud bearing all before him. I can easily conceive 
that a man might have either of these characters in perfection, or some por- 
tion of each ; but that the same mind should \iuite them both, and each in 
perfection, appears to me, considering the strong contrast in their essence aud 
operation, to be indeed a prodigy. Yet I sujipose it is true, " for Brutus is an 
honorable man." * * * 4= * * * * 

No, my dear friend, I shall certainly never become famous by burning a 
temple or despising the religion of Christ, On these subjects, in the heat, 
vanity and ostentation of youth, I once thought and spoke, to my shame, too 
loosely. A series of rescues from the brink of ruin, to wdiich, whenever left 
to myself, I madly rushed, convinced me that there was an invisible, benevo- 
lent power, who was taking an interest in my preservation. I hope that in- 
gratitude is not one of my vices. The conviction which I have just mentioned 
no sooner struck my heart, than it was filled with a sentiment which, I hope, 
will save me from the fate of a Voltaire or a Domitian. 

The friendly hope which you express, that you will live to hear me toasted 
at every political dinner, for superior virtues and wisdom, is indeed very 
obliging, but very unfounded. You know how iJoor I have always been. 
The rocks and shoals of poverty and bankruptcy lie very near to the whirl- 
pool of dishonor and infamy. Among these rocks and shoals I have been 
tossing aud beating ever since I entered upon the world. The whirlpool I 
have escaped, and, thank Heaven, feel myself now out of danger ; but that 
horrible danger I shall never forget, nor shall I cease struggling till I place 
my children out of its reach. This cannot be done if I give myself up to 
politics. This latter might be the road to distinction, but not to indepen- 
dence, either for myself or my children. When I have j^laced my wife and 
children beyond the reach of this v/orld's cold and reluctant charity, unfeel- 
ing- insolence, or more insulting pity, then my country shall have all the little 
service which I am capable of rendering. But while I have opportunities of 
hearing, seeing and reading, and making comjoarisons between other men and 
myself, I cannot believe that the little all of my services will ever make a 
political toast. Nov, indeed, do I envy that distinction to any man ; for I 
remember how Miltiadcs, Aristides, Cicero, Demosthenes and many others 
were once idolized by their countrymen ; and I remember the disastrous 
proof which their examples afforded of the fickleness of popular favor, and 
the danger of aspiring to j)olitical distinctions even by the exercise of virtues. 
Yet I would not shrink from their fate, if my countrymen required the sacri- 
fice at my hands. All I mean to say is, that I shall never enter on the politi- 
cal highway in quest of happiness. Thank Heaven, I have it at home ! A 
wife, in whose praise, if I were to indulge it, my pen would grow as wanton 
as Juba's tongue in praise of his Marcia ; two cherub children ; a revenue 
which puts us quite at case in the article of living ; and tho respect and 

—60 . 



474 LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 

esteem of my acquaintances and, I may say, of Virginia. A man wlio has 
blessings like these in his possession -will not be very wise to jeopard them 
all by launching on the stormy Baltic of politics. 

Ever your friend and servant, 

WILLIAM WIKT. 
To Benjamin Edwakds, Esq. 



Annapolis, October 23, 1826. 
My Emr-dear Friend, and Benefactor : 

Ninian has been so kindly thoughtful as to scud me Cyrus' letter of the 
23d July last, from Elkton (Illinois), announcing the sad bereavement you 
have encountered. The letter found me, about ten days ago, at Washington, 
whither I had returned from a long excursion to the South--wcstern Springs 
of Virginia, for the benefit of my own health and that of one of my daugh- 
ters ; and it came to me at a time when I was most intensely engaged in pre- 
paring to meet a j^ublic engagement arising from the deaths of Mr. Jeftcrson 
and Mr. Adams. The shock which it gave me disarmed me for the day, and 
I would have poured out my heart to you at once, if my grief could have had 
any other effect than to increase your own. I reached this place about an hour 
ago, and although I have a cause now under argument in the Court of Ap- 
peals at this place, which demands my immediate attention, I cannot sit down 
to business until I have lightened my breast by giving you this evidence of 
my sympathy. Poor dear Mrs. Edwards ! it is now thirty-eight years since I 
first saw her at Mount Pleasant. I was, then, in my sixteenth year, a volatile 
and thoughtless young boy, looking on the world and life before mc, with all 
those brightning hopes and expectations of youth that painted it as a fairy 
scene whose pleasures would never end. I am now old aud gray, the illusion 
is long since over, and I have been taught, by mournful experience, to know 
the world as it is, a poor and miserable stage-^jlay, in which there is nothing 
of anv value but those pure attachments which bind us to one another and 
those which bind us to our God and Saviour. If this life were all, 4;he 
former, sweet and endearing as they arc, would be but poor things : they are 
"flowers of the forest" withered and gone very often before we have had time 
to know their value. I lost a dear boy, in his nineteenth year. Two years, 
this fall, he died far away from me, in France, where he had gone for his 
health. He was the pride and hope of my heart and family, and an object 
of admiration aud love to all who knew him. My dear friend, I cannot think 
of him, and never shall I be able to think of him, without tears. He was the 
third of my children I had lost ; the two former in the tender and attaching 
ao'e of infancy. But Robert was growing to be a man, and had displayed 
such a noble soul and mind, that I have said to myself a hundred times, if 
my dear old friend Mr. Edwards could but know this boy, what an augury 
would he not make for Mm, who made so bright a one on the inferior evidence 
presented by his father in the days of Ids youth ! Dear Mrs. Edwards too — 
how kind she always was to mc — how respectful and tender to a i)oor orjjhau 
boy, of obscure parentage, who had no other claims to her respect and tender- 



LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 475 

ness than those wliicli her own native kindness suggested ! How well do I 
rcmembez" her looks, her voice, her movements, her manners — the natural dig- 
nity, and excellent understanding, and unaffected warmth and tenderness of 
feeling, that reigned in her character and conduct — the pleasure and just 
pride with which she listened to your conversation, my dear friend, and en- 
joyed the admiration of the circle around you, of which I was one, and not 
less proud of you, myself, than if you had been my own father ! The family 
sitting-room at Mount Pleasant, the large and cheerful fireside, the lighted 
candles, the eloquent, varied and charming conversation, the fine healthy cir- 
cle of children, the laugh, the jest, Kelly, myself, how forcibly the whole 
scene stands revealed to me at this moment ! And yet it is near forty years 
ago. Where are they all '? Through what scenes have I, myself, since passed ? 
And all our neighbors, the Lanes, the Gassaways, the Catletts, only think of 
the desolation that has mowed them all down ! Wm. Smith and his family, 
old Mr. Turner and his, and old Mr. Orme and his, and the Perrys, all gone ! 
Have you not been rather favored, my dear friend, to have been so long 
blessed witli the society of your most excellent and beloved companion V 
Come whenever it might, the blow must, indeed, have been most deeply felt. 
But, considering the fate of your old neighbors, and the certainty of that fate 
to all, has not Heaven been kind and merciful in suspending it so long ? . You 
enjoyed her society for near fifty-four years. The poor orphan boy you pro- 
tected experienced the same bereavement before he was thirty years of age. 
And although your having lived so long together must have drawn the cords 
the closer and made it more agonizing to sever them, yet the separation must 
at last have come. Has it not been merciful in Heaven to have made it for 
so short a time as in the ordinary course of nature it must now be V for, ac- 
cording to the lot of humanity, it cannot be long before you will be united to 
part no more. Both believers in Christ, and as faithful followers of his as 
you could be, to what a speedy re-union may you not look in that world of 
bliss where you will know sorrow no more. Strange, when we reflect upon 
it, that we should mourn such a separation at all ! But our natural earthly 
aftections cannot be extinguished either by reason or even faith ; and that 
Being who knows our infirmities will not fail to look upon them with mercy 
and pardon. Mrs. Edwards' confidence in her interest in the Saviour, can 
leave no doubt of the haj^py change she has experienced, and it docs not be- 
come us to mourn as those who have no hope. * * * * * 

I dare say, you have long since marked me down as having lost the heart 
of friendship I have always i^rofessed for you. Indeed, my occupations, I 
know, have subjected me fairly to this suspicion. But you, who know me as 
well as I know myself, will believe me when I assure you tiiat I never tliink 
of you without tlie deepest feelings of reverence and gratitude ; and though 
I have not l)een able to write as often as formerly, I have never ceased to 
regard you with the love and veneration of an afi'ectiouate child. I can now 
only in'ay to Heaven to strengthen and support you, and to spare you for 
the sake of your dear family yet a few years longer ; feeling, on my own part, 
the most perfect assurance that deatli, come when it will, will open to you 



476 LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 

tlie gates of life and restore you to your partner in the bosom of your 
Saviour. May I not have a place in your prayers ? And will you not do mc 
the justice to regard mc as among the most affectionate of your cliildren ? 

WILLIAM WIRT. 
To Benjamin Edwards, Esq. 



POSTOFFICE DePAHTMENT, ^ 

Janitary 7, 1825. y 

Sir : 

Some complaints have reached me from Illinois that Mr. Mills does not run 

his stages on the main route to St. Louis, and also on the one by Vandalia, 
when the road will admit. On every stage route in the Union, the contractor 
is authorized, by special instructions, when the road is so bad as to render 
the running of stages impracticable, to convey the mail on horse, in a boat, 
or in any other manner which will protect it from the weather. The great 
object is to deliver the mail as regularly as possible at the jjoints designated, 
and where this cannot be done in stages, it is required to be done in some 
other manner. 

Mr. Mills has no exemption above any other contractor in the Union, but 
is required to fulfill his contract the same as every other contractor, and if he 
fail, he shall be punished to the extent of the powers vested in me. 

In no part of the Western country, I believe, has a stage been run regularly 
through the winter and spring, because it has been found impracticable to do 
so. But this license must not be abused. When the roads will admit of 
stages being run on all stage routes, they must be run, and a failure to do so 
will subject the contractor to a penalty and the censure of the Department. 
Knowing that you reside on the main route to St. Louis, from Louisville, and 
may have some knowledge of the manner in Avhich the mail is carried on the 
route through Vandalia, I will thank you, at any time, to advise me when 
Mr. Mills or any other contractor shall fail in the performance of his duty, as 
above defined. 

I have been induced to trouble you with this communication from the 
knowledge I have of your wish, in every particular, to promote the public 
interest. 



Gov. Edwards, Belleville, Illinois. 



JOHN McLean, 

Postmaster- General. 



Georgetown, A^n-il 35, 1S35. 



My Dear Sir : 

Having a few minutes leisure, I do not know how I can employ it more 
pleasantly to myself than by communicating to you the aspect of our political 
aftairs, for I am persuaded it will not be wholly uninteresting to you. I may 
have noticed some facts which have escaped your observation. 



LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 477 

Upon a full and impartial view, I think that the Administration has no 
ground to complain of the disposition which has been generally manifested 
towards it. There are but few persons, in my section of the country, who do 
not feel disposed to judge of it by its measures. This is all that any Admin- 
istration ought to ask or expect to receive. Indeed, I think, to a very great 
extent, a friendly feeling has been shown — at least so for as to judge most 
favorably of the acts of the Administration ; and it appears that a great 
majority of the public journals would rather praise than censure. It is not, 
however, to be concealed that there is a considerable party hostile to Mr 
Clay, and, on this account, will not be disposed to support with zeal the Ad- 
ministration. Of this you were fully aware before you left here. Circum- 
stances which have since transpired render certain that which was, a few 
weeks ago, founded jmrtly on conjecture. The " Eichmond Enquirer," as you 
may have observed, is in opposition ; and I think it will be found to speak 
the sentiments of a majority of the citizens of Virginia. In this, however, I 
may be mistaken. I judge principally from the great influence which that 
j)aper has had on the politics of Virginia, and of the avowed sentiments of 
several of the most distinguished men of the State. The late appointment of 
Mr. King will go very far to fix the position of Virginia on this subject. 
Perhaps no citizen could have been more objectionable to this State, for this 
mission, than Mr. King. The course he took on the Missouri question and 
the late proposition which he made in the Senate respecting Havery, have 
created a feeling that will not very soon be forgotten. But above all, the 
fact of Mr. King's having been at the head of the Federal party, and high in 
office and influence under the older Adams, form objections to the appoint- 
ment which Virginia can never surmount. You know on many topics our 
friends of Virginia are somewhat extravagant in their notions, and they have 
never been charged with moderation in politics. North Carolina, South Caro- 
lina, Georgia, and all the ground in the north-west covered by Gen. Jackson, 
will of course incline to oppose the Administration, so far as it may be consid- 
ered necessary to defeat the future prospects of Mr. Clay. Towards the 
President, it does not appear to me that much hostility is cherished, but he 
may be considered as having so intimately connected his fortunes with Mr. Clay, 
that the opposition mfiy be directed against them both. From the represen- 
tation in Maryland, I think the Administration may expect supjjort, and also 
from several of the members from most of the States I have referred to. 

Pennsylvania remains as she was — firmly opposed. New York may be con- 
sidered doubtful— probably a majority will be against the Administration . 
The appointment of Mr. King was not fortunate for the Administration in 
this State, though I have no doubt Mr. Clay, and perhaps Mr. Adams, believed 
it would give them much strength. Mr. King, you are aware, is very unpopu- 
lar with the dominant party in New York, and for some years has had no 
influence in that State with any party. The Cliutonian party and the Repub- 
licans, who have been opposed to Clinton, will cordially unite in opposition 
to this appointment. Mr. King is upwards of seventy years of age, and has 
failed, it is thought, very much, both physically and mentally. He is thouglit 



478 LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 

by some, rather to belong to the past than the present age, and that his views 
are greatly behind the advances of our country. I heard Webster observe » 
better than a year ago, that King had no idea that the country west of the 
Alleghany formed any part of the United States — that his views of policy 
and feelings were confined to the "old thirteen." There was much truth in the 
remark. Mr. King has always evinced a want of liberality to the West, 
and has appeared anxious to check its rapid growth. JMr. ]\Ionroe once re- 
marked to me that this disposition was evinced by Mr. King on almost 
every land bill that was discussed by the Senate, v This appointment will be 
well received in England ; but Mr. King will find that country, as well as 
this, vastly changed from what it w'as when he resided there, as a Minister 
from this Government. 

On the other side of the question, it may be said that Mr. King, from his 
public services and high cliaracter, will be thought in many parts of the 
Union a most fit representative of this country to the most important foreign 
court. In New England, this appointment seems to be pretty well received. 
But I am not mistaken in saying, that in New York it weakens instead of 
gives strength to the Administration. Mr. Clay out of the question, Mr. 
Adams would have experienced little or no ojipositiou in New York. 

You have probably noticed the great elTort that has been made 1jy IMr. 
Webster and others, at Boston, to get up a new amalgamation party. This 
scheme has succeeded partially in Massachusetts in their late elections, but it 
has failed in New Hampshire, and will not probal^ly generally succeed in 
New England. The object of this policy is very manifest. It is to destroy 
the Democratic or Republican party, by uniting it with the Federalists, who 
in a very short time would assume the entire direction of aflairs, and show 
the same intolerance that cost them the j)Ower many years since. Their prin- 
ciples are not changed, nor has any alteration taken place in their disposition. 

I have always believed that between Republicans and Federalists there 
was a radical difterence of principle; and that great injustice is done the 
former by awarding to each applause and censure alike. No one who observed 
the movements of the Federal party during the late war, will diifer with me 
in opinion on this subject. I confess, when I call into recollection the scenes 
which I then witnessed, that I can never repose entire confidence in many of 
the Federalists who were then the leaders of their party, liut now the strong 
advocates of amalgamation. Throughout the w^holc war, the most systematic 
opposition was given to every measure calculated to give energy to our mili- 
tary operations. I shall never forget the expression of one of their most d istin- 
guished leaders, nor the occasion which called it forth. The public credit was 
next to the lowest state of depression, and unless a resuscitation speedily took 
jilace, our armies must have left the field and our Government been driven to 
an inglorious peace. At this time, I heard Timothy Pickering say that he 
was more than anxious that public credit should not be revived. In this he 
was supported by all his party, Mr. AVcbster included. The cause had then 
become the cause of the country, whatever might have been thought of it at 
the previous stages ; and any man who would array himself against his coun- 



LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 479 

try, under such circumstances, must hold the triumph of a party more desira- 
ble than the triumph of his country. 

If the Federal party are willing to come over to the Rei^ublican party and 
occupy the same ground, I would most cheerfully receive thsm ; but it seems 
they always stipulate that the advantage of the union should result exclu- 
sively to themselves. "Where they have the majority, little is said of union, 
but when they are vastly in the minority, they are willing to unite, on con- 
dition that the offices shall be divided. I should rather see a union without 
such a stipulation and on Republican ground. In due time the meritorious 
would be confided in by the people. On amalgamation or any other prin- 
ciple, I view it as very objectionable, and hope that it may never take 
place. 

Mr. Clay is still here and most industriously engaged in making out 
instructions for our Ministers. His health has become much worse than it 
was, and, unless he shall regain his health, I doubt very much whether the 
labors of his office will not be more than he can bear. I have no doubt that 
he will fixithfully support Mr. Adams to the utmost of his power. In New 
England, the papers generally speak favorably of him. 

You have read Mr. Clay's address, and no doubt the various publications 
which have followed it. The address is very well written, and from the 
remarks in the journals, it seems to be well received by a great majority. 
Upon the whole, it may remove some of the prejudices existing against Mr. 
Clay. He has been very fortunate in not having it reviewed by any one 
having a decent pretension to talents — unless it be a short address from Mr. 
Ingham, which I have this day read. This, however, only refers to such parts 
as go to implicate him with Mr. Kremcr. Mr. Clay avowed his determina- 
tion, to Dr. Drake and others, before he left Kentucky last fall, to vote for 
Mr. Adams, and that under no circumstances would he vctte for Gcu. Jackson. 
How then could he, in January, deliberate on the subject, and make up his 
opinion, as represented, from facts which were not known to exist, when his 
determination was expressed in Kentucky, etc., etc. 

I have already said more than I intended, and will conclude this topic l»y 
saying that I have never doubted that injustice was done to Mr. Clay in many 
of the charges made against him. 

Calhoun has gone to the South. I have not heard from him since his 
departure. 

Mrs. McLean desires her rcsjiccts to Mrs. Cook. Present my respects to 
Mrs. C. 

Sincerely your friend, 

JOHN McLean. 

To Gov. Edwards. 



•180 LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 

Washington, March 24, 1836. 
Dear Sir : 

For your friendly letter, wliich has been long since received and should 
have been long since answered, I thank you. My apology for this seeming 
inattention is found in the labors of my office, which rccjuire my utmost exer- 
tions both night and day. In the approbation which is kindly given by the 
public, I find an ample compensation for my toils, and encouragement to 
persevere. 

I have pleasure in informing you that I have made an arrangement for the 
mail, two trips weekly, in the stage between Louisville and St. Louis. Five 
days is the time fixed for each trip. The principal stage will run on the 
direct road from Vincennes to St. Louis, but the stage will be continued by 
the way of Vandalia and Edwardsvillc, as at present. 

This increased accommodation, with what may be given by adding to the 
speed of the conveyance of the mail by way of Shawncetown, so as to make 
it correspond in time Avith the conveyance by the way of Vincennes, and give 
a third trip weekly between Louisville and St. Louis. I hope to satisfy pub- 
lic expectation on this subject. 

I regret to see so much party feeling at this early stage of the present Ad- 
ministration, Both sides may have committed blunders, and time Avill deter- 
mine what will be the effect of the course taken during the present session of 
Congress. Every judicious man, I should think, will admit that a change of 
the Chief Magistrate every four years, upon party ground, resulting from per- 
sonal preferences, or important difterences in iDolicy, must essentially retard 
the rising prosperity of the country. Strange combinations may grow out of 
the present contest. I should rejoice most to see each party emulous in ad- 
vancing the general interest. 

From the certainty of your success in the approaching election I derive sin- 
cere pleasure. It will be a triumjDh to yourself and your friends. I believe 
almost all of that virulence of feeling which was so generally evinced by 
the caucus party against you, has disappeared, and to a considerable extent 
has been succeeded by feelings of a very diflerent nature. Mr. Crawford will 
never be again presented on the political arena. His friends will generally 
support Gen. Jackson. 

I presume Mr. Cook gives you all that is of any interest, which you do not 
receive in the public papers. He stands well with all parties, and is not ex- 
celled in weight of character, talents and iufiueucc, by any member from the 
West. 

With sincere regard. 

Your friend, 

JOHN McLEAN. 

To Hon. Ninian Edwakds. 



LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 481 

Washington, Nov. 1, 1826. 
Dear Sir : 

An unusual press of official duties has prevented my answering your letter 
of the 17tli of Sej^tember until now. The contents of this letter produced 
no small degree of surprise and regret, and had it not been for the strong as- 
surances of the most friendly motives, at the conclusion, it would have been 
impossible for me to view it in any other light than an attack upon my offi- 
cial integrity. The intimation that Mr. Cook might think it due to himself 
and his friends to make a thorough investigation of the subject referred to, 
which could be done in no other way than by a call in Congress, and of such 
a nature as to imjjeach my integrity, lilled me with astonishment. I cannot 
suppose that Mr. Cook has thought of such a course; for admitting that the 

api^ointment of was incorrect, could he believe that, in making it, I 

had acted corruptly, or was influenced by hostility to him ? If I believed it 
possible for him to form such an estimate of me, I should not care how soon 
the investigation was commenced. But it is imj)0ssible — he neither doul^ts 
my integrity nor friendship. For his success I felt a stronger interest, in the 
late election, than for the success of any other individual, not excei:)tiug my 
own brother. In fact, my feelings towards him ever since our acquaintance 
have been of the warmest kind, and every word that I have ever sjjoken re- 
specting him has evinced it. 

Your letter was the first intimation I had of being hostile either to 

him or yourself. I believed him to be friendly. ' If you will read with atten- 
tion the publication of , which you inclosed, you will find, or I am 

greatly mistaken, that he does not refer to my act of re-appointing him as a 
mode of reversing the decisions of courts and juries, but to jnillie oiiinion. ■ 

You have been too long conversant with the proceedings of courts not to 
know that they may sometimes err in their decision, and that juries are often 
led into error by the malice or mistake of witnes.ses. The innocent have often 
been convicted of the highest offenses ; and it is presumed that this may hap- 
pen so long as imperfection ])elongs to human nature. If one individual may 
be innocently convicted of an ofi'euse, may he not look to jmiUc opinion for 
justice? Is it criminal or even objectionable in him to refer to this tribunal, 

as the last resort. The appeal of does not, it appears to me, place me 

in collision with the court and jury who tried his case. He refers to public 
opinion as sustaining him, and exhibits the evidence of being elected to the 
important office of yherilT, by the unanimous snftrage of his county. This 
office is one of high trust, and in the discharge of its important duties great 
integrity is required. In ordinary cases, I submit to you, whether an appeal 
like this would not be considered conclusive of a man's standing and charac- 
ter. You will observe that I speak of any case presenting the same facts, 
without referring to the circumstances detailed in your letter. 

I have never seen, as you suppose, the indictment against , but un- 
derstand that it charged him with detaining a letter, for which the statute 
sulyects him to a penalty. You will observe, however, that a removal from 
office forms no part of this penalty. This is a matter to be determined by the 
discretion of the Postmaster-General. How, then, could I have been brought 
— Gl 



482 LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 

into collision with tlic court aud jury had I not removed ? Might not 

a case exist where, on an indictment for the mere detention of a letter, a post- 
master might be convicted, and after the trial it would be in his powxr to 
convince, by indubitable testimony, every impartial man of his innocence? 
And in such a case, would the court and jury, who tried and convicted him, 
be censurable ; or would I cast an implied censure on them by appointing 
such an individual to an inconsiderable postoffice ? 

I have known members of the bench indicted for larceny, and in one in- 
stance for forgery. The evidence of innocence was complete, and yet no one 
ever thought of censuring the grand jury for finding the bills of indict- 
ment. I take it for granted, therefore, that you can entertain no feeling on 
this subject from the circumstance of your having been a member of the grand 
jury who found the indictment against . 

It does not follow that a postmaster must be removed. But this is a charge 
which may be made against any postmaster in the Union, and has been made 
against hundreds of them ; and if full credit had been given to the statements 
of malicious persons, without explanation from any quarter, many of the most 
estimable citizens in the community would have been removed from office in 
disgrace. 

I know of very few large offices in the Union against which such charges 
have not been made within three years jDast ; and these charges have often 
been supported by one or'more affidavits. On investigating them I have 
sometimes found that letters were actually in the office which were not found 
on the first examination by the postmaster, and after an inquiry, where lie 
undertook to answer in the negative, from memory, without making an ex- 
amination. In some of these cases I have found grounds for censure, and in 
such instances I have never withheld what appeared to be merited. 

On a late occasion the Postmaster at New York informed me, in the most 
positive manner, that a certain letter was not in his office. This assurance 
was given in a second answer to me, and the fact stated of several examina- 
tions of the office having been made for the letter to no effect. After a lapse 
of some weeks the identical letter was found in the office, it having been 
placed among the letters to be advertised. This letter contained money to a 
considerable amount. Now you can at once see that a malicious witness might 
make a strong case against the postmaster out of the above facts ; and as the 
letter contained money, the motive, in the estimation of such a witness, would 
be clear. I have, for years, daily investigated charges against postmasters ; 
and I am ignorant of having been once charged with exercising too much 
lenity. But I have found that no officers of the Government were so liable 
to be assailed as postmasters, and that the greatest caution was necessary to 
prevent their becoming the victims of malicious individuals. 

An instance lately occurred in Connecticut, where an assistant postmaster 
was indicted in the Circuit Court of the United States, for breaking open a 
letter. This, you will observe, is a much more serious ollense than the one 
charged against . The traverse jury found this person guilty, at.tlie 



LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 483 

court wlicrc Judge Thompson presided, and the judgment was arrested for a 
defect in the indictment. 

In tills case the defendant was a person of respectability, and he sustained 
little or no injury from the prosecution. The suffrages of his fellow-citizens 
were conferred upon him at one or two popular elections, and the highest 
confidence was felt by the community In his integrity. I was requested to 
appoint him Postmaster by the united recommendation of the Connecticut 
delegation, and by many of the most respectable citizens of the town in 
which he lived. I should unquestionably have appointed him if I could have 
done so without doing injustice to the incumbent by removing him; and 
whenever a vacancy in the town may occur, I shall give him the appointment. 
When the indictment was found, I dismissed him from the office, as was done 

in the case of , after his conviction. In the case alluded to, a letter, 

which proved to be, I think, a lottery circular, directed to the postoffice, was 
oijencd by the accused ; and the malicious prosecutor contrived to state a 
great many circumstances of concealment, etc., which aggravated the offense. 
These, after the trial, were well understood, and by the public j^roperly ap- 
preciated. 

This case is referred to for the purpose of showing that the finding of a 
grand jury and a conviction by a petit jury do not always seal the doom of 
the accused ; that ijublic opinion, to which Mr. refers, in some possi- 
ble cases, may so sustain an individual as to place him on higher ground than 
he before occupied, notwithstanding his accusers, by malice and falsehood, 
have, through the legal forms of the law, gained a triumph over him. 

I argue from cases that may occur, without meaning to give any opinion as 

to the proceeding against . This case I wish to present to your mind 

as it was presented to mine when I made the appointment. 

It is true, I knew had been convicted of detaining a letter ; but I 

had before me a letter from the Attorney-General of your State, and one from 
your Lieutenant-Governor, which speak on the subject in no equivocal lan- 
guage. Of these gentlemen I knew nothing personally, but from the offices 
they held I was bound to respect their representations — at least so far as re- 
garded Mr. 's standing and character. I had also a letter on the same 

subject from a postmaster of respectable standing. In addition to these, the 

fact of being Sheriff of the county, and possessing in a high degree 

the confidence of its citizens, was not to be lightly regarded. The petition 
of about ninety persons, expressing, in his integrity, the highest confidence, 
and strongly urging his re-appointment, was before me. From all these evi- 
dences I could not doubt that he possessed the confidence of his fellow-citi- 
zens in a high degree, and that his re-appointment would receive the united 
approbation of all who were directly interested in the office. Indeed, it ai> 
peared to me that a proper regard to public sentiment required his re-appoint- 
ment. At the time, there was nothing in the office against him, except the 
late prosecution and some remarks made by the late Postmaster referring to 
the difficulty he experienced in obtaining from the assistant of the 



484 LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 

property belonging to the office. This, however, had been satisfactorily ex- 
plained. 

I knew uoLliing of the extensive combination of which you si)eak ; nothing 
of the military disgrace which you refer to. All these things have been since 
disclosed to me. You have now the jjrincipal facts before you on which I 
acted. Judge the case on the facts presented. If you would have acted dif- 
ferently from what I did, I doubt whether you could find stronger reasons for 
doing so than those that may be assigned in justification of the re-appoint- 
ment. 

seems never to have been Postmaster, as you have heard, in Massa- 
chusetts. I have applied to the War Department for the fiicts respecting the 
manner of his leaving the army. Had he, however, been cashiered, it was 
unknown to me, as it was, also, of his having once been Postmaster, if such 
had been the fact. 

I do not believe that you and I will difl'cr Avidely in this matter — it would 
be strange indeed, after looking back to past scenes, if avc should. 

In all my official conduct, I disdain any other motive than that of a con- 
scientious discharge of my duty — with an eye single to the public welfare. I 
mistake myself if this is not the case. 

Had your letter been received before I re-appointed , I should, as 1 

have always done, have appointed the person you named. Had Mr. Cook 
named a person, he should have been appointed. This has been done, I be- 
lieve, without a single exception. I felt sincere regret that I had made the 
appointment before the reception of your letter; but it was then too late, and 
I did not think it necessary to express my regret in my answer to you. I 
name this fact, from the disappointment which this answer seems to have 
given you. 

For your success in the late election, although your competitor was an old, 
and, I believe, a sincere friend of mine, I felt a deep interest. It has been 
often referred to by me as a triumphant refutation of the scandal which had 
been so extensively circulated against you. 

As Mr. Cook will soon be here, I shall take no step in the case of , 

until his arrival. If he be disposed, I will have a full and free consultation 

with him on the subject. 

With great regard, yours, 

JOHN McLEAN. 
To His Excellency Nini^vn Edwards. 

p. s. — Since writing the above I have received a communication from the 

War Department, from which it appears that was not tried by a court 

martial and dismissed from the service, as has been alleged against him.— 
J. McL. 



LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 485 

Wasuington, Novenibcr 17, 1826. 
Dear Sir : 

I have just received your letter respecting the irregularity of tlic mail. At 
this I am astonished and have directed a rigid investigation, and shall not 
spare delinquents. 

The paragraph inclosed is ungenerous to Mr. Cook ; as to myself, there is 
no man in the "West whose wishes I have more pleasure in gratifying. I have 
given him everything he has asked, so far as I now remember, and shall con- 
tinue to do so, if consistent with the public interest. "When he arrives, I 
will consult him as to giving you a more satisfactory recommendation. 

Your friend, 

JOHN McLean. 

Gov. EuwAKDS, Belleville, Illinois. 



"Washington, Jaiiiuirij 11, 1827. 
My Bear Sir : 

You have mistaken my disposition. A friend cannot talk too plainly, and 
I esteem him the more for his frankness. It is true your iirst letter, respect- 
ing the appointment, led me to conclude that you was displeased at not hav- 
ing the person named by you appointed, when I thought I had informed you 
that, had your letter been received in time, it would have been done, etc. ; 
but, all this aside, I have no doubt of your friendly feeling, 

Mr. Cook's name is before the President for Minister to Columbia ; it was 
placed there by me before the commencement of the session. If the Presi- 
dent does not appoint him, he will forfeit all the claims of friendship and 
gratitude. I fear Clay is ojiposcd to the appointment, and, if so, it will not 
be made. This is only conjecture on my part. I think that Clay could not 
object to the appointment on the ground of Mr. Cook's vote. So far as I 
have been informed, no appointment could be made, in the same quarter, 
more acceptable to the friends of Gen. Jackson. I have heard many of them 
express great kindness for Mr. Cook, and some of them have expressed a 
strong wish for his success. His health would be benefited by a journey to 
the South. This is a consideration which ought to have weight with the 
President, when everything else is favorable. 

Your friend, 

JOHN McLEAN. 
Gov. N. Edwards, "Vandalia, Illinois. 



"Washington, MarcJi 19, 1827. 
Dear Sir : 

A few days since, Mr. Cook left us for Baltimore, with the intention of 
sailing thence to Havana. He goes there as a secret agent of the Govern- 
ment, and is charged with very important duties. The compensation is 
$4,500 a year, exclusive of his traveling expenses. 



486 LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 

The duties -vvliich devolved upon Mr. Cook, as Cliairmau of tiie Committee 
of Ways and Means, after McLane "was excused from serving on tlie committee, 
were very arduous. The hxbors were more than his health could bear, inde- 
pendently of the long confinement, every day, to the unwholesome atmosphere 
of the hall, lie, however, continued to exert himself until his physical i)ow- 
crs gave way, and he was consequently confined for some weeks, the greater 
part of the time to his room. We were favored with his company, as one of 
the family, shortly after he became unwell, and I hope contributed, in some 
degree, to his comfort and restoration. The business in which he is now en- 
gaged is of great importance to the country, and I strongly advised him to 
go immediately to Cuba, as did also his j^hysician, on account of his health. 
Wc entertain a sanguine expectation that this voyage, and a short residence 
at Havana, will give him better health than he has enjoyed for years. At the 
same time he will perform public duties important to the country. He will 
only remain on the island a few weeks, and will then return to Illinois and 
take Mrs. Cook with him to spend the next winter at Havana. I am sure you 
will apijrove of this arrangement ; and although the disappointment to Mrs. 
Cook may be great, at his not returning immediately, yet, on reflection, I trust 
she will be reconciled and see that it is best. I do not think there is any- 
thing in Mr. Cook's health that should excite, in her, alarm ; and I shall be 
greatly disapi)ointed if she does not meet with him in August next, or per- 
hajjs in July, in better health than she has seen him for years. He left us 
in fine spirits, and, in a letter he wrote to me from Baltimore, states that he 
stood the ride well, and being disappointed in finding a vessel at that place, 
he was going to Philadelphia. Judge Barton goes with him to Havana, and 
will return with him to the United States. He has an excellent servant, and, 
I think, will be as pleasantly situated as could be expected, in the absence of 
his family. All things considered, I am much pleased at this agency being 
given to him. He i-etircs from the political contest that now rages, and, 
standing well with both parties, will be nhlc, in a short time, again to enter 
into political life with great advantage to his country and to himself. 

It is, of course, unnecessary to suggest that this mission should remain a 

secret, as its great object may be defeated, if it were made public. 

Your friend, 

JOHN McLEAN. 
Gov. Edwards, Vandalia, Illinois. 



WASniNCiTON, Ifny 10, 1827. 
Dear Sir : 

Should a vacancy of Postmaster take place at Carlyle, I have directed the 
person named by you to be appointed. Mr. Clcmpson has been informed 
that the contract for the route he refers to cannot be made, until after public 
notice shall be given ; that this with other routes would shortly be adver- 
tised, and that he might bid for a stage with a prospect of success. 



LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 487 

I shall certainly take great j)leasure ia gratifying your wishes iu regard to 
tlie iiublic accommodation, on this route, that may be necessary, and shall be 
particularly gratified if the bid of Mr. Clempson shall enable me to give him 
the contract. As I feel myself bound to make the contract with the lowest 

responsible bidder, it would be well for Mr. to oifer to transport the 

mail in a two-horse stage on the route, as low as it can be done ; and, at the 
same time, he might bid for a horse transportation on the same route — so that, 
if he should fail in one, he might have a chance of success on the other bid. 

I have not heard from Mr. Cook since he left New York. 

Your friend, 

JOHN McLean. 

Gov. Edwakds, Carlyle, Illinois. 



Washington, November 1, 1827. 
My Dear Sir : 

I have just heard the melancholy intelligence of the death of Mr. Cook. 
This event is not the less lamented because it was expected. I had cherished 
a hope, from some recent account, that the waters in Kentucky might restore 
him to a moderate degree of health, which would enable him to take another 
southern voyage, which might be the means of restoring him ; but we must 
])ow with submission to this afflictive dispensation of Providence. All my 
family are distressed at his loss, and deeply sympathize with his disconsolate 
partner. Iler sorrows will be mitigated by the soothing advice and protec- 
tion of her parents. I fear your State cannot supply his place, by a man 
equally useful and respected, in public life. His race was short, but it has 
been honorable to himself and useful to his country. No man in Congress, 
from the West, had a higher standing or could exercise a more extensive 
influence. 

I hope that my late mail arrangements in Illinois have been such as to meet 
your wishes. 

Your sincere friend, 

JOHN McLEAN. 
Gov. Edwakds, Belleville, Illinois. 



Washington, January 7, 18ol. 
My Dear Sir : 

Your favor of the 14th ult. was received yesterday, and I take great pleas- 
ure in informing you that your friend, McKee, has l)cen reappointed to the 
ofllcc he now holds. 

The political horizon at this i^lacc is overcast. To the man who loves his 
country, there is no pleasing prospect for the future. I cannot state what I 
see, much less what I fear. I will, however, continue to hope, even against 
hope. A more imi^ortaut crisis than the present has not occurred in the an- 
nals of our Government. Parties are arrayed against each other, in conflict, 
on questions of national policy ; and unless there be magnanimity and forbear- 



488 LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 

ance on both sides, there is ground to fear that the contest may end in the 
dissolution of the Union. If this shall take place, there is no hope for free 
government. 

The truth is, selfish considerations have too much influence in our public 
measures. The afliairs of the Government should be managed for the benefit 
of the stockholders, and not the directors. If the patronage of the Govern 
ment shall be considered as the private property of him who may happen to 
possess the power, and it be used to advance his views, or any other selfish 
end, to the neglect of the public service, it will not be long before the moral 
force of our institutions will be destroyed, and after that they will not be 
worth preserving. 

Mankind can only be governed by moral or physical force. The latter is 
incompatible with free government. I wish to see the public mind tranquil- 
ized by acts of moderation and patriotism on all sides. Our Government was 
formed on the principles of compromise, and it can only be successfully ad- 
ministered by a constant reference to the foundation on which it rests. If 
such a policy be opposed to the course of the heated partisan, it will advance 
the vital interests of the country. The Government was established for the 
people, and the ofliccrs of the Government should never forget that they are 
the equals of the people. But I need not theorize upon these sujyects. They 
have, no doubt, occupied much of your reflection. 

With great respect. 

Truly yours, 

JOHN McLean. 

Gov. Edwakds, Belleville, Illinois. 



Wak Department, July ", 1831. 
Dear Sir : 

1 have received your favor of the 22d IMay, and as the reason assigned suf- 
ficiently explains the non-attendance of Mr. Whiteside at West Point, he will 
be allowed till the first of September to report himself there — beyond which 
period, under the regulations, he cannot be admitted, at least this year. 

Should you desire it, your son may be admitted next spring ; but if you 
will permit me to offer you an opinion, I would advise you against his admit- 
tance under sixteen years of age, and before he is thoroughly grounded in 
his English and classical education. With such a i^reparatiou, I consider the 
education at the Military Academy the best which our country aflbrds. 

I offer you the most sincere congratulations on the liappy connection Avhich 
your daughter has formed. For Mr. Cook I have a most genuine rcsjject, 
both for his character and talent ; and you have, I think, every reason to hope 
that the connection will prove propitious. I have read his circular with 
pleasure. Its independence and sound sense do him much honor. He has 
adopted the proper mode to build up a lasting pojmlarity. 

You do not write to me with more familiarity than what is perfectly acccjDt- 
ablc. Thinking, as I do, of the justness of your views and your experience 



LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 489 

of men and things, your opinion will always be acceptable. I know of but 
few who judge of life as it really is, so much as yourself; who sec it divested 
of those thousand circumstances which the art and intent of many endeavor 
to throw about it. 

I cannot but think that the movement to hold up the Vice-President, from 
the quarter to which you refer, is a feint. It may be adopted, but it will be 
in the last resort, and in despair of anything else. The real object, I should 
suppose, is founded on a belief that he cannot succeed, and the hope, when it 
becomes apparent, that he and his friends will support them who apparently 
were so well disposed to support him. As to myself my course is clear. I 
think I may say, without the imputation of vanity, that I am much more 
attached to principle than promotion. The result of this temper is, not to 
be unduly solicitous about my own advancement, and to form no connection 
but to advance what I deem the solid and lasting interest of our country. As 
to the next Presidential election, I have formed no connection with auy one, 
and my ultimate course will be governed by the principle which I have 

stated. 

With sincere respect and esteem, 

I am, etc., 

J. C. CALHOUN. 
IIoN-NiNiAN Edwards, EdwardsviUe, Illinois. 



WAsniNOTON, June 13, 1833. 
My Dear Sir : 

I have received your favor of the 33d May, with its inclosure for Mr. Ing- 
ham, to which I gave the directions you required. 

The information which you communicate as to public sentiment, is very 
agreeable, and accords with that which I have received from others from the 

West. Mr. C d, it seems to me, has now but a single circumstance to 

hang his hope on : the giving over the Bucktails of New York to his interest. 
To effect this, his friends in that State are making great efforts to prove that 
he is more purely of the Jefferson school of politics than any other candidate. 
If Van Bureu can see his way clearly, either as to him or Clay, he will doubt- 
less come out on that side, which may do much mischief in that State. I 
think Noah gives some indications on that side, but I am told his standing 
with the i^arty in the city is sucli as to make it critical for him to make a 
bold stand. The information from the State is, that her course is not yet 
taken, but that at present my hold on the public sentiment is much the 
strongest, particularly out of the city. I understand that Yates, who will be 
Governor, has expressed himself favorably. It is quite probable that the 
State will not take any decided stand for anyone, but that she will ultimately 
unite with Pennsylvania in her course. Great changes are taking place in 
IVIassachusctts, whicb will terminate in the entire prostration of the Federal 
interest in that State, in all probability. A middle interest has grown up. 
The fruits already are a Republican speaker and a partial Republican repre- 

—62 



490 LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 

scntation from Boston, itself. This change must have, in New England, a 
very considerable bearing on the Presidential election. It will give to that 
section more weight, which I should suppose would be, in the first instance, 
in favoring Mr. Adams ; and if he cannot be elected, in my favor. Mr. Craw- 
ford, or Clay, I suppose, have very little hold on the j)ublic sentiment in that 
portion of the Union. 

From South Carolina the information is favorable. Mr. L.'s friends have 
not yet yielded all hopes, but they arc willing to pledge themselves in fovor 
of a candidate from the State. Hayne, the Attorney-General, and one of the 
first men in the State, will oppose Smith, and, it is said, will doubtless be 
elected. This is a great point. The election for Senators, which will take 
place before the 6th of March next, is of the utmost importance. Most of the 
vacancies will occur in the South and West. Poindexter, I understand, will 
oppose Williams of Mississippi. What is Thomas' prospect ? Will you leave 
him out? Though he is a man of moderate talents, yet much depends on his 
being left out. 

The radical paper in this place continues its attacks on me with great vio- 
lence. It is doubtless under the influence of Mr. Crawford, who, I perceive, 
gives it the treasury advertisements, though its circulation is so limited. It 
is perhaps as well that they should spend their ammunition at long shot. The 
necessity of a paper here, however, becomes more apparent, even from their 
feeble attacks. The establishment of an able and active paper in the city is 
almost everything, in fact, in the coming contest. Col J^IcKinney, who is a 
very honest and honorable man, has proposed to establish such an one. He 
informs me that he has associated with him a first rate writer, and that he 
will be devoted to the cause of the Administration. I send you several copies 
of his prospectus, which you will perceive is written with spirit. I believe 
nothing but a respectable list of subscribers is wanting to put a powerful 
engine in action. In this you can do much in the West, particularly in your 
State, Kentucky and Missouri. The arrangement ought to be so made, that 
whatever subscribers are obtained may be returned in due time. 

Our friend, Mr. McDufiie, will meet, in all probability, Col. Cumming, on 
the 7th inst., between Augusta and Savannah, on the Carolina side of the 
river. God grant that he may be safe ! I have, however, a strange fore- 
boding, which I put to the account of great solicitude for him. We will hear 
the result in three days at the farthest. 

I am glad to hear that Col. McKee remains sound. Spain declines running 
the line for the present, of which he has been apprized, with the strongest 
assurance that the President will be glad of any opportunity of promoting 
his wishes. 

I will be anxious to hear from you after your arrival at home. Much will' 
depend on the West. 

The Ministers to our Southern ncghbors will not, in all probability, be 
selected till the meeting of Congress. I am decidedly of the opinion that 



LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 491 

one ought to be from the West, aucl that you ought to be the man. I will 
act accordiugly. 

My best respects to Mr. Cook ; and believe me to be, 

Yours, truly, 

J. C. CALHOUN. 

Hon. NiNiAN Edwakds, Edwardsvillc, Illinois. 



War Department, August 20, 1822. 
My Dear Sir : 

Since I wrote to you last, your several communications of the 13th June, 
and nth, 14th and 27th of July, have been received. I take much interest in 
Mr. Cook's election, and shall wait with great impatience to leara the result. 
He is honest, capable and bold— just such a man as the times require ; his 
absence from Congress would be a serious loss. 

Since the return of the President to the city, I have urged on his attention 
the subject of making ai^pointments to the offices to which you referred, and 
brought before him the names which you mentioned. He took the names 
down, and informed me that so seon as he had finished the investigation of 
the proceedings ©f the court-martial in the case of Lieut. Abbott, which he 
was then investigating, he Avould attend to the subject, and requested me so 
to inform you. I do trust that he begins to feel the necessity of taking a 
decided stand. I agree with you that it is much easier to put down the 
opposition, where its existence is once acknowledged, than to prove, to the 
satisfaction of the people, its existence. Until the President shall uniformly 
make the distinction between friends and foes, in his appointments, this can- 
not be done. If he will not sec the opposition as it is, or if he did not, the 
country will be incredulous as to its existence. These ideas I have urged on 
him. That he fully comprehends the opposition I cannot doubt, and do 
hope he will act in such a manner as to leave no doubt, on the minds of the 
people, that he knows what is the continual state of things. For myself, I 
care less for my own prospects than I do for the welfare of the Administra- 
tion. Identified, as I am, with it, approving its policy, I shall use every eftbrt 
to maintain it in the good opinion of the people. The new paper here, if 
supported by a decided course on the part of the President, will aid much 
in bringing out the epposition. You will see that its tone is decisive, and 
that it knows what it is about. • 

Since the adjournment, no great change has occurred on this side of the 
mountains. Pennsylvania is firm. The symptoms in Maryland, Delaware 
New Jersey, Connecticut, and the New England States, generally appear 
favorable. In Virginia and North Carolina, they are also fully as much so 
as at the adjournment. The same cannot be said of New York ; Van Beuren, 

for the present, has taken his stand in favor of Mr. C d, as being the most 

suitable to his purpose of opposing the Administration. The "Advocate," 
which is under his influence, has made a demonstration the same way. He 
has not openly taken his grounds, but leaves no doubt as to his course. It is, 



492 LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 

liowcver, the opinion of Noali (I have it from a letter of his to a particular 

friend of his) that neither Mr. C d or myself Avill be elected, but that 

some tliird person, whom he does not name, will be. With this impression 
his zeal will not be great, and he will take care, at least for the present, not 
to commit himself too fully to prevent him from going back. 

It seems, by the x^apers, that Tennessee has put Gen. Jackson in nomina- 
tion. VVliat will be the effect of this step, particularly in the West V It is 
certainly adverse to Mr. Clay ; but how will it affect others ? We now exhibit 
the extraordinary fact of live persons from the slaveholding States being 
before the people for the highest office in their gift, and but one from the 
nou-slavcholdiiig States. This gives Mr. Adams great advantages, if he knew 
how to imjjrove them. 

It is strange, after the appointment of Tliomas, that Mr. C d should 

have appointed Lourie's brother to inspect the land offices. lie wants dis- 
cretion ill an extraordinary degreee, and ought to be made to feel the effects 
of it in this case. I am told he has conferred an appointment on anothef 
brother of Lourie. If any evidence could be had of Thomas having elec- 
tionered for him, while engaged in making his inspection last year, it would 
have a strong effect on the public mind. His intrigue and managemeit would 
make his election dangerous to the country. The appointments to South 
America will not be made, uuless something should occur, till after the next 
meetiug of Congress. On many accounts it would be imprudent to make 
them now. 

I am much gratified with your statement as to the public feelings in the 
West in relation to the subject of lead mines. You have seen the course 
adopted by the Department, and I hope it is such as to meet your approba- 
tion. That Benton has been counteracted I attribute wholly to you, who, 
alone, fully understood the subject in the Senate, and had the energy to meet 
it boldly. Benton had been long in maturing his plan of attack, and no 
doubt anticipated much success from it against the Administration. 

Your friend, Fisher, of North Carolina, I sec is elected a nieniber of the 
State Legislature. I mention the ftict so that you might avail yourself of it, 
in your correspondence with him. North Carolina will doubtless become the 
scene of much political intrigue, on the part of Mr. C d and his friends. 

It is, as yet, unoccupied ground. 

Yours, truly, 

^ J. C. CALHOUN. 

To Hon. Ninian Edwards, Edwardsville, Illinois. 



War Departmekt, Oct. 5, 1833. 
Dear Sir : 

I have, since my last to you, received your several favors from the 3d Au- 
gust to the 14th September, and I am very happy to learn, from the last, that 
your health, which had been bad, has improved. I hope by your next to hear 
of its entire restoration. 

The President left this city for Albemarle, a few days since, and will prob- 
ably be absent till the 20th of this month. I forwarded your letter to him 



LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 493 

on the day which I received it. He has not yet made the appointments, which 
I sui)poso he has communicated to you, as he informed mc that he would write 
to you on the subject. Had returns of the survey been made, the ajopoint- 
ments would doubtless have been made also ; none, however, have been re- 
ceived, and I believe no reason has been assigned for the delay. Without the 
official returns, the President felt a delicacy in acting. 

That he has taken his stand to support his administration I cannot doubt. 
It is high time that he should. If longer delayed, the worst of consequences 
must result. With firmness, his administration must terminate in a manner 
honorable to himself and fortunate for the country ; without it, the very re- 
verse must follow. 

The "Republican" has already aflccted a prodigious change. The nduiinis- 

tratioii is no longer assailed by the pajjcrs which suj^port Mr. C d. This 

they dare not do, while he remains a vionibcro^ the administration. His pre- 
sent attempt is to attribute the disposition to those who espouse the opposition, 
and not to him and his friends, who have been the authors of it. A few ar- 
ticles in the Western papers, anticipating this course and showing its futility, 
would be o£ much service. 

Things have reached, or will at least, at the next session, reach, a crisis. 
This, then, is an important moment. No one can have a greater influence or 
render to the country more important service than yourself. The struggle is 
between cunning and wisdom — political virtue and vice. The opposition to 
the Administration is unprincipled, and its overthrow by such an opposition 
would give a fatal example. Much will depend on the course pursued by the 
States, and they again will be much under the influence of the messages of 
the respective Governors. You know Adair, McNair and several others, and 
have it, I suppose, in your power to give a right direction to their messages. 
If no more can be done, it would be a great point for them to come out in 
favor of the Administration, but still more to notice the opposition to it. In 
fact, I think it would be decisive. If you correspond with Jackson, mlich of 
the same kind might be done through him. In the South it can be easily at- 
tended to. 

Cook's election has afforded much gratification. He not only has talents, 
but is bold and resolute. The reelection of Thomas would have a very bad 
effect. You must run but one, and if necessary you ought to come to an un- 
derstanding. As connected with this subject, I hope the return of the survey 
may be received in time to make the appointments before it is too late to have 
the proper effect. The President directed their return forthwith. I do not in 
the least doubt that he will select the very respectable gentlemen whom you 
recommended. 

You must take care of your health. It is valuable not only to yourself and 
family, but to the country. To give a right direction at this moment to our 
politics, is of the highest importance to the lasting interest of the republic 
Almost as much depends on it as on the late war. 

Yours truly, 

J. C. CALHOUN. 

To Hon. Ninian Edwards, Edwardsyille, Illinois. 



494 LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 

Washington, May 21, 1823. 

My Dear Sir : 

I have been prevented from acknowledging your letter of tlie IGth April as 
early as I expected, by various causes — among wliicU is an indisposition, from 
■vvliicli I am just recovering. You write in a spirit of frankness which is very 
gratifying. I have no doubt that Mr. Adams has advanced much in popular- 
ity, within the last few months, and that he is particularly strong ; still he 
has great difficulties to encounter, which time only can determine whether he 
can surmount. . As to myself, I do not suppose that, at this moment, I am as 
strong as Mr. Adams; still, should the latter not take New York or Virgi- 
nia, it would be more difficult to elect him than myself. The position which 
I occupy in Pennsylvania is in many resjiects more favorable than that which 
he does in New England, which, with the fact that there are fewer objections 
against mo than him, may not improbably give me a final advantage. 

As to Mr. C d, he visibly declines. North Carolina, it is generally 

thought, is against him; he is doubtful in Virginia; and it is thought that 
he has but a slight chance of taking New York. His party is in a clear mi- 
nority of the Republicans in the city, and, as the opposite side is now organ- 
ized, it is expected that it will extend its influence rapidly over the State, 
things being ripe for change. Mr. Clay gains nothing on this side, and is 
now but little spoken of. He is not strong in a single Atlantic State. 

* * * * * * I iiave often conversed with the President 
in relation to you, and he has ever spoken as your friend. I have every 
reason to believe that he intends to give due proof of it before the expiration 
of his term. I suggested your name for Mexico, not knowing whether you 
would approve of it or not. Believing that you possess qualities which arc 
well calculated to advance the interest and honor of the country in a foreign 
mission, I would be highly gratified if the most important of all the appoint- 
ments of that kind, connected with this continent, should be conferred on you. 
I must, at the same time, express my belief that few men are more important, 
at this moment, as connected with our domestic politics ; few are so well ac- 
quainted with the actual state of things, with the character, the means and 
vicAvs of that faction which has reared its head among us — or with the means 
of resisting it with effect. I do trust that, if not otherwise engaged in the 
public service, you will by all means be in your place at the next session. Wc 
must remember that the faction has directed its efforts to carry that body, 
mainly, and that in it is the principal seat of its power. The standing or 
prospect of every public man must in a great degree depend on the issue of 
the struggle ; and none more than yourself. 

With sincere regard, 

.J. C. CALHOUN. 

To Hon. Ninian Edwakds, Edwardsville, Hlinois. 



LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 495 

Washington, July 20, 1823. 
My Dear Sir : 

I fear that your indisposition has continued, or that your letters miscarry. 
I have heard from you but once since you left the city, and that while you 
were on your way home. Placing, as I do, the highest confidence in your 
judgment and friendship, your letters are read with peculiar gratification, and 
I never fail to acknowledge them as early as circumstances will permit. 

Events are progressing steadily in the course which all anticipated when 
you left the city. The Radical cause, with its head, is daily declining. I 

consider it as certain that Mr. C d is now in a minority in every State — 

Georgia and perhaps Virginia, excej)ted. He does not stand, in New York, 
higher than third best. The "Advocate" has been discarded by the Repub- 
lican party, and a new and able paper, the "Patriot," adopted in its place. It 

is decidedly hostile to C d. In North Carolina the change has gone on 

steadily in my favor, and I am now decidedly ahead in that State. I hold it 
certain that our side must prevail ; but whether it will be under myself, may 
be more doubtful. That, I think, will depend on New York ; should she de- 
clare for cither Adams or myself, the election will be decided by the people 
without going to the House of Representatives. 

You see there is a new Postmaster-General. I hope the appointment will 
give satisfaction. I did not fail to bring up your name for consideration ; 
and though, as between you and Judge McLean, I could take no active part 
— believing you both to be highly qualified — I would certainly have been not 
less gratified with your appointment than his. I believe that the scale was 
l^rincipally turned by the apprehension that the precarious state of your 
health might prevent you from bestowing that incessant labor and attention 
which the extensive duties and the greatly disordered state of the Bepart- 
ment render indispensable. It was in arrear $40,000 the last quarter, with a 
prospect of a heavy deficit in the third and fourth quarters. 

You may be assured there is no one whose advancement would give me 

more sincere pleasure than yourself. I believe there is no one whose zeal and 

abilities give a stronger claim on the Administration. 

With sincere regard, 

J. C. CALHOUN. 
To Hon. Ninian Edwakds, Edwardsville, Illinois. 



Washington, September 23, 1823. 
3ry Bear Sir : 

I have been much pleased with Gen. Green. He is intelligent and decisive, 

and must, in time, become important in the West. I have conversed with 

him freely, and he can give you full information of the state of things in this 

quarter. Great changes have taken place. I now consider my prospect at 

least equal in New York ; in fact, I feel confident it is much the best. In 

Pennsylvania, I hold my own ; Jackson and myself divide the State. In New 

Jersey, I am at least as strong as Adams ; there is no other interest there. 



496 LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 

In New England, a strange state of things exists ; though Adams is the 
strongest, there is a strong feeling that his position is not a firm one. North 
Carolina has began the contest at last. Of twelve papers in that State, six 

are for me ; two for C d ; one for Adams, but preferring me to C d ; 

another for him, but not decided between C d and myself; another 

against C d, but not decided between A and myself; and another 

not yet out. My friends all say that I will certainly take the State. 

I hope that you will not think of retiring. Your efibrts in the present 
crisis are of the greatest importance. Few men can have greater influence 
over the destiny of the country than yourself, at this time. Your capacity, 
intelligence and firmuess are all important. 

With sincere respect, 

I am, etc., etc., 

J. C. CALHOUN. 

To Hon. Ninian Edwakds, Edwardsville, Illinois. 



Washington, February 15, 1831. 
Dear Sir : 

I inclose a copy of the correspondence between Gen. Jackson and myself, 
which has been the subject of so much speculation of late. The publication 
became indispensable in self-defense. 

You will see that the whole affair was got uj) for my political destruction, 
and that an individual who has heretofore been so much misunderstood by 
the i^eople (I mean Mr. Crawford), makes a capital but certainly not a very 
enviable figure in the plot. The publication places his character in its true 
light, and he is abandoned here even by his former friends and supporters. 

It is really surprising that Gen. Jackson should have surrendered himself 
so entirely to those who were formerly his most bitter enemies. By what art 
it has been effected, the correspondence will in part cxj^lain ; but to unfold it 
fully woidd require a volume. It remains to be seen whether the force of 
public indignation will not open his eyes to his thraldom. 

As to myself, I may say, with truth, that I never stood stronger. The cor- 
respondence is considered by all sides a complete vindication. 

I have received the letters, which you addressed to me, and an^ under obli- 
gations to you for your friendly feelings towards me. I did not answer them, 
because things were so situated that I could say nothing satisfactory. There 
is one point in your correspondence which I must, in duty to a friend, notice. 
I do not think you do justice to Mr. Ingham. I believe I may say that, had 
he had his own way, things would not have gone, on all points, in the same 
direction in his Department. 

With great respect, 

I am, etc., etc., 

J. C. CALHOUN. 

To Hon. N. Edwabds, Belleville, Illinois. 



LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWAEDS. 497 

[Note.— The letters and papers in my possession give the following facts in regard to the oc- 
cupation of Pensacola and St. Marks, from which it will he seen that Gen. Jackson had no just 
ground for being dissatisfied with Mr. Calhoun: 

When Mr. Monroe called a Cabinet council to determine on the answer to be given to the 
Spanish Minister, in reply to his complaint of the occupation of Pensacola and St. Marks, Mr. 
Calhoun, being Secretary of War, was of the opinion that his orders did not authorize the occu- 
pation of those posts; that instructions to seize them would be an act of war, which the Secre- 
tary of War had no right to make ; and in this opinion the Cabinet, with the exception of Mr. 
Adams, were unanimous. The next proposition was, how far was Gen. Jackson justifiable iu 
taking those posts ? Upon this point Mr. Calhoun was of opinion that the propriety of the con- 
duct of the Commander-in-Chief, depending upon contingencies happening upon the spot, that 
Gen. Jackson, In the field, might do what he, as Secretary of War, had no right to order him to 
do, and that, as an act of justice to Gen. Jackson, a court of inquiry would afford him (Gen. 
Jackson) the means of placing the facts of the case in an official shape before the Cabinet, and 
thus enable the Administration to give a proper answer to the Spanish Minister. Upon this 
point Mr. Monroe suggested that there were considerations, growing out of the existing rela- 
tions between the United States and Spain, which might make it proper to sustain Gen. Jack- 
son without a court of Inquiry ; and after mature deliberation, whichlasted three days, the entire 
Cabinet, consisting of Sir. Crawford, Mr. Wirt, Mr. Adams and Mr. Calhoun (Mr. Crowninshleld 
being absent), concurred. During the discussion of the Seminole question in Congress, in 
1819, Gen. Jackson having expressed his determination to go to the House of Representatives, 
"threatening to cut ofi" the ears of some of the members," in a general consultation among his 
friends, Gov. Edwards having expressed his opinion that there was no one whose friends could, 
in a proper manner, use greater freedom thaia could Gen. Jackson's with him, was unanimously 
selected to communicate to him the views and wishes of his friends on the subject of his deter- 
mination. The result showed that Gov. Edwards properly appreciated Gen. Jackson's charac- 
ter N. W. Edwaeds.] 



New Hope, August 20, 1833. 
Bear Si7- : 

It is long siuce I iutcuded to have written to you, but have Avanted some 
special impulse, and things have been approaching so gradually to the point 
you so much desire, that there was no more motive for writing on any one 
day than on the preceding, and hence the delay. I have seen intelligent men 
from various parts of this State, from New Jersey and from New York, and 
have had an extensive correspondence in some of the other States. Nothing 
can be more clearly ascertained than that Mr. Crawford is completely jDros- 
trate. He has been on an inclined plane for some time, but has been descend- 
ing with an accelerated velocity every moment, siuce he received the propel- 
ling stroke from "A. B." Van Buren, who had taken his cue from the Treas- 
ury, instead of watching public opinion, came out the moment, he got 
home in the spring ; but his own paper at Albany, and Noah's, are the only 
ones he has yet got out in New York. Root and Yates incline v/ith him, but 
they are extremely cautious how they commit themselves. Latterly, however, 
all the papers that have been tinged with radicalism seems to have lost sight 
of Mr. Crawford, and affect to regard the salvation of the Republican party 
as their only wish — and, with tliis view, throw themselves on a caucus. They 

have been lead to believe that Mr. C d would have a majority there; and 

here rests their hope. The only misfortune resulting from this is, that they 
prevent that free discussion which would otherwise take place. My opinion 
is that we ought to meet them in caucus, and show to the nation that he can- 
—63 



498 LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 

not succeed there. None would be nominated, I grant ; but better so tliim 
leave them iu possession of the caucus and perhaps one-half of the Rejiubli- 
can party to rally upon, which, with the aid of Mr. Clay, in the West, would 
soon form a new coalition that would be troublesome hereafter. I hear that 
about ten of the New York delegation Avill be oj^posed to Crawford, in caucus ; 
others uncertain. In New -Jersey he will get but one, and iu Pennsylvania 
noue ; Maryland three or four ; in Ohio I can hear of none ; in all .New 
Enghiud not one, if we have a vivct, voce vote, which ought to be a sine qua 
noil. What ciui we liave to fear, theu, of putting them down iu caucus ? 
They have been driven from all their Democratic pretensions, and now rely 
upou tills usage aloiae to sustain them. iShall we beat them, as heretofore, by 
pre-occupying their ground, or leave it to them to rally upon? You will have 
seen the result of the Pittsburg meeting, where Mr. C d was induced to be- 
lieve he had a hold : not even a frieud to receive him. Tliis has given them 
a sore stroke, and not less so to Mr. Clay, who had hopes there. I should not 
be much surprised if Jackson^were to supersede C — y in the West, to a great 
extent. Here he is not much talked about, as their own enemies pretend to 
push Mr. Gregg along on his back. We have no doubt of carrying our Gov- 
ernor. Every thing, in that respect, looks well, and will give a strong ground 
to rally upou. 

Yours, respectfully, 

S. D. INGHAM. 
To Hon. Nikian Edwahds, Edwardsville, Illinois. 

P. S.-^Mrs. Ingham joins iu her respects to you. She will scarcely he in 
Washington this lointcr. Let me hear from you. Ought not the caucus meet- 
ing (which I liaA^e no doubt will break uj) without a nomination) be held 
early in the session, to give the papers more time afterwards ? — S. D. I. 



New Hope, June 5, 1824. 
Dear Sir : 

I liave just now heard of your expected arrival at Washington. I do not 
suppose that any hint from me would add to your stock of intellectual powder 
in the present crisis. You will of course send a replication, and as the com- 
mittee have adopted all of Mr. Crawford's excuses but one, viz : that deficiency 
upon his definition of cash — you will 'have an opportunity of rebutting the 
conmiittee's reasoning under the cover of a replication to Mr. Crawford. Do 
not forget that you are'writing for the popular eye and ear, which requires 
things to be made plain. By picking the committee thus covertly, they will 

be thrown upon their own defense. W is understood, but I much mistake 

if he believes iu the estimate of Mr. Crawford's management by a percentage. 
They have made a sad blunder ; the loss, instead of being estimated on eight 
years' receipts, as I suppose it is, viz : three years after these losses have ac- 
crued, and two years before they commenced — ought to have been estimated 
on three or at most four years' receipts, and then for public lands with a small 
amount of internal tax. But, again, these losses are upon moneys actually 



LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 499 

paid, and have accrued by reason of the credit extended to banks. If we 
make an estimate upon tlie debt accrued in the same time, or for any portion of 
it before 1831, we shall find that the whole was sponged to avoid loss to the 
Government and ruin to the debtors. Let your reply be mild, and forbear to 
draw any conclusions as to motives ; and wage a defensive war by an offensive 
ojjsration. 

A committee who could excuse the receipt of the uucurreut notes from the 

Missouri Bank, as has been done, you may rest assured will acquit Mr. C d 

of any motive that is improper. 

, Your reply will be read by everybody. You cannot, therefore, take too 

much pains. If Cook is at W , tell him to write me. Also a line from 

you will l^e useful. 

Yours, truly, 

S. D. INGHAM. 
To Hex. N. Edwards, Washington. 

P. S. — I have written Taylor to give him my opinion of the report. Tlic 
quo aninio is too apparent. The more I examine it, the less I think of the 
author. Things plain are obscured with much address to screen even the 
blunder of the Secretary. Among the members it was considered as a decla- 
ration oi jy'^ccavit and a studied eftbrt to excuse him. 

Do not fail to inquire, in your reply, how the Tennessee notes were ciiMliod? 
viz : in payment of pensions ! ! — S. D. I. 



New Hope, Jintc 8, 1824. 
Dear Cook : 

I have this moment received your favor of the 3d, and liasten to comply 
with your request — but with all the disadvantage of not having Mr. Craw- 
ford's answer, as to the Mitchell case, before me. I failed to bring the 
printed report of the committee, and our papers have not republished the 
documents which accompanied the report. In such case, and for other good 
reasons, I shall not attempt to suggest a formal answer to the Secretary on 

the M 1 case, but, as you have suggested it, I will endeavor to suggest 

the points which appear to me most material to be presented. 

I think Gov. E. has acted wisely in declaring his determination not to be 
drawn into an accusation of Mr. Crawford. In this he ought to persevere, 
and place himself strongly on the voluntary and gratuitous character of Sir. 
C d's attacks upon him — uncalled for by circumstances and more especi- 
ally uncalled by the resolution. The greatest difficulty in maintaining this 

position will be found in the ]\Iitchell case. As he has charged Mr. C d 

with a desire to "screen his friend," if I recollect the memorial (I have it 
not before me) upon this point, he may rest upon the j)^'ol>aUe cauno for the 
imputation, which will be found in an editorial answer to this cliarge which 
was published in the "City Gazette," in (I think) June last, where the reason 

given for withholding the document was that Mitchell was Jlr. C d'g 

friend, and as there was a disposition to ]jersecute him by others, he (Mr. 
C d) would not aid them by sending the document. I ]:)elievc tlie "City 



500 LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 

Gazette" article was republished in extenso in the " Washington Republican" 
last summer, with comments. The character of the "City Gazette," its rela- 
tion to Mr. C d, and every thing, gives the defense a stamp of authority 

Avhich would justify any one in supposing that it had his sanction. T© sup- 
l)ose that he would permit such a defense to pass unnoticed, from a press so 
devoted to his interests, would be to impute to him a pretense of double-deal- 
ing more discreditable to him than the motive alleged in the "Gazette," viz : 
that of screening Ms friend — having laid the foundation for a j)robable ground 
for the imputation in that publication under his eye, etc. You have his ad- 
mission that Mitchell was his intimate frieyid, with whom he was in the habit 
of private correspondence — which being notorious, left no other explanation 

so natural of Mr. C d's motive for withholding the document ; because, 

without the benefit of the Secretary's declaration that the omission was truly 
accidental, it could scarcely have been believed, after so serious a charge had 
been made against so intimate a friend, and a call from the House of Repre- 
sentatives for all the information relating to it had been made, that the Sec- 
retary could have forgotten that he had received the document withheld ; 
and unless he had forgotten it, there was no way of accounting for his omis- 
sion to inform the House, in his report, that there were other important and ma- 
terial documents which were mislaid. After placing these facts in strong 
colors, to justify the prolable ground for the belief that the suppression of 
these documents could have been for no other purpose than to screen his 
friend, I would concede to his declaration all the verity which the high re- 
sponsibility of the Secretary, etc., etc., ought to demand. This position 
would iDrobably acquire additional strength by adverting to another defense 
of the Secretary, which appeared in the " National Intelligencer" last winter, 
which wholly omits to mention the accidental cause of the suppression. The 
two grounds of defense are, that Mitchell's letters were private and that Mc- 
intosh's was substantially communicated. I have not the jDapers before me, 
and can, therefore, only advert generally, but I think it would be well to 
make extracts from both articles and incorporate them into the answer. You 
will perceive that I suppose you to understand the facts in the case. I there- 
fore confine my remarks to such matters as are suggested by reflection on the 

fiicts. Mr. C d's labors to show that he could not have had any view to 

screening his friend, because the letter withheld was calculated to exculpate 
him — the use made of this letter by the Attorney-General— will destroy such a 
probability. It (the letter of 25th Dec.) constitutes the main ground on 
which lie convicts Mitchell. But it will be impossible to put the public fully 
in possession of this subject, without a development of the Cabinet measures 
in relation to it. 

I have understood, from various quarters, from desultory conversations on 
this subject, that Mr. Crawford submitted certain documents relating to 
Mitchell to the Attorney-General, before the call of Congress ; that the Attor- 
ney-General advised a prosecution of Mitchell, which was never done. Next 
came the call of Congress. Soon after it was answered. Gov. Clark made 
formal charges against Mitchell. These were referred to the Attorney-Gen- 



LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 501 

eral, who recommended that the whole papers be sent to Congress in answer 
to the call. This matter was considered in Cabinet council, and it was deter- 
mined inexpedient to send the papers ; but the whole subject was referred to 

the Attorney-General, who reported at large against M 1, whereupon he 

was removed by the President. This proceeding was therefore indei^endent 
of the call of Congress, and the document sent by Gov. Clark not embraced 
within it. 

The documents withheld are two letters of Mitchell's, dated 25th Dec, 
1817, and 3d Feb., 1818 (both of which are noticed in the Attorney-General's 
report as letters not Itefore Mm — that of the 35th Dec. "misplaced"); another 
letter from JMcIutosh, the Collector, with an inclosure from Mcintosh, the 
Surveyor. These directly charged Mitchell, while the Utters sent did not. 

Mr. C d says they were private letters from Mitchell. This is not the 

fact. Their contents import them to be public ; and as the correspondence 
related to Treasury duties, and jDart of it was from a Treasury officer — the 
Collector at Darien — it was proper for the public files of the DejJartment. 
All these matters may be introduced into the answer or replication, by way 
of showing that the defense made in the "National Intelligencer," during 
the last winter, which I have adverted to, did not explain the true reason for 
withholding the documents, which had been before given in the " City Ga- 
zette," or at least the most probable and consistent reason — the accidental 
misplacing of the documents not having been noticed in either of those 
defenses, nor anywhere else in public, though public attention was often 
called to the fact, or the suppression could not have been thought of by Gov. 
E., nor the extreme forgetfulness of the Secretary, when he answered the call, 
to which alone can now be attributed his failure to inform Congress of the 
existence of the misplaced documents. Gov. E., I think, may now rest him- 
self very strongly upon the charge of forgetfulness. The case is nearly as 
strong a one as that- which occurred some years ago, of a woman who was 
moving to the "Western country with her family, and having stopped at a 
tavern, started again, leaving a sucking child asleep, wholly forgotten, till the 
wagons had passed a mile on the road and the landlord had overtaken her ! 

It appears to me there will be no difficulty in disposing of this matter, by 
establishing the xiroMUe cause as to the desire to screen his friend, and thus 
to place him in a most awkward and weak position, resting wholly for an ex- 
cuse upon the most extraordinary and incredible forgetfulness ; which excuse 
will have l>cen rendered all but contemptible by the argument maintaining 
the prolcible cause. 

I have written in such haste and so desultory, relying upon your seeing 
through the same medium that I do, that I fear I may not be understood. To 
prevent this, I should remark that the character of the reply should be made 
defensive, on this point, as well as the others, which is done by substituting 
C d's own defense in the " City Gazette," for the charge of improper mo- 
tive, contained in the memorial ; by resisting the ground of defense taken in 
the " National Intelligencer," as highly improbable, because it admits the ex- 
istence of documents of which the Secretary gave no notice in his answer to 
tile call of the House ; which failure was wholly inexplicable, without tho 



502 LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 

knowledge of the accidental loss of the documents, and the supposition that 
their existence was wholly forgotten by the Secretary at the time he made his 
report to the House. It appears to me, that as a main object is to make the 
original position strong, the reply should rest upon facts within the knowl- 
edge of Gov. E. when he wrote the address ; and subsequent matter, devel- 
oped in Mr. C.'s answer, or the documents, or the reasoning of the committee 
used for illustration, or combatted (without being referred to) by arguments 
founded on facts previously known. 

I do not perceive the least objection to using the newspaper articles I have 
mentioned in the way proj)osed. It was held, in Pennsylvania, in a case of 
impeachment, that an anonymous newspaper article was good ground to in- 
stitute an official inquiry into the conduct of a public officer. 

I must close, as the mail will not serve me again for two days, and if this 
can be of any use you must have it soon. 

The documents in M I's case, are the report of the Attorney-General, the 

resolutions and answer. Then see Gov. Clark's correspondence with Mcin- 
tosh, Mitchell's defense in pamphlet, two articles in the "W Reimblican," 

early in February last. 

Give my best respects to the Governor, to which add those of Mrs. Ing- 
ham, and 

Believe me, 

Sincerely yours, 

S. D. INGHAM. 
To Daniel P. Cook. 



New Hope, July 8, 1834. 
My Dear Sir : 

I duly received your letter. Its advent had been somewhat anticipated, 
but was not on that account neglected. 

"When we consider that the committee had puljlishcd their ©ijinion of Mr. 
Crawford's conduct, I cannot but think the last report a triumijli for you, not 
only over Mr. C — — d, but the committee. The latter are in a most awkward 
predicament; they have admitted too many facts to justify their conclusion 
as to the general correctness of his fiscal management, whicli, by the size, is too 
qualified a commendation to do him any good. The loans to the District banks 
seem to be understood everywhere — they are too plain to be mystified by any 
cunning, after the acknowledged illegaliiy and dangerous tendency of the 
measure. 

I would have written to you sooner, but did not know that you remained 
at Washington. I left my documents with Mr. Cook, who had forgotten to 
forward them. I have not the Secretary's report and documents, nor your 
memorial, nor the report of the committee ; if they are left with you, be so 
good as to have them forwarded. 

I was pleased with the scrutinyof Reddick, by Cook; but he ought to have 
asked him whether several of the banks whose bills were transferred under 



LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 503 

the negotiation of March 2d, 1830, did not stop payment after the 9th of Au- 
gust, 1819, and before the 3d of March, 1820. His answer clearly shows that 
the dejjosits were not specific, according to any definition of that word given 
by any witness ; they were, of course, general, i. c. cash. Such was the in- 
tention of the contract, no doubt ; but if it were not, what sort of contract 
was it V Was it prudent and safe for the United States ? Was it lawful to 
allow a bank, or any body, to use public uiouey for one or two years, or a sin- 
gle day, and return it in depreciated notes 'i 

The committee say there is no evidence that Mr. Crawford knew of the 
payment of the Tennessee notes to pensioners — the committee are very prompt 
in deciding points upon absent testimony. There is, however, a letter, among 
the correspondence last published, from Mr. Crawford to the cashier of one 
of the Tennessee banks, written after that bank had stopped, in which he pro- 
poses to him to disburse the notes about to be transferred from Missouri 
(March 3, 1830) as heretofore ; referring to a jirevious letter by date, which 
directs the disbursement to 2K)uioncrs. Mr. Cook was aware of this letter. I 
called his attention to it. 

I feel anxious to see your reply. I cannot understand your motive for re- 
signing. I fear it will give your enemies some advantage, unless the investi- 
gation is progressing before another tribunal which will do you more ample 
justice ; but in that case, would you not have stood as well without resigning y 
But as I do not understand, I cannot judge. 

Let me hear from you. There is no danger but the public will do you 

justice. 

Respectfully, yours, 

S. D. INGHAM. 
To Hon. Ninian Edwaiids, Washington. 



New Hope, Jicli/ 30, 1824. 
3Iy Bear Sir : 

I duly recoived your favor of the 16th, and the same mail brought the rc- 
j)ort of the committee, and documents, which is the first view I have had of 
your whole defense. Upon all the charges and specifications, you have made 
out your case completely. * * * =!= =h * * h= 

I would not dwell on Noble's testimony. Those who believe him will con- 
sider it no unusual finesse among politicians, and it will have much less effect 
than you suppose. You have already given it the proper answer — " Let the 
charge be made and you will meet it ;" but do not avoid meeting them on the 
matters which concern Mr. Crawford most vitally. I think Mr. Webster 
must have winced under your exposition of his report on the uncurrent notes. 
I am not sure you have done right by resigning. * * :i: ^^ 

So far as the testimony has been published, where I have been, the current 
is most decidedly against the Secretary, and especially on account of his loan 
to the District banks. Had it been published a little sooner, and more gene- 
rally, our Fourth of July toasts would have been full of it. I shall do what I 



504 LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 

can to have your defense published, and will give a summary of the case for 
our country papers, as soon as I can get my documents. Cook has not sent 
them, and I have written to Mr. Clark for a set entire of this good and able 
report. 

If you do not go West, you ought to go North — as far as Saratoga. It 
would have a good cflect. 

Very respectfully, yours, 

S. D. INGHAM. 
To Hon. Ninian Edwards, Shepardstown, Virginia. 



UONALDSOISVILLE, LOUISIANA, AlKJ. 10, 1823. 

My Dear Sir : 

In consequence of my ajjscucc from this place, during the greater part of 
tlie summer, your letter of the 10th of May did not reach mc until yesterday. 

:i; * t- =1: * * * :1: «t * 

The Presidential election does not excite much interest in this State, as 
yet, but the public sentiment seems to be in favor of Clay and Adams, and 
I think that one of them will receive the vote of the State ; and it is most 
probable that Adams will be supported by the State of Mississippi. Entre 
nous. Our friend Calhoun cannot succeed at the next election. Since Adams' 
contest with Russell I have considered Calhoun's chance as hopeless. He has 
as many personal friends and is as much admired as either of the candidates, 
but being a young man, he was not generally thought of for the Presidency. 
With sincere regard and esteem, I am, sir, 

Your friend and obedient servant, 

II. JOHNSON. 
To Hon. Ninian Edwakds, United States Senate, Washington. 



Near Huntsville, Madison County, ) 
Alabama, August 8, 1834. \ 

Dear Sir : 

I received your favor, dated 18th ulto., by last mail, since which time I 
have not had a personal interview with Judge Kelly, and probably may not 
shortly, as he is frequently absent on professional business. I would suggest 
the propriety of your addressing him on the subject to which you refer. 
Nothing of a similar nature ever astonished me more than the general char- 
acter of the testimony given before the committee by Gen. Noble, and particu- 
larly that part of it which has relation to the authorship of the "xV. B." 
publications, not only because I know that among the members of Congress 
it was generally if not universally understood and believed that you were the 
author, but because I had some conversation with Gen. Noble, pending your 
nomination, in relation to this subject, in which a reference having been 
made to the authorship as forming some objection to the confirmation of your 
nomination by some of the friends of Mr, Crawford, I am clearly and deci- 



LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 505 

dedly of opinion that, on this occasion, I was authorized, from the general 
tenor of Mr, Noble's remarks, to infer that whether you were the author or 
not would haye or had produced no influence on his mind ; that he thought 
you were capable, and, although he was friendly to Mr. Crawford, he would 
still support your nomination — intimating, at the same time, that the Presi- 
dent might have made a more judicious selection, as he had also done in refe- 
rence to his nomination of Mr. Southard for the Navy Department. As 
respects the conversation of which he speaks as having occurred between you 
and himself at his room, I can only say that, as to the time he came to board 
with Mrs. Queen, I think it was about the 30th of February, and a few days 
after your nomination to the Senate, and while you were very much indis- 
I)osed and confined to your bed. As to your indisj)osition when he came, for 
some time before and afterwards, I know I cannot be mistaken, because I was 
in the habit of calling to see you every night and morning. It is also per- 
fectly in my recollection that the day on the evening of which I informed 
you Gen. Noble had moved to take up your nomination, I had been informed 
you had experienced a severe shake of the ague, and at the time I gave 
you this information you were confined to your bed, and appeared much 
exhausted, and continued confined and much weakened and debilitated, I 
think, for six or eight days, and perhaps more. 

If the publicity of any circumstance within my recollection, relative to this 
transaction, may be thought necessary, to do justice to an individual whom 
an unprincipled set of politicians have oppressed and persecuted, and whose 
crime has been his conviction, conscientiously formed, that Wm. H. Crawford, 
a political apostate, was unworthy the confidence of the people of the United 
States, I can have no objection. 

The information I gave as coming from Gen. Noble, relative to his having 
moved the consideration of your nomination, as it may involve a breach of 
confidence implied only from the nature of the transaction, I would, unless 
very essential, except. 

And as I was also in the habit of conversing with Judge Kelly on the same 
subject, it may have been from him I received it. 

With sincere regard and esteem. 

Very respectfully. 

Your obedient servant, 

GABRIEL MOORE. 

To Ho^. NiNIAN EUWAKDS. 



Near Huntsville, Madison County, \ 
Alabama, October 10, 1835. ^ 
Dear Friend : 

I have received your favor dated ISth June. Judge Kelly was, at the 
time of its reception, absent — having taken a trip on professional business to 
Mobile. On his return, I addressed him on the subject of your communica- 
tion, and took the liberty to inclose your letter, and his reply I herewith 

—61 



506 LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS, 

inclose you. His recollection on the subject referred to seems not as distinct 
as I had presumed it would have been. 

I am much gratified to hear of the favorable prospect of your restoration to 
health ; and let me assure you it will at all times give me great pleasure to 
hear of your prosperity and welfare. My hearty prayers have been with you 
in all difficulty and persecution, and I still hope to see you prosper, and to 
know the decline and decay of the standing of your enemies, which has been 
so unworthily obtained. 

I can give you nothing of a political character, from this quarter, which 
would be interesting. The Alabamiaus and, I believe, the Tennesseans also, 
at this time, have it strongly in contemi^lation to make a hard struggle to 
sujjplant Mr. Adams witli "Old Hickory" at the exi^iration of the first term. 
His Administration, in this section of the country, has become extremely 
unpopular recently. The appointment of Mr. King and the unmerited treat- 
ment of Porter have been the principal grounds upon which the enemies of 
Mr. Adams have acquired much strength and exercised much influence. A 
few more similar events will settle the point with Mr. Adams in the South. 

My recent election, although more warmly contested than heretofore, was 
more honorable. My opponent, Judge Clay, was not only highly respectable, 
but it was given up, upon all hands, he was the strongest man the opposition 
could select. My majority was respectable in every county in the district. 
In Madison, where we both reside, my majority was 975 ; in Jackson, where 
1,517 were taken, I received 1,325; the aggregate majority, 3,611. My ene- 
mies, as usual, left nothing which was unmanly undone ; resorted to' certifi- 
cates of some poor, servile, unprincipled Crawfordites, as to my general stand- 
ing, etc. At the city it was also stated that Floyd treated me with indignity 
and this passed unresented, etc., etc. But tlie result has mortified some silk 
and purple gentry beyond conception. 

You will please tender my respects to Mr. Cook, and believe mc to be. 
With sincere respect, 

Your friend and obedient servant, 

GABRIEL MOORE. 

Gov. N. Edwards, Belleville, Illinois. 



WAsniNGTON City, A2n-il 14, 1828. 
My Bear Sir : 

Your favor, dated 12th ulto., has been duly received. I Jiave inquired of 
my colleagues and some other gentlemen from the South for Dr. Bowers, but 
have heard nothing of him with certainty. Mr. Owen thinks a gentleman of 
this name and character was in the southern part of Alabama about eighteen 
months since, but is of the opinion that he has removed, and he is not informed 
to what quarter. 

The papers will give you all the interesting political intelligence of the 
day. The tariff bill, as is now generally believed, will finally succeed. Some 
increase of duty has been added to wool and woolens, and five cents upon 



LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 507 

cotton baggiug added ; wliicli vary the bill from tlie original shape in which 
it was first presented, and this is the only material alteration. 

As you very correctly imagine, much is said and done here, both in and out 
of the two branches of the National Legislature, with a view to produce 
effect upon tlie pending Presidential election. The friends of Gen. Jackson 
consider now that the result is almost inevitably decreed in their favor. I 
am greatly inclined to this opinion myself from all we learn from other quar- 
ters. I may be, however, as I have no doubt others are, too sanguine. We 
frequently have different opinions as to the result in your State, Missouri and 
Indiana. As you have opportunity for forming a pretty correct opinion of the 
j)robable result in these States, I would be glad if you would give me your 
views on the subject. If you think proper to require it, I will consider them 
as confidential. 

I have transmitted you such public documents as I presumed you would 
view as the most interesting, which were within my reach. If there are any 
others which you wish, and you will signify the same, it will aftbrd me great 
pleasure to furnish them. 

Be pleased to accept the best wishes, for your prosperity and happiness, of 
Your sincere friend and obedient servant, 

GABRIEL MOORE. 

To Gov. NiNiAN Edwards, Belleville, Illinois. 



Wasiiington City, December 37, 1838. 
Dear Governor : 

Your esteemed favor of 39th November has been duly received, since which 
time I have had the jjleasure of receiving the newspaj)er containing your 
valuable message, for which you will please accept my acknowledgments. 

" That the United States, by admission of the new States into the Federal 
compact upon an equal footing with the old States, have released all claim to 
the public domain within their limits," is a doctrine not only agreeable and 
acceptal^le to me, but founded in the soundest republican principles, and sup- 
ported by a fair interpretation of the constitution, as you have well and satis- 
factorily established. Since this subje'ct Avas first agitated, I have given it 
my feeble support. The Legislature of Alabama have the subject now under 
consideration, by a resolution instructing the proper committee to inquire into 
the propriety of memorializing Congress on the subject. But my fears arc 
that the General Government, having the power in a matter so intimately con- 
nected with their interest, "will forget rirjht,'' although the reason and argu- 
ment should be legitimate and conclusive. 

You ask for information "as to the formation of the new cabinet." I can 
give you nothing on this topic except general rumor. Van Buren and Taze- 
well are spoken of as aspirants for the State Department ; Woodbury for the 
Navy, but some say (and the knowing ones too) that he must not be taken 
from the Senate, lest an Adams' man (or an anti-Adams' man noAv) should 



508 LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 

succeed him, and thereby add to the opposition which is said is now abont to 
be organized in tlic Senate in order to paralyze the Executive arm. Whether 
this reasoning will predominate, and thus prevent the promotion of Mr. W., 
which the General's friends admit he is entitled to, I cannot say. Cheves, Gal- 
latin, McLean, Postmaster-General, are spoken of for the Treasury. Living- 
ston, Benton, H. L. White, Drayton, Ilayne, Eaton, Ingham, Pope or Barry 
of Kentucky, and a host of others, for the War Department, Attorney-Gene- 
ral, etc. Critteuden of Kentucky is now nominated to the Senate to fill the 
vacancy on the Supreme Court bench occasioned by the death of Judge 
Trimble. From what I have accidentally learned, this nomination will not 
be finally disposed of before the fourth of March, and then you can judge of 
the sequel as well or better than I can predict. 

My friends have recently given my name to the public as a candidate for 
Governor. I anticipate warm opposition. My enemies will attempt to assail 
me on the ground of my heretical notions relative to internal improvements. 
My political experience is somewhat limited, and I may be at some loss pro- 
bably for the strongest documents and arguments to sustain me. Any refe- 
rences or intimations which your long experience may suggest would be 
thankfully received. 

I shall, with great pleasure, give you an account of the times here as any- 
thing may occur calculated to interest you. 
I am, sir. 

With respect and esteem. 

Your obedient servant, 

GABRIEL MOORE. 
Gov. N. Edwards, Vandalia, Illinois. 



City of WAsniNGTON, Dec. 01, 1831. 
Dear Friend : 

I acknowledge with cheerfulness the receipt of your letter, under date 10th 
inst., together with the communication addressed to your General Assembly 
— for which you will be pleased to accej^t my thanks. 

I am unable to refer you to the sources from which you can obtain the in- 
formation inquired for relative to the cessions of public lands, by the States, 
to the United States, etc. I would, with great pleasure, render you any aid 
in the prosecution of your object (which I view as highly meritorious and im- 
portant to the new States) in my power. 

While I occupied the ofl&ce of Chief Magistrate in the State, I made an" in- 
effectual effort to induce some of the leading members of the General Assem- 
bly to take up the subject which you have broached in claiming right, in be- 
half of the States, to the public domain, etc. Their resistance has been predi- 
cated entirely upon the solemn act of the Convention in the adoption of the 
ordinance disclaiming ownership over the soil, etc. I discovered that in our 
State the project would not be sanctioned, and I therefore declined bringing 



LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 509 

it to their view. All, however, admitted that, except for this ordinance, your 
views (for I distributed your message among them) were irresistible. 

You will see, from the papers, that at this time various projects are under 
discussion in the House of Rej^resentatives for distributing the public domain 
among the several States, for as many distinct objects as there are gentlemen 
who feel an interest in the matter. Some say appropriate for internal im- 
provements, others for purposes of education, and a third class for a portion 
of them to each of these objects, etc., etc. The diversity of opinion which 
seems to exist induces me to believe that nothing varying the established or- 
der of practice on this subject will be effected, until the public debt be ex- 
tinct. At that time I am of opinion, from all I learn here, that there will be 
a disposition to establish some great and imj^ortant change on this subject. 

Although thus far all things have progressed smoothly — Mr. Clay having 
exhibited a most courteous and conciliatory deijortment to all his great poli- 
tical opponents, (I mean Calhoun, Hayne, etc.) — has induced a belief with 
many that we should not experience that excitement which has been generally 
anticipated. Yet, if I am not much mistaken "in the signs of the times," the 
political horizon now begins to indicate most strongly that an angry cloud is 
beginning to make its appearance, the pernicious effects of which I cannot 
pretend to anticipate. 

Some have thought Mr. C. would relax somewhat in his former heresies in 
relation to his abominable "American system ;" but in a short discussion which 
occurred, the other day, on the proposition to reduce the duty on alum salt, 
he has removed all grounds for any hope of this character, and the parties 
pro and con are now making preparation for a general and spirited discussion 
on the proposition for a modification of the tariff. You, sir, are more compe- 
tent to form a correct opinion as to the result, than I am (a junior member) 
to pretend to prophecy. 

It is stated here, generally, that as to the nominations of the new Cabinet, 
on the question for confirmation there will not be any doubt, but as regards 
Mr. Van Buren, great doubts have been expressed. The wise ones here pre- 
tend to be able to count noses, and say, if all are present, he will either be re- 
jected by one majority or by the casting vote of the Vice-President. In this 
calculation I am informed I am placed for the nomination. My mind, how- 
ever, is not decidedly made up. I have a great repugnance personally to in- 
dorse Van B's nomination, but some other considerations, connected with 
the wishes of those who have placed me here, or what is said to be their 
wishes, will produce difficulty. King will go for him, or do any other act for 
the "powers that ley The consequences of the State being divided, etc., is 
deemed by me a subject worthy of mature deliberation. If, however, it should 
so turn out that a committee should ie instructed, among other subjects for their 
consideration, to inquire into tJie causes which produced the late dissolution of 
the Cabinet, and they should furnish some light calculated to lead to a cor- 
rect conclusion as to the proper estimate to be placed uiion this individual's 
worth or his demerits, which would enable me to give satisfaction at home, 
then all the doubts would be removed. No such jjroposition, as yet, has been 
made, hut it is ly no means improbable that it may he made. 



510 LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS, 

Provided you should wish any particular document within my. reach, or any 
other matter to be transacted within my power to do, you will be pleased to 
designate it, and it will afford me pleasure to oblige you. 

I have, in consequence of your letter to Mr. Shackford, supported him 
warmly, and I did not fail to give him some others' support, and informed 
him T was inlluenced from your letter. 

Respectfully and sincerely, 

Your friend and obedient servant, 

GABRIEL MOORE. 
To Gov. Edwards. 



Concord, N. II., Ai:>ril 26, 1832. 
Dear Sir : 

Your communication of the 20th ult. has been received. It not being di- 
rected to this place, where I reside, it has probably taken circuitous direction 
and may have been delayed in its arrival. The circumstance to which you 
allude, respecting the particular bill reported by Mr. Morrow, is most perfect- 
ly within my recollection— at least so far as this : I distinctly remember we 
Avere sitting in Old Congress Hall ; that Mr. Morrow was Chairman of the 
Committee on Public Lands; that he reported a bill relating to that subject? 
the express provisions of which I do not now distinctly recollect, but this I 
fully remember : that, when the bill was read, you oftered six or eight amend- 
ments, all of which, I am pretty sure, were rejected. I am well satisfied that 
the object of your proposed amendments, in part at least, was to reduce the 
price to actual settlers. 

I distinctly recollect the zeal with which you urged your amendments, and 
the circumstance of your fainting at that time in the Senate Chamber. ]My 
recollection on this point is perhaps the more definite, since having been in 
the practice of medicine myself, I feared, when I saw you borne into the lobby, 
it was an apoplectic fit, which induced me instantly to repair to you and re- 
commend bleeding, which was done, and I held the vessel that received the 
blood, and stood by you till your reason was so ftir restored that you were 
able by assistance to be removed. 

What were the impressions of the Senate, in regard to the course you pur- 
sued on that occasion, I am unable to determine ; but, for myself, I thought 
you were extremely tenacious of your views and zealous in supporting them — 
and this, I conclude, must have been the general feeling of the Senate. 

A part of my library, and the journals of the Senate among the rest, being 
now in my office at Goflfstown, where I formerly resided, I have not had an 
opportunity to have recourse to them, and of course have stated nothing ex- 
cept what was distinctly within my recollection — and this, I am sure, is per- 
fectly correct. 

I am, with great respect, 

Your most obedient servant, 

DAVID LAWRENCE MORRIL. 
To Hon. Ninian Edwards. 



LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 511 

HuNTsviLLE, Auffust 23, 1825. 
Dear Sir : 

Yours, inclosing for my perusal two letters from Gov. Edwards, has been 
several days in my possession, and would have been answered sooner but for 
professional engagements, that claimed my attention during the session of 
court. I regret that my memory will not enable me to speak, now, as dis- 
tinctly as I could have done at an earlier day, on the subject of his inquiries. 
I recollect that I argued a cause in the Supreme Court, about the time his 
nomination came to the Senate as Minister to Mexico, and perhaps was absent 
from the Senate on that account, at the time of his nomination, but of that I 
am not certain. The cause related to Africans, brought into this State, on 
the schooners "Constitution," "Louisa" and "Merino." The record of the Su. 
preme Court will show the date of the argument, and the journal of the Senate 
the date of the nomination, should the fact be considered important. 

I do not now recollect whether I visited him at the end of that week or 
not ; it is highly probable that I did, as it was my custom to do so as often 
as my j)ublic duties would admit. The object of referring to that circum- 
stance, I presume, must have been to fix the period of one or more of my vi. 
sits to the Governor at his lodgings, pending his nomination ; but memory 
does not connect the two transactions with sufficient certainty to throw any 
light upon the main point of inquiry. I recollect calling several times at the 
Governor's lodgings, while his nomination was pending, and also before it 
was made, and afterwards when it was confirmed. At one or more visits he 
occupied a room on the lower floor, at Mrs. Queen's ; but, before his nomina- 
tion was acted on, he removed to an upper room in the back building. I 
called several times, while he occupied the latter room, and recollect to have 
seen a gentleman there who was from West Point, as I understood, and was 
bound to Illinois, but cannot fix the precise date of the transaction ; but I 
well recollect that the Governor w^as so unwell, at the time, as to be confined 
to his room as he alleged, and his appearance seemed to require it. 

This was his condition for several days previous to the confirmation of his 
nomination. On account of his indisposition I called frequently, perhaps 
every time I happened in the neighborhood of his residence. 

I recollect conversing with him on the subject of the postponement of the 
nomination, on account of its being stated that an absent Senator had, per- 
haps, objections that he would like ta make, and inquired if it could be the 
"A. B." affair that founded the objection ? to which he replied, that he could 
not say or conjecture the ground or nature of the objection, unless it should 
be the "A. B." affair or a newspaper controversey that had occurred in the 
West some years before — neither of which, he considered, ought to form any 
ground of objection. 

I cannot say that the Governor was too sick to get out of his room and vi- 
sit another gentleman in another apartment, at the time in question ; but I 
should think it improbable, from his appearance, that he could travel far or 
gesticulate strongly, as he appeared to be considerably diseased with gout or 
rheumatism, and was under the action of medicine at several times when I 



512 LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 

called on liim, shortly before his nomination was confirmed ; but I cannot now 
fix the precise period of either visit. I recollect conversing with him on the 
subject of his being the author of the "A. B." letters, and he did not pretend 
to deny the fact to me. So far from it, he told me, upon one occasion, that 
lie had prepared another document of considerable length, of a similar tenor, 
Avhich he expected it would have been necessary to publish, but was glad that 
Ills political adversaries liad not, by their conduct, made it necessary to do so- 
I requested him to let me peruse it, which he declined, alleging that if he re- 
mained uuassailed, he wished to suppress it ; and although he felt no want of 
confidence in me, he thought it most prudent to let the strife subside, and 
would, therefore, never show it to any one unless it became necessary in his 
own defense. The document alluded to, I presume, was pretty much embo- 
died in his memorial to the House. I never had any conversation with Gen. 
Noble, on the subject of his nomination, further than passing a mutual state- 
ment that we should vote for the nomination ; but no explanation of grounds 
was given on either side. 

The foregoing contains as much as I can now say from memory. I accord 
it to Gov. Edwards, as an act of justice, which he may use in any manner that 
his prudence may dictate. 

With great respect, etc., 

WILLIAM KELLY. 

To Hon. Gabriel Moore. 



City of Washington, Dec. 34, 1825. 
Bear Sir : 

I received your letter, some time since my arrival at this place, which you 
addressed to me at Frankfort, some time in the latter part of Sejitember, and 
which I should have answered earlier but from a desire to task my memory, 
which is a frail one, with the most anxious disposition to bring to my recol- 
lection the circumstances to which you allude, and in relation to which you 
again express a desire that I should make a statement. 

Your former letter, addressed to me at Frankfort, during the summer, before 
the last, was received by me, my omission to answer which is ascribable to 
none of the causes which you suggest, but is ascribable in the first place to 
an impression entertained by me that the recollection of the circumstances 
alluded to was not impressed on my memory in such a manner as to enable 
me to give any statement with that precision and confidence in its correctness 
which the occasion seemed to call for ; and because I saw it announced in a 
Washington paper, but a short time since the receipt of this letter, that you 
had left the city, and I had no certain means of knowing where a letter 
would find you. 

Presuming from tliat time that the occasion had gone by which had pro- 
duced the result, I thought nothing further of it, until the receipt of your 
recent letter ; and have now to express to you my extreme regret that no ef- 
fort at recollection, of which I am capable, enables me to state, with any cer. 
taiuty, what you may deem a circumstance material to your purpose ; but of 



LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. ' 513 

my finding you in bed when I made the call to which you allude — of my 
having made the call at the time and on the occasion to which you allude, I 
have a perfect recollection ; that I found you, as well from your own state- 
ment as from any external appearance from which I could form an opinion, 
weak and seriously indisposed, and that you were in the apartment in the 
Ijack buildings, to which you had recently removed from a chamber in the 
frout.of the building ; that I stated to you, in the course of this visit, that an 
attack on your nomination as Minister to Mexico was meditated, and had been 
announced to the Senate — from what quarter I had no doubt ; and my recol- 
lection enables me to speak of them with some confidence. But of the cir- 
cumstance of your being in led when the call was made and the conversation 
was had, although, from your statements and those of the highly respectable 
gentlemen to whom you refer, I cannot doubt, yet I have not been able to 
charge my memory. 

In the sujjposition that this call and the conversation which followed were 
induced by feelings of friendly concern, and the communication from a sense 
of justice due you, from the discharge of which I deemed myself under no 
restraint, either of honor or morality, to forbear, is also true. And my delay 
or apparent reluctance in making this imperfect statement in reply to your 
request, I trust you may be assured, has proceeded from no other cause than 
the conscious inability which I felt, from defect of recollection, to make it 
with such fullness and precision as you might conclude you had a right to 

expect. 

I am, with sincere regard. 

Your friend and servant, 

ISHAM TALBOT. 

To NmiAN Edwards, Esq , Belleville, Illinois. 



Oak Hill, April 37, 1826. 
DPAir Sir : 

It is undoubtedly a painful thing to me to be brought before the public, in 
relation to any of those questions which were agitated with zeal and pro- 
duced excitement between the contending parties, while I was in the CTOvern- 
meut; but your application is so just and reasonable that I think it incum- 
bent on me to meet it by a fair statement of facts. With that view I have 
inclosed a letter for you, to our friend Mr. Wirt, and who will deliver it to 
you, if he sees no impropriety in so doing. I had communication with him 
on this suliject, shortly after the affair occurred, and I wish him to compare 
this with what then passed, to see that it corresponds with the statement made 
while the impression on my mind was more recent. 

When you see Gov. Edwards, assure him of my good wishes for his wijlfare 

and happiness. 

With great respect and regard, 

I am, dear sir, yours, 

JAMES MONROE. 
To Daniel P. Cook. 

—65 



514 LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 

Oak Hill, April 30, 1826. 
Sir : 

In reply to your letter of the 23d, requesting to be informed whether Gov. 
Edwards declared to me, before his nomination as Minister to Mexico, that 
he was not the author of the publications signed "A. B.," on which declara- 
tion, it is said, that his nomination was founded, I feel it due to candor to 
assure you, that he never made to me any such declaration, and that his nomi- 
nation was not influenced in the slightest degree by any considerations excejjt 
that the quarter of the Union in which he resided had claims to an appoint- 
ment, and that he was believed to be as well qualified for the office as any 
other person in that quarter, who had been brought to the view of the Ex- 
ecutive. 

With great respect and esteem, 

I am your obedient servant, 

JAMES MONROE. 
To Hon. William Wirt. 



QuiNCT, August 23, 1827. 
Dear Sir : 

Your frank and cordial letter of the 22d ulto. has been duly received. I 
am entirely satisfied with the assurance that you are neither personally nor 
politically unfriendly to me, and that the measures of the present Federal 
Administration have received your cordial support. 

Your recommendation for the appointment of a sub-agent at Peoria will, 
in the event of a vacancy in that office, receive the deliberate consideration 
to which it is entitled, and a disposition altogether friendly to him as re- 
commended by you; and your opinion in regard to any appointments of 
the General Government, in the State of Illinois, will always be acceptable 
to me, whenever you may incline to communicate it to me. 

Accept my friendly and respectful salutations. 

J. Q. ADAMS. 

To NiNiAN Edwards, Governor of the State of Illinois^ Belleville. 



Natchez, March 26, 1828. 
Dear Sir : 

Your letter dated the 20th of March last was never received by me until 
lately. I did not return home from a journey through the Northern States 
until November, and was then much indisposed, and have continued so until 
latelyr Your letter, among a vast number of others, was laid aside, and my 
health did not permit me to advert to it until lately. You cannot doubt my 
disposition to serve you, I trust ; nor can I cease to consider it among my 
first duties while I recollect your former kindness and friendship towards me. 



LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS, 515 

I had tlie pleasure of seeing your two daughters for a moment last summer, 
in Lexington. Mr. Cook was there in the last stage of consumption, and has 
since, I learn, fallen a victim to that disease. I had lived with him the win- 
ter before last, and had formed a high estimate of his talents, his virtues, and 
his social temper. He held, as you know, a distinguished place, for a man of 
his age, in the House of Representatives. During the last winter of his ser- 
vice he had been unusually laborious, which contributed, I have no doubt, to 
augment and hasten the ravages of his disease. He has, however, left a 
character behind him which ought in some measure to console his family and 
friends for his premature loss. 

Be so kind as to present my respectful compliments to Mrs. Edwards ; and 
believe me to be, as I really am, 

Your friend and obedient servant, 

THOS. B. REED. 

To His Excellency Ninian Edwards, Belleville, Illinois. 



Washington City, May S, 1830. 
Dear Sir : 

So soon as I received your letter I went to the War DeiDartment, and made 
application in liivor of Dr. Todd's son ; but, unfortunately, the only place 
due to your State had been filled by the appointment of the son of a Mrs. 
Prim. This I regretted very much, as I was prevented from repaying a debt 
of gratitude due to Dr. Todd and family. I hope, however, some occasion 
may present itself in which I can be serviceable to them. Nothing, I assure 
you, would give me more pleasure — of which I hope you will assure them. 

You say you differ from me in opinion in relation to the public lands. You 
know the liberality of my feelings in regard to the rights of opinion. If 
others will only permit me to think for myself, I will never quarrel with 
them for the exercise of the same privilege. 

I am gratified that you think favorably of my effort on Foot's resolution. 
You may take the following, as I believe, for certainties : 1st. Jackson will 
will be again run for the Presidency ; 2d, his popularity is on the increase ; 
3d, his reelection is as certain as his life, and he is in excellent health ; 4th, 
his standing is of a peculiar character : his Ministers and his Congress may 
all become unpopular, and still his hold on the affections of the peojjlc not 
be weakened. Your friend, 

FELIX GRUNDY. 

To His Excellency Ninian Edwards, Belleville, Illinois. 



Philadelphia, April 4, 1833. 
Dear Sir : 

Your interesting and esteemed favor of the 20th of March was received 

this morning. I extremely regret that I have no recollection upon the subject 

of your particular inquiry, or it would give me infinite pleasure to make any 



516 LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 

statement within my power to serve you. I am detained at this place in the 

discharge of a public daty, and am very much engaged. Your political views 

and rcliectious are always interesting. For the last ten years I have not had 

time to indulge in such reflections with the most intimate friend, but I am 

often amused and interested and instructed by those of ray friends ; and I 

thank you, in this respect. 

Truly and sincerely your friend, 

R. M. JOHNSON. 
To Hon. Ninian Edwards, Belleville, Illinois. 



Greenville, Kentucky, May 8, 1833. 
Dear Sir : 

Your letter has been received, but, owing to my absence from home, I have 
not been able to answer it until now. 

I have but an indistinct recollection of your course, when in Kentucky, 
with regard to our public lauds, as at that time I meddled but little in poli- 
ties ; but I have no doubt you were always friendly to the settlers soutli of 
Green River, as I do not recollect of ever hearing any complaints against you 
on that account, and I think I certainly would if you had been opposed to 
them. 

With regard to your course in the Senate of the United States, my impres- 
sion is that you and myself agreed on the subject of the public lands, although 
I was in the lower house and may be mistaken. I was in favor of reducing 
the price, but opposed to doing away the credit system — and finally voted 
against the bill, as it passed, believing the eld system was better than the new. 

My recollection is, that you were making a speech on the Missouri question, 
when you fainted in the Senate, and not on the public lands, although I was 
not present at the time. I recollect of seeing a complimentary note from Mr. 
Randolph, to you, on that occasion, in which he expressed great regret at 
your inability to finish your speech, which, from your commencement, promised 
to do you so much credit. 

Although engaged in my official duties, I am not an inattentive observer 
of passing events — and really, sometimes, I am distressed to see how things 
are going on in the Union. I sometimes fear we will not stick together long, 
and one cause of this fear is, the kind of men that are selected by the people 
to fill the various public stations. It no longer appears to be a recommend- 
ing quality, that a candidate for office should have intelligence or ex- 
perience. The only inquiry is, is he a whole-hog Jackson or Clay man ? and 
in this contest principles appear to be laid aside or forgotten. Shameful, 
indeed ! Men seeking popular favor endeavor to ascertain what popular sen- 
timent is, and then throw themselves into the current and float down with it, 
instead of forming their own opinions of what measures will advance the 
interest of the country, enlightening the public mind on them, and getting 
the people to go with them. 



LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 517 

Dear sir, I really fear Jachsonism will ruin the country. I do think every 
public man ought honestly to approve what is right, and as honestly oppose 
what is wrong — and then I would expect to see a Ijetter state of things. 

Your friend, 

ALMY McLEAN. 
To Hon. Ninian Edwakds, Belleville, Illinois, 



Frankfout, Kentucky, May 27, 1832. 
Dear Sir : 

Circumstances, not worth detailing, have prevented me from giving an 
earlier answer to your letter of the IGth of last mouth. In that letter you 
informed me that, at this late day, you are accused " of having opposed the 
reduction of the price of public lands, and the granting of pre-emptions to 
actual settlers," during the period that we served together in the Senate of 
the United States — you as a senator from Illinois, and I from Kentucky — and 
you request that I will state the part Avhich you acted on those subjects. 

During the short period that I have had the honor of serving with you in 
the Senate, I know that an attempt was made further to reduce the price of 
the public lands, and I remember well that you were a jjersevcring and zeal- 
ous advocate for reduction, and that you struggled obstinately and to the last 
against repeated votes of the Senate overruling your various propositions for 
reduction. I recollect, indoed, that your perseverance and zeal on the subject 
were thought, at the time, by some senators, to have been carried somewhat 
further than was altogether compatible with the decorum of the Senate. 

I think that one of your propositions was for reducing the price of the 
public lands as low as thirty cents per acre, and your other propositions, suc- 
cessively moved, for intermediate sums between that and the jDrice finally 
fixed by the Senate. I have not the journals before me, howcTcr, and cannot, 
therefore, undertake to speak positively as to these particulars. But as to 
your general course upon the occasion alluded to, I recollect it perfectly ; and 
as far as my knowledge and humble testimony can go, great injustice is done 
you by the accusation that you opposed the reduction of the price of the 
public lands. 

I remember nothing of the proceedings of the Senate in relation to the 
granting of pre-emptions to actual settlers, and consequently nothing of 
your course, or even of my own, on the subject. 

Very respectfully yours, 

J. J. CRITTENDEN. 

To NiNiAN Edwards, Alton, Illinois. 



DONALDSONVILLE, LOUISIANA, JuilC 8, 1832. 

Dear Sir : . 

In consequence of an omission in the superscription of your letter of the 
20th March, it has been forwarded from place to place, and accidentally 



518 LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 

reached my liands a few -days ago. This explanation you will be pleased to 
accept as an apology for my apparent neglect in not answering it earlier. I 
well remember that during the second session of the XVth Congress, when 
]\Ir. Morrow of Ohio, Chairman of the Committee of Public Lands, reported 
to the Senate "a bill making further provision for the sale of public lands," 
tlic object of which was to abolish all credit, and sell for cash only, you made 
great efforts to amend the bill, so as to obtain a further reduction of the 
price than the bill contemplated, and to provide, also, for the actual settlers 
on i^ublic lands. I feel confident that not a single member of the Senate 
could have thought you opposed to either of those objects. On the contrary, 
I had the best reasons to believe that your standing with the Senate was 
somewhat impaired from an over-zeal you appeared to manifest on the occa- 
sion. The bill, as it passed the Senate, fixed the price of land, I think, at 
$1.50 per acre. It, however, failed in the House of Representatives. When 
introduced in the Senate, at the succeeding session, you renewed your efforts 
in favor of the actual settlers on public lands. Indeed, I do not hesitate in 
saying that I uniformly considered you in favor of reducing the price of 
public lands and in favor of providing for the actual settlers thereon. In 
attempting, myself, to effect these objects, in favor of the citizens of Louisi- 
ana, you always gave me your sujjport. On one occasion, particularly, I 
recollect that at my request, and perhaps at the instance of my colleague and 
of the members from Mississippi, you exerted yourself in favor of pre-emp- 
tion rights to the citizens of the districts of St. Helena and of Jackson court- 
house, the former of which is situated in Louisiana and the latter in the State 
of Mississippi. 

I am, with great respect, sir. 

Your friend and obedient servant, 

H. JOHNSON. 
To Gov. NiNiAN Edwards, Belleville, Illinois. 



Maij 31, 1813. 
Dear Sir: 

Mr. Mackenzie, in his " History of the Fur Trade," is very exact, except as 
to the names of Rivers, etc., which I think he should have given in French, 
because, in Canada and in the North-west, they are generally called after the 
Canadians and in the French language, and in fact are so called by all voy- 
agers. 

On page 44, he speaks of "Algonquin nation." This is the name given to 
the Chippeways by the old French. They are now called Chippeways or 
Sauteaux. 

On page 49, he says " Lake Superior, north side, coast-way, is 160 leagues." 
These are voyager leagues ; I do not think it more than 130 leagues. 

On page 58, "this corn." The voyagers call it "hulled corn." 

In his description of the route from Montreal to Makina, he gives the 
names as called by the voyagers in French ; but when he leaves Grand Port- 



LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 519 

age to go to the north, he gives a number of names in English, many of which 
a voyager, who knows the route, would not know by that name. Thus : 

On page 59, Partridge Portage should be Portage de Perdix. 

On page 60, Elk Portage should be Portage de L'Orignal. 

On page 61, Mountain Lake should be Lac de la Montague. 

On page 61, Rose Lake should be Lac a la Rose. 

On page 63, Marten Portage should be Portage be la Marte. 

On page 62, Pigeon River should be Riviere aux Pigeons. 

On page 68, Cheval du Bois should be Cheval de Bois. 

On page 64, Prairie Portage should be Portage de la Prairie. 

On page 67, Chebois is here meant Chippeways. 

On page 68, Beaver Dam should be La Chause de Castor. 

On page 68, Vermilion Lake should be Lac du Vermilion. 

On page 74, Jacob's Fall should be La Chute a'Jacquaut. 

On page 75, White River should be La Riviere Blanche. 

On page 77, Assiniboin or Red River, is an error ; Assiniboin River is a 
sejjarate and distinct river, which comes from the south-west of Lake Winipic 
and empties itself into the Red River or River Rouge, which in turn comes 
from the east and empties into Lake Winipic 18 leagues from where the 
Assiniboin empties itself. It was on this river that I wintered, at a small 
creek called Riviere a la Souris. 

On page 78, for Knestenaux say Christenau or Crees. 

On page 80, for Swan River say Riviere au Cignes. 

On page 83, for the Great Rapids of the Saskatchawine say Les Rapides de 
la Riviere du Pas. 

On page 83, for Cedar Lake say Lac de Cedres. • 

On page 84, for Mud Lake say Lac aux Vases. 

On page 85, for Sturgeon Lake say Lac Eturgeon. 

On page 91, for Pine Island Lake say Lac de Lisle aux Pines. 

On page 91, for Beaver Lake say Lac du Castor. 

On page 83, for Missinissi River say La Riviere des Anglois. 

On page 95, for Portage de Barcel say Portage des Barils. 

On page 95, for Lake La Rouge say Lac Rouge. 

On page 98, for Knee Lake say Lac aux Genou. 

On page 99, for Croche Rapide say La Rapide Croche. 

On page 104, for Lake Clear say Lac Claire. 

On page 107, Athabasca called by the voyagers Arabasca. 

On page 149, for Pimican the voyagers say Pimitigan ; it is dried buffalo 
meat, pounded by the Indians and sold to the traders, who mix fifty jjounds 
of it with forty pounds of tallow and sew it up in bags, made of the raw 
buffalo hides — a bag of which is allowed to each man for his provisions, on 
his journey from the north, in the spring, to Grand Portage. On their return, 
in the fall, from Grand Portage to Fort Pimitigan, they live on green and 
hulled corn. In going out of the north, it took me near five weeks, from my 
wintering ground on the Assiniboin River, to reach Grand Portage. 

Yours, respectfully, 

JOHN HAY. 
To His Excellency Gov. Edwards. 



520 LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 

RussELLViLLE, March 4, 1810. 
Dear Governor: 

My brother, Thomas Crittenden, is now here on his way to Kaskaskia, 
where he wishes to settle himself for the practice of the law. I wish to in- 
troduce him to your acquaintance. I think you will find him worthy of it, 
in every way. I have given him your character ; I have told him of the noble 
generosity you have practiced towards me ; I have told him, too, of the friend- 
ship and patronage with which you have honored me ; I have ins2)ired him 
with an eager ambition to obtain your good opinion and esteenf. You will 
find him amiable in his temper. His heart is as generous as brave, and as 
friendly as ever was formed. If he can deserve and obtain your friendship 
and patronage, it will be to me a cause of the most delightful satisfaction, 
and will furnish another cause for all my gratitude. 

Yours, with all gratitude and esteem, 

JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

To His Excellency Ninian Edwards, Russellville. 

P. S. — If you would be so good as to give my brother some letters of in- 
troduction, they would be of service to him at Kaskaskia, and he would be 
much obliged to you. — J. J. C. 



St. Louis, Oct. 27, 1818. 
Dear Sir : 

Our mutual friend. Gen. Bissell, wishes to command in this Department. 
Gen. Smith has retired ; and if long and faithful services deserve any reward, 
it would be but just to gratify Gen. Bissell in this wish. Mr. Scott will 
speak with the Secretary of War, and your voice would doubtless have its 
weight if joined to his. 

We shall wish you to give us all help in the advancement of our Teri'itory. 

Thine, 

THOMAS H. BENTON. 
To Hon. Nini.\n Edwakds. 



Frankfort, Kentucky, tScpt. 10, 1810. 
Dear Sir : 

I perceive the sales of the United States lands in your Territory arc aI)out 
commencing. The migration to your Territory induces me to su^^pose there 
must be a rapid appreciation in the price of your prime lands within a few 
years. My desire of acquiring some portion of such lands, somewhere in your 
neighborhood, is again revived. 

If good speculations should present themselves in any agreeable part of 
your Territory, either upon the Government terms or on advance of cash on 
hand not exceeding $3,000 or |4,000, will you be good enough to make the 
purchase for me, and draw on me for the amount, giving me a few weeks' 



LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 



521 



previous notice of your intentions so to do ? A line from you in answer, at 
an early day, would be desirable. 
Please to present my best regards to your amiable partner ; and believe me 

Your sincere friend, 

ISHAM TALBOT. 
To His Excellency Ninian Edwakds, Kaskaskia, Illinois Territory. 
P. S. — This will be handed you by Mr. Thomas Talbot, a resident of Mis- 
souri, a very agreeable young gentleman, whom I take the liberty of recom- 
mending to your polite attentions. — I. T. 



Washington, April 18, 181.S. 
Bear Sir : 

Mr. Edward Coles intending to pass through Illinois, probably to remain 
some time there, I take much pleasure in introducing him to your acquaintance 
and kind attention. I have long known and highly resi:)ected and esteemed 
him for his excellent qualities and good understanding. He was several 
years i^rivate secretary to the late President, and employed by him in a con- 
fidential mission to Russia, in which trust he discovered sound judgment, 
great industry and fidelity, and is generally beloved by those who know him 
best. Should he settle with you, you will find him a very useful acquisition, 
and I understand it is not an improbable event. 

I hope that the arrangement made this winter will avail our country of 
your services in the proposed treaty with the Indians, in a manner satisfac- 
tory to yourself; for success, on just principles, is the object of my most ar- 
dent wishes. 

With great respect and esteem, 

I am, dear sir, very sincerely yours, 

JAMES MONROE. 
To Gov. EuwAKUs, Illinois Territory. 



Ajn-il 12, 1822. 

Mr. Blair's most kind respects to Gov. Edwards (of Illinois), and begs 
leave to present his best thanks for the speech (in pamphlet form) on the 
resolution proposing to give the old States lands for the purposes of educa- 
tion, etc. 

At the same time, he cannot refrain from assuring Mr. E. that this very, able 
speech has probably saved him from giving an erroneous vote. IMr. B. had 
thought it reasonable that the old States should participate in the benefit of 
the public lands equally with the new States, without considering that the 
school donations of land were made to the new States as a bonus for settling 
in £1 wilderness, etc. Mr. B. also begs leave to assure Mr. E. that in his 
opinion this speech is equally creditable to the head and to the heart. While 
it breathes the purest spirit of philanthropy and benevolence, it, in point of 
reasoning, " leaves no stone uuturued." 
— (U> 



522 LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 

Salisbury, N. Carolina, A2yril 21, 1832. 
Dear Sir : 

I received, a week ago, your much esteemed favor, and truly thank you for 
the pleasure its contents gave me. I could wish that your calculations as to 
Pennsylvania and other States north of Maryland were to be relied on, but I 
am well aware that all such calculations must necessarily be received with 
many grains of allowance. Let me, however, add, that my wishes accord with 
your own. You say that it is confidently calculated at Washington that Mr. 
Crawford will get all the votes of North Carolina. My opportunities during 
the past winter of forming a correct opinion upon this point were better than 
those of the calculators at Washington — and I took some pains to ascertain 
the general sentiment. I will give you my candid opinion. Whether Mr. 
Crawford will or will not command the vote of this State depends greatly 
upon who is his opponent. Against Mr. Adams, I believe North Carolina 
will be for him — and even then not without a contest. But if Mr. Calhoun 
is brought forward, you may rely upon it, Crawford's prospepts in North 
Carolina become less flattering. I say it, without the hazard of contradiction, 
that Mr. Crawford's standing in North Carolina ?ias leen, is still, and tcill con- 
tinue, in the decline. If he or his friends put down North Carolina as a cer- 
tainty on his side, the chance is at least equal that he will be disappointed in 
the result. But, is Mr. Calhoun certainly a candidate? Is it distinctly un- 
derstood at Washington that such is the fact ? I have all along felt satisfied 
that Mr. Calhoun had no disposition to decline the use of his name if reason- 
able prospect of success presented itself; and I 7c7ww that some of Mr. Craw- 
ford's friends looked at him in that light ; but as yet, here it is not known 
that he is certainly a candidate. I see he is considered in that light in some 
of the Northern newspapers ; and it is no doubt good policy that his support 
should begin from that quarter. I have received letters from several mem- 
bers, and have seen letters from members to other persons, in all of which 
Crawford and. Adams, only, are spoken of as competitors. As soon as it is 
distinctly understood that Mr. Calhoun will run, rest assured, many who now 
say Crawford will change their object. 

The scrape into which Crawford has gotten with your colleague is a good 
deal talked of, and it has its effect. 

Should it come in the way, say to Mr. Calhoun, from me, that his prospects 
in North Carolina are at least equally good with the other gentlemen. 

As to an opposition against Gen. Stokes, on the grounds you hint, rely upon 
it, it would operate to his advantage. 

Dear sir, with great esteem, I am 

Your obedient servant, 

CHAS. FISHER. 

To Hon. Ninian Edwards, U. S. Senate, Washington City. 



LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 523 

Fayetteville, Aj)rU 37, 1823. 

I am ou uiy way to the South, and have not had an opportunity of writing 
until to-night. I have seen and had a conversation with Gov. Branch on the 
subject of the Florida appointments, and, as we had anticipated, some letters 
of an inflammatory nature had been written to him ; and some statements 
that the President had given positive assurances that the appointment of 
Governor should be given to North Carolina, and induced the delegation to 
believe that Branch should be that individual. Under such circumstances he 
expected the appointment ; and finding it had been given to a man not re- 
siding in the State, he was induced to believe that something was behind the 
curtain more than had come to his knowledge ; however, the only regret or 
disaj)pointment he feels arises from an apprehension that his name has been 
in some way sported with, and, until some explanations from me, he felt dis- 
posed to attach the blame to the President ; but I have in great degree suc- 
ceeded in fixing the blame where it should be — and a good share of it rests — 
on the shoulders of the chief ■prompter hehiiid the curtain. I took the liberty 
of stating to him that I did not believe the President had committed himself 
to the North Carolina delegation to the full extent of their representations 
to him — that tliere was a misunderstanding in relation to that promise. 
Branch will not accept the appointment of judge ; but does not look upon it 
in the way the delegation would induce you to believe — as an insult — but will 
decline it in a becoming manner. Would you be willing to mention his name 
to the President for one of the missions to South America ? I mention this 
to you without his knowledge, or even of mentioning it to him. He is not 
the devoted friend of Mr. Crawford as some would have you believe. 

I spent two days at Halifax court, in Burton's district, where I met with a 
number of influential men, and I always introduced the subject of Presi- 
dential election ; and although the people have not settled down upon any 
individual for that high ofiice, I am glad to inform you that I have not met 
with a suigle man who was friendly to the election of Mr. Crawford, but all 
declare to me that they have not confidence in his talents, and they look upon 
him as an intriguing, disingenuous politician. They do not admire the po- 
litical course of Mr. Clay ; consequently will take the most prominent South- 
ern man, which, I think, will be our friend Calhoun. I'had a conversation 
with a member of the last Legislature on that subject, and he stated une- 
quivocally that Mr. Calhoun could have had a Legislative nomination over 
Mr. Crawford, by a large vote. 

I find in many instances the people have taken up erroneous opinions in 
relation to the disbursements of money by the War Dej)artment, particularly 
in the Indian Department. These impressions were formed from the debate 
on the bill appropriating $70,000 to cover the debts incurred in the last year, 
over and above the appropriation, for that Department, not recollecting that 
laws were in existence which made it obligatory upon that Department to 
disburse that sum ; but with such explanations as I was able to give, they 



524 LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 

were perfectly satisfied ; hence the necessity, on the part of Mr. Calhoun's 
friends, to make every effort to explain to the people the situation of these 
transactions. 

I shall exiJcct to hear from you before you leave the city. Do rc(iuest Mr. 
Rogers to order my "Franklin Gazette" directed to the Agency. Gov. Branch 
has read your speech on the ^Maryland propositions, and says you have changed 
his opinion, and that your arguments are unanswerable. I wish you would 
send one to my father, 8amuel Crowell, directed to Eulield, North Carolina. 
It is now bed-time. Good night. 

I am, respectfully, 

Y(jur obedient servant, 

JNO. CROAVELL. 
To Hon. Ninian Edwards, Washington City. 



GuEAT Ciioasma, June 20, 1823. 
Dear Sir : 

I have received your favor, and I sincerely thank you for your friendly sen- 
timents and conduct towards me, and it is a principle of honor with me never 
to be outdone by friendly oftices, if opportunity offers. 

I have been very attentive to your reply to Benton as to the lead mines, 
and I have also noticed his remarks. I have anticipated your views on that 
subject, and besides two publications already, placing the thing in its true 
colors, I am prepared at all points if the least slur is made ; but I assure you 
that, so far from injury, nothing has ever given a greater impulse to the 
popularity of Mr. Calhoun. He shall lose no popularity on our account. 

I have received a letter from Col. John O'Fallan, requesting me to get Mr. 
Calhoun to let him and others have a lease, such as he had given to my friends. 
I have urged Mr. Calhoun to do this. It would destroy Col. Benton, or any 
man from Missouri, to oppose this leasing policy. If Mr. Calhoun would 
grant the leases to O'Fallan, it would take away the jjlea of favoritism ; for 
no person had applied when he granted the leases to my friends. The policy 
pursued is very popular in this State, and men, women and children are inte- 
rested in the success of my brother. I pledge you that I am ready at all 
points and in all ways to defend Mr. Calhoun's course in this business. 

I have received many letters from St. Louis, from Peck, Strother, Wheeler, 

etc., etc., Avho say that my brother is popular there, and the policy of leasing 

the mines equally popular, and I am happy to find that you have turned your 

eye to this business. Col. Benton will gain neither credit nor advantage 

from his course in this business. He may have the right to accuse, but that 

does not take away the right of self-defense. Ficklin has your speech ready 

to publish if a paper in the State should publish Benton's, or should say a 

word of condemnation, without which, perhaps, we had better let the matter 

rest at present. 

Sincerely your friend, 

R. M. JOHNSON. 
To Hon. Ninian Edwards, Edwardsvillc, Illinois. 



LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 525 

Trenton, New Jersey, March 6, 1823. 
My Dear Sir : 

I was extremely gratilied by the receipt of your letter — not because you had 
had a visit from your old friend, the gout, nor your new one, fever and ague. 
I Avould not wish my worst enemy either frequent or long-continued visits 
from either of them — much less would I rejoice at your being persecuted by 
them — but I was glad to hear from you and to know that neither of them 
alone, nor both united, could dispirit you, nor make you iudillercnt to glass- 
ing events. 

I had heard the rumor you mention about New York, but I do not dread 
the effort there ; it will not, /or the 2^reseiit, be successful. At least Thompson 
can, if he zcill, prevent it. It is too late to put any machinery in motion 
here to operate ihei'e in time. All that can be done is a short article or two 
in our leading papers, which I am told will appear immediately. 

The symptoms in Virginia are very strong and will grow stronger. I know 
that State. It is misunderstood and misrei)resented, and the friends of a 
certain man will find it so. 

I look -with some curiosity for "A. B." He is a troublesome fellow. I wish 
we could find liim out. 

I would write more, but am pressed for time. 

Write frequently ; I shall be i^lcascd to hear often and freely. 

Yours, etc., etc., 

SAMUEL L. SOUTHARD. 
To Hon. N. Edwards. 



Georgetown, Saturday, Feb. 21, 1834. 
Dear Sir : 

Owing to indisposition, I have not attended the sessions of the Senate until 
Monday. In the interval, I have heard of the nomination for the mission to 
Mexico. Intrigues and much personal intercourse are pursued upon this sub- 
ject, in which you gannot be indifferent. Were I able to go abroad, I should, 
without delay, call upon you ; this not being the case, I should be glad to 
see you whenever, and as soon as you may be able to call upon me. 
With great respect, 

I am, dear sir. 

Your obedient and faithful servant, 

IIUFUS KING. 
To Hon. N. Edwards. 



Senate Chamber, February 29, 1834. 
Dear Sir : 

The nomination was read this morning, and, upon the suggestion of a mem- 
ber that an absent Senator was understood to be prepared to submit to the 
consideration of the Senate objections to the confirmation of the appointment 



526 LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 

to Mexico, and to afford an opportunity of this being done, I moved to 
postpone the nomination till to-morrow, when the absent Senator expects to 
be able to attend. It was intimated that it was desirable that some intima- 
tion of the nature of the objection should be given, in order that inquiries 
should be seasonably made by the friends of the candidate. Nothing par- 
ticular was intimated, though it was understood that Col. Benton is the Sena- 
tor who is to offer objections. 

Yours, truly, 

RUFUS KING. 
To Hon. Ninian Edwards, of the United States Senate. 



Senate Chamber, February 25, 1824. 
Dear Sir : 

I am sorry to learn, by your note of this morning, that you are so much 
indisposed. I can be at no loss in forming the opinion that every delay will 
be attempted in the proceedings in the Senate. i\Ir. B. does not attend, the 
weather is unfavorable, and so nothing will be done to-day. I do not hear a 
whisper of the nature of the imputed charges. We must have a little patience, 
as too great urgency would be injurious ; nothing that can be prudently done 
will be omitted. Were I not myself an invalid, I would call to see you. 

Respectfully, < 

Your obedient servant, 

RUFUS KING. 

To Hon. N. Edwards, of Illinois. 



Georgetown, February 29, 1824. 
Dear Sir : 

I have received your note of this morning, with the file of the " Wasliing- 
ton Republican." This I may have an opportunity to examine, as Congress 
will adjourn early to-morrow until Monday or Tuesday afternoon, in conse- 
quence of the death of poor Ball. 

I gave notice on Friday that I should call up the nomination of the Minis- 
ter to Mexico to morrow, but it will now go over to a future day. I have 
heard nothing further upon the subject of our last conversation. The men- 
tioned objection may be persevered in, though I shall not be dissappointed 
if it shall be abandoned. 

With esteem and respect, 

I am, dear sir. 

Your obedient servant, 

RUFUS KING. 
To IIoN. N. Edwards, of Illinois. 



LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 527 

Senate Chamber, March 4, 1824. 
Diar Sir : 

The nomination of the Envoy to Mexico was taken up tliis morning and 
confirmed— twenty-seven Senators rising in favor of it. 

Yours fiiithfully, 

RUFUS KING. 
To Hon. N. Edwakds, of Illinois. 

P. S. — There was no debate. — R. K. 



Senate Chamber, 3Tarc7i, 4, 1824. 

General .Jackson, with compliments to Gov. Edwards, congratulates him 
upon the ratification of his nomination — returns liis thanks to him for the 
perusal of the extract of the letter inclosed, and returns it to him. 

To Hon. N. Edwards, of the Senate. 



Tuesday, June 22, 1824. 
Dear Sir : 

I last evening received your letter of the 27th ult. Inclosed I send you 
two letters of Mr. Edwards to me, dated the 21st and 27th of February — the 
former being an answer to a note from me to him from the Senate, respecting 
his nomination — the latter, as I conjecture, the day after my visit to him, 
whom I found in his bed, in the back part of the house where he lodged. I 
have no other memorandum by which I may refresh my memory on the sub- 
ject of his appointment to Mexico. According to my recollection, I am all 
but confident of this statement : tlie first motion that the Senate should name 
a day to consider the nomination of Mr, Edwards was made by myself. It 
was on this occasion that Mr. Eliot of Georgia informed the Senate that he 
had been desired to suggest to the Senate that important information respect- 
ing this appointment would be communicated by Mr. Benton of Missouri, ^ 
who, by reason of ill health, could not now attend in his jjlace. The matter, 
of course, was deferred without a question. I do not recollect that any pre- 
vious observation or remark had been made to the Senate, respecting the 
appointment of Mr. Edwards, by Mr. Noble or any other person. Private 
conversations were doubtless had upon the subject. On a future day, I re- 
member to have observed to the Senate that, while reasonable time should be ^ 
allowed for the communication of charges that might affect the character of 
persons nominated to office, there was also something due to the members of 
our own body, by which we were bound to avoid those delays which would 
impair the reputation of the Senate ; and as want of health prevented Mr. 
Benton from coming to the Senate, any charges in his possession might be 
sent to the Secretary, and in this way communicated to the Senate. No de- 
bate, at this or any other time, took place respecting Mr. Edwards' ai^point- 
ment. Mr. Benton made no communication, nor did he attend the Senate 



528 LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 



before the nomiuation -was called up, and, without debate, the appointment 
of Mr. Edwards was confirmed. 

With much respect and esteem, 

I am, dear sir. 

Your obedient servant, 

RUFUS KING. 
To Daniel P. Cook. 

P. S. — Please to offer my compliments to Mr. Edwards. Firmness and de- 
corum avail much ; it is plain to me that his reputation calls for both their 
aids in his actual condition — they can and will serve him. 



Peankfoet, Kentucky, Ancjnst S, 1824. 
My Good Friend : 

Yours of the 15th July has just come to hand. 

When I arrived in Washington City in February last, you were at Mrs. 
Queen's, occupying the front room on the first floor. I visited you there 
several times whilst you were sick and confined to your room. You after- 
wards removed to the back part of the building, where I visited you also 
frequently. You were sick — most generally in bed — but sometimes got up. 
The time when you removed to the back-room of Mrs. Queen's, I cannot state. 
The morning after Judge Trimble arrived in Washington (that is, the first 
morning that I saw him), I went with him to visit you. You were then in 
the back-room, and had been there before that time. I recollect that whilst 
your nomination was pending in the Senate unacted upon, you were confine^ 
to your room in the back apartment. I had a conversation with Mr. King of 
the Senate, on the subject of an anonymous publication against you some 
twenty years ago, in Kentucky, which j^ublication, I understood, was dug up 
from the grave and used or attempted to be used to your prejudice. I waited 
on you, at your own room, the same day and the next, and informed you of. 
the conversation : found you sick and confined to your chamber. This was 
whilst your nomination was pending. Your note to me on the subject of the 
anonymous publication is not preserved ; by that I could have ascertained 
the date. My memory cannot retain dates. I arrived in Washington early 
in February — you were sick and confined to your room when I arrived. I 
left the city in the latter part of March. I have no recollection to have seen 
you out of your apartment during my stay in the city. I visited you fre- 
quently, because of your sickness and because the presence and conversation 
of your accjuaintances seemed to cheer your spirits. 

Your friend, 

GEORGE M. BIBB. 

To Hon. Ninian Edw^akds, Shepardstowu, Virginia. 



OFFICIAL LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 521) 

Nashville, February 20, 1835. 
Dear Sir : 

I returnerl home on last night and set out to a distant court in a few min- 
utes. I shall, on next Friday week, leave this place for Edwardsville. I go 
on account of the late misfortune of Mr. Winchester. Among other reasons 
inducing me to visit your State, is the pleasure it will afford me to sec and 
converse freely with you. I hope you will be in Edwardsville on the Satur- 
day before the second Monday in March. 

Your friend, 

FELIX GRUNDY. 
To Hon. Ninian Edwards, Belleville, Illinois. 



OFFICIAL LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 



Tkeasury Department, Nov. 25, 1809. 
8lr : 

Your several communications, respecting the Saline, have been laid before 
the President, and the following outlines adopted for the ensuing lease : 

1, The quantity of salt to be made annually by the lessees, not to be less 
than 130,000 bushels, and as much more as you may think practicable and may 
be proposed by the lessees. And in order to insure the fulfillment of that 
condition, which was never complied with by the former lessees, a penalty of 
one bushel for each bushel falling short of the quantity agreed on, to" be made 
a condition of the contract — securing the recovery of such penalty by a con- 
stant deposit of salt in the hands of the agent of the United States. 

3. The maximum price of salt to he fixed at not less than eighty cents nor 
more than one dollar per bushel — leaving it between those two limits at your 
discretion and with such modifications as you may think proper. 

3. A rent to be paid quarterly to the United States, in salt, equal to the dif- 
ference between what is judged a fair j^rice for tUe lessees to sell at, and the 
maximum price fixed Ijy the lease ; but to be calculated only on 120,000 Inishela 
a year, whether the quantity actually made exceeds or falls short of that num- 
ber. Thus if seventy cents per bushel, the price now allowed to the lessees, 
be considered projier, and one dollar be fixed on the new lease as the maxi- 
mum i^rice, the rent should be 3G,000 bushels, si;ice this would leave to the les.sees 
84,000 bushels, which they would sell for eighty-four thousand dollars, a sum 
etpial to the value of 120,000 bushels at seventy cents per bushel. It would, 
of course, be agreed that the salt paid to the United States should not lie sold 
at a price less than that fixed by the lease, unless by common consent the 
price was lowered, in which case the rent would be diminished in the same 
proportion. Thus, if from the increased quantity made by the lessees, the 
market price should fall below a dollar, so as to render it necessary and 

— G7 



530 OFFICIAL LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 

proper to reduce the price to eighty-four cents for instance, the rent wouki 
1)6 diminished to 20,000 bushels, since this would leave to the lessees 100,000 
bushels, which they would sell for eighty-four thousand dollars, the value of 
the 120,000 bushels at seventy cents per bushel. But it is left for you to de- 
termine whether the price of seventy cents allowed to the lessees I)e more 
tlian they ought to have. 

You will easily jDcrceive the principal object of this condition, as by mak- 
ing the rent fixed, whatever be the quantity of salt made, it will become a 
powerful inducement to the lessees to make at all event's the quantity agreed 
on, and as much more as there will be demand for ; an inducement which 
will be strengthened by the other condition, that we will diminish the rent 
if there be a fall in the price. But it is proper to observe that the Govern- 
ment contemplates the introduction of certain improvements, calculated to re- 
duce the quantity of fuel to about one-third part of that now used, and through 
that and their means to perpetuate the benefit arising to that part of the 
country from a constant, certain and cheap supply of salt ; and that it is, 
also, in order to provide funds for that object, that it is Avished that the 
United States may receive a larger rent than heretofore. Although the mode 
here suggested appears, for the resons above stated, preferable to that adopted 
in the present lease, yet, if the next lessees should absolutely reject it, it is 
not intended to forbid, in that case, a lease on the same principles as the 
last, that is to say, with a reservation that the United States should receive 
the whole of the salt at the rate of seventy cents or any other less jirice 
which may be agreed on, and should sell it at such maximum price as they 
may think proper — in which case the rent would arise from the diff'ereuce 
between the two prices. But I repeat that the conditions first stated under 
this head, are considered as much better calculated to obtain the great object 
in view — that of inducing the lessees to manufacture a quantity of salt equal 
to the demand. 

4. It will be extremely important to introduce conditions calculated effec- 
tually to prevent the waste of timber and encourage the use of coal. But 
these, as they must depend upon a perfect knowledge of local circumstances, 
are left entirely to your discretion. I would only suggest, that a diminution 
of the rent might be allowed, in case coal should be used by the lessees. 

5. There are several other conditions of less importance in the present 
lease, but to which you will of course attend. It is, amongst others, neces- 
sary that the new lessees should pay to the present ones the value of kettles 
etc., which the United States are bound to pay for by the present lease ; and 
the condition of such repayment by the United States, at the end of the 
next lease, must of course be continued. In relation to the advance of two 
thousand five hundred dollars heretofore made by the United States, it must, 
accordino- to the lease, be repaid by the present lessees; but it does not seem 
necessary, in the present state of the works, to continue it for the next lease, 
whether this be taken by the present or other lessees. That, however, ought 
not to be made a sine qua non, if in your opinion there are other prepondera- 
tincc considerations iu favor of it. 



OFFICIAL LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 531 

6. The preceding outlines are drawn as if tlie whole Saline was, as here- 
tofore, to be let to one individual or company. On that subject, whether it 
should be let entire or divided, a decisive opinion has not been formed. On 
the one hand, a greater degree of competition may be created, and some 
grounds of complaint removed by a division. But it is believed, on the 
other hand, that the works can be carried on with more regularity and econ- 
omy by a single company than by four separate ones. A division cannot 
well take place without rendering useless some of the existing buildings and 
causing an additional expense in the erection of others. For the purpose of 
effecting certain contemplated improvements, it would be necessary that the 
whole of the water should, as far as practicable, be ))rought to the same 
place ; and, it is also apprehended, that in case of division, either it might 
become nominal by a positive or tacit agreement of the several lessees, or the 
comijetition might degenerate into unfair opposition, quarrels and a resort to 
means injurious to the works. Upon a full view of the subject, but appre- 
hending that several other circumstances, known only on the spot, ought to 
be taken into consideration, the President has thought proper to leave that 
question to your discretion. If you should decide in favor of a division, the 
conditions must be the same for all ; the aggregate of the quantity of salt 
made and of rent paid to the United States must l)e equal to what has been 
above stated ; and it seems just that the present lessees should, if they think 
proper, have their choice on equal terms, of one of the lots into which the 
Saline may be divided. Whether divided or not, it must be an express con- 
dition that none of the lessees shall, directly or indirectly, be concerned with 
any other salt works. 

7. One of the improvements contemplated by the Government being the 
erection of buildings now introduced in every saline of Continental Europe, 
and known by the name of " Buildings of Graduation," and as these must 
be erected on the premises let to the lessees, a condition must be inserted, that 
the United States shall be at liberty to erect on the premises the above men- 
tioned buildings, and also, to make such other improvements not interfering 
with the works as they may think proper — leaving to subsequent private 
agreements the conditions on which the lessees should be permitted to 
use such buildings and other improvements, if they shall hereafter make 
application to that effect. The lessees will not be entitled to claim payment 
for any improvement made by them, unless it be of permanent nature, and 
shall have been previously authorized by the Government. 

8. As the time approaches for making a new lease, I send an advertisement 
to the printers of Lexington, Frankfort, Louisville, Bardstown, Cincinnati, 
Nashville and Vincennes, a copy of which is inclosed and which you will be 
pleased to circulate, or, if necessary, to have printed in other jjlaces. In de- 
ciding between the several proposals which may be made, you will, however, 
be pleased to take into consideration, not only the nature of the ofter, but 
also the character and capital of the parties, and generally all those circum- 
stances which may insure a jiunctual compliance Avith the terms of the con- 
tract. Of the quantity of salt which may be made, and of the price at 
which it may be made, you must be a competent judge ; and proposals, arising 



532 OFFICIAL LETTERS TO NINIAN KDWARDS. 

from ignorance or an improper spirit of adventure, oflfering to make more 
salt or at cheaper rate than you know it to be practicable, ought at once to 
be rejected. Indisputable security must also be obtained in the same man- 
ner as heretofore. You will also be pleased to insert, as in the present lease, 
a reservation for the approbation of the President, and transmit for that pur- 
pose to this Department the writings, duly executed by the parties. 
I have the honor to be, 

Very respectfully, your Excellency's 
Obedient servant, 

ALBERT GALLATIN. 
To Gov. N. Edwards, Kaskaskia, Illinois Territory. 



Tbeasury Dei'AKTMEnt, March 14, 1810. 
Sir : 

I had the houor to receive your letter of February Otb, inclosiug the lease 
of the Saline to John Taylor, Charles "VVilkins and Jas. Morrison, which was 
laid before the President of the United States, and has been by him approved 
and ratified. Of this, I will thank you to inform the lessees ; and I can only 
add my entire satisfaction of the results. 

Your letter of the 9th ulto. has been received, and I think that the mode 
which you propose for the disposal of the salt on hand is the best which can 
be adopted. I will thank you to direct Mr. White to pay the money on hand 
or which may be received in the Bank of Frankfort, to the credit of the 
Treasurer of the United States — keeping only as much as may be sufficient to 
pay his salary and to defray contingent expeuses. He must take dujjlicate 
receipts of those payments in bank, and send one to this office. It Avill also 
be eligiljlc, in taking the lessees' notes for the payment of the salt on hand, 
to make them payable also in Bank at Frankfort, and to have the amount, 
when thus paid, likewise passed to the credit of the Treasurer of the United 
States. 

Be pleased also to recollect that the former lessees must repay the advance 

of dollars, made to them by the Government, at the commencement of 

the lease. 

I have the honor to be. 

Respectfully, sir. 

Your obedient servant, 

ALBERT GALLATIN. 
To Gov, N. Edwards, Kaskaskia, Illinois Territory. 



Treasury Department, June 29, 1810. 
Sir : 

The lessees of the United States Saline having represented to me that, in 
consequence of the large supply of salt in the Western country, there is great 
difficulty in making sales, and having proposed that a reduction in the price 



OFFICIAL LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 533 

Should be made conformably to a provision in the lease, I have submitted the 
subject to tlie President, Avho has approved of a reduction of the price to the 
rate of seventy-live cents a bushel. This reduction is to take effect from the 
1st of September next, after which day the salt of the United States, as well 
as that of the lessees, is to be sold at the Saline at seventy-five cents per bushel 
— of which circumst/iuce you will please to apprise the agent. 

A proportionable reduction in the rent being stipulated in tlie lease to take 
place whenever a reduction should be made, by mutual consent, in the price 
of the salt, I have annexed to the foot of this letter the calculations by which 
the ratio of reduction is ascertained. The result is, that the rent, from the 
1st September next to the 1st March, 1811, will be at the rate of 0,333 bushels 
per annum, or 3,167 bushels for those six months ; and for the two ensuing 
years 5,500 bushels a year. But this calculation beiug on the supposition that 
they willJiave reduced the consumption of fuel in the manner stipulated for 
in the lease, if they fail in that respect the rent will then be for the six 
months, from 1st of Sei^tember to 1st March next, at the rate of 13,333 bushels 
per annum, or 6,660 bushels for those six months ; and for the two succeeding 
years 12,500 bushels a year. The lease i^rovidcs that the salt shall not be sold 
at a less price than eighty-seven and one-half cents, unless tliat price shall he 
lessened hij the consent of the lessees, etc. ; and although the application which 
the lessees have made for a reduction of the price may be considered as an 
expression of their consent, yet, for the sake of precision, it will be most ad- 
visable that an article should be executed, in which shall be eSpressly stated 
the reduction of the price to seventy-five cents, and the consequent reduction 
in the rent, in the way above stated. 

I have referred the lessees to you for this purpose, and directed them to 
empower some person to execute an article of the foregoing tenor. 
I have the honor to be, sir, 

Your obedient servant, 

ALBERT GALLATIN. 
To Gov. N. Edwards, Kaskaskia, Illinois. 



Treastjey Department, Juhj 5, 1810. 
Sir : 

I had the honor to receive, by this day's mail, your letter of 5th ult., with 
its inclosures. As the distance of Kaskaskia from the seat. of government 
might produce delays prejudicial to the object in view, you will be pleased 
to consider yourself as fully authorized to take any measures and to make any 
arrangement which yoii will think most eligible for the disposal of the salt 
of the United States — whether proceeding from the jjurchases under the old 
lease or from the rent under the new. I had, however, understood the sale of 
the old salt to the new lessees to have been concluded, and, under that im- 
pression, transmitted the President's permission to lessen the price of salt. 
As this was done in order to promote the general object, and without regard 
to the loss of revenue arising therefrom, I cannot suppose the lessees will hes- 
itate to comply with the agreement for the purchase of the old salt on the 



534 OFFICIAL LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 

terms first proposed ; and you are authorized to suspend the reduction of price 
until that is complied with. 

I inclose an authenticated copy of the bond for the advance of money to 
the former lessees, which, on repayment thereof, you will be pleased to de- 
liver to tliem, with a receipt in full annexed thereto. If the money be paid 
to you, you will deposit the amount to the credit of the Treasurer, in the 
Bank of Kentucky. But it will be more simple and probably more conve- 
nient that the former lessees should pay the money there, themselves, and 
transmit to you the cashier's receipt, which will be the evidence on which you 
will give your own receipt on the copy of the bond. In cither case duplicate 
recei2)t.s from the cashier should be taken, one of which to be sent to this 
office. 

I have the honor to be, sir. 

Very respectfully. 

Your obedient servant, 

ALBERT GALLATIN. 

To Gov. N. Edwakds, Kaskaskia, Illinois. 



Tkkasury Department, July 11, 1810. 
Sir : 

I am honored with yours of the 22d ult. ; and having already, by mine of 
5th inst., stated that you were authorized to take any steps, for the sale of the 
salt, which you might think proper, I will only add that you are also re- 
quested to judge, in the manner most convenient to yourself, whether that re- 
duction of fuel has taken place, which, according to the true intention of the 
lease, must produce the reduction in the rent from 30,000 to 24,000 bushels of 

salt. 

I have the honor to be, respectfully, sir, 

Your obedient servant, 

ALBERT GALLATIN. 
To Gov, NiNiAN Edwards, Kaskaskia, Illinois. 



Washington, July 16, 1810. 
Sir : 

Your friendly letter, of 23d June, is this moment received. I have done no 

act or given no opinion relative to the land claims in the Illinois Territory, 

but such as necessarily flowed from my official duties. Of such I must abide 

by the consequence — be it what it may. From the sound rule of audi alteram 

partem I never will depart ; but it is true that the report of our officers is not 

calculated to produce favorable impressions for some of the land claimants. 

Having done nothing but officially, I would have no objection that all my 

communications to the land commissioners should be seen by all the claimants. 



OFFICIAL LETTERS TO NlNlAN EDWARDS. 535 

And, not knowing what use is made of my name, I cannot say whether it is 

done improperly or not. , 

With thanks for your friendly communication and friendly disposition, 

I remain, with cordiality and respect. 

Your obedient servant, 

ALBERT GALLATIN. 
To Gov. Edwards. 



Treasuby Department, Aur/n:4 1, 1810. 
Sir : 

I had the lionor to receive your letters of 28th and 30th June. You are fully 
autliorizcd to take all such measures, respecting the disposition of the old 
salt, either by arrangement with the lessees or otherwise, as you may tliink 
most eligible, losing sight neither of the jjublic interest, in that respect, nor 
of the great object of encouraging the manufacture of the article. With a 
view to the last point, it will be best, if practicable, not to disagree with the 
lessees ; but the decision is left entirely to your discretion. 

Before any answer can be given, respecting the improvement of the naviga- 
tion of the creek, the plan and estimate of expense must be submitted, by the 
lessees, to the President. The erection of a mill, at public expense, is inad- 
missible. Your suggestion, respecting the walls etc., to prevent the wells 
being overflowed, is approved, and the expense will be allowed, jirovided the 
work is made in a permanent manner. 

I have the honor to be, respectfully, sir. 

Your obedient servant, 

ALBERT GALLATIN. 
To Gov. N. Edwards, Kaskaskia, Illinois. 



War Department, March 12, 1811. 
Sir : 

In making out the commision for the gentleman you were pleased to recom- 
mend for the ofSce of Brigadier-General of the militia of the Illinois Territo- 
ry, also in the letter addressed to him, inclosing the commission, an error was 
made in the first name : in the place of Elias Rector it should have been Wil- 
liam Rector. If you will be so good as to have the commission returned to 
this Department, the mistake will be rectified. 

I am, very resi^cctfully, sir, 

Your most obedient servant, 

W. EUSTIS. 
To Hon. Ninian Edwards. 



536 OFFICIAL LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWAUDS. 

War Department, June 26, 1811. 
8ir : 

I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your Excellency's letter of 
the 7th inst. 

A reasonable compensation to an interpreter, whose services may be neces- 
sary in an intercourse with the Indians, as well as an indemnity for provi- 
sions issued to them on their necessary visits, including such presents as in 
the judgment of your Excellency it may be j)roper and expedient to make to 
them, will be allowed. These expenses will be regulated by your discretion 
and judgment, and may be provided for by bills drawn on the Department or 
by the transmission of money, as may appear to your Excellency to be most 
convenient. Moneys advanced for these purposes, will be accounted for to 
the accountant of tlie War Department, on such vouchers as the nature of 
the case will admit. 

I have the honor to be. 

Your Excellency's most obedient servant, 

W. EUSTIS. 
To Gov. NiNiAN Edwards, Illinois Territory. 



War Department, June 4, 1812. 
Sir : 
Your letters of May Gth and 12th have been received. 
The militia which have been called out by your Excellency will Ijc paid. 
Their accounts should be rendered as pointed out for the pay of the rangers, 
and transmitted to the paymaster of tlie army in this city. 

The suljaltcrns recommended for Capt. Whiteside's company, will be nomi- 
nated for those appointments. 

I remain, respectfully, 

Your Excellency's obedient servant, 

W. EUSTIS. 
To Gov. NiNiAN Edwards, Illinois Territory. 



AVar Department, Juli/ 9, 1812. 
fJir : 

As emergencies may arise requiring an additional military force on the 
frontiers of the Indiana and Illinois Territories, the Governors of those Ter- 
ritories have been authorized to request of your Excellency, in the event of 
such emergency, detachments of militia from the State of Kentucky, and I 
am instructed by the President to request of your Excellency to furnish any 
detachments which may be required, which will be considered as a part of 
the quota detached, conformably to the law passed April 10th, 1812. 
I have the honor to be, very respectfully, 

Your Excellency's most obedient servant, 

W. EUSTIS. 
To Gov. Charles Scott, Kentucky. 



OFFICIAL LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 537 

Treasury Department, ) 
General Land Office, 3Iai/ 10, 1813 \ 
iSlr : 

Your letter of the 13th March last to the Secretary of the Treasury, com- 
municating the understanding which has taken place between you and the 
lessees of the Wabash Saline, that they should continue to work it on the old 
terms, till the will of the President ]je known, has been received, and Mr. 
Gallatin having left the scat of government, in order to proceed on his mis- 
sion to Russia, it has been handed to mc. I have consulted the President on 
the subject, and he is pleased to direct that the temporary arrangement made 
by you should be continued till you can substitute one which had been sug. 
gested by Mr. Gallatin previous to the receipt of your letter— the nature of 
which you will understand from the inclosed copy of Mr. Gallatin's letter to 
me, dated 17th ulto. 

I have the honor to be. 

Very respectfully, sir, 

Your obedient servant, 

EDWARD TIFFIN, Gommissioncr. 
To Gov. NiNiAN Edwards, Kaskaskia, Illinois Territory. 



Treasury Department, ) 
General Land Office, Sept. 8, 1813. \ 
Sir : 

Yours of the 17th ulto. has been received. In answer to which I can only 
call your attention (to the instructions given by the Secretary of the Treas- 
ury on the 35th August, 1809) to the late lease and my former communication. 
The present embarrassed state of the country on account of the Indian depre- 
dations, will inevitably leave much to the exercise of your sound discretion ; 
but, keeping the great leading objects of the Government in view, of which 
you arc already well informed, relative to the Saline, and retaining a clause 
subjecting the terms to the approbation of the President of the United States, 
you cannot fail in discharging this trust satisfactorily. 

In case the old lessees do not again take the works, I suppose the new ones 
ought to pay the value of the improvements. 
With great respect, 

I have the honor to be, sir. 

Your obedient servant, 

EDWARD TIFFIN. 
To Gov. N. Edwards, at Russellville, Logan county, Kentucky. 



Treasury Department, ) 
General Land Office, Jan. 10, 1814. J 
Sir: 

Yours of the 8th and 9th of November have been received, and I lost no 
time in presenting the several subjects referred to before the President of the 
—68 



538 OFFICIAL LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 

United States ; but, owing to the great press of national business, neither 
he nor the acting Secretary of the Treasury could, before this period, devote 
time to the consideration thereof. I am now instructed to inform you, that 
it will be best to let Pittway & Co. off from their proposals for leasing the 
Wabash Saline, and you are requested to issue advertisements in such papers 
as you suppose best calculated to give extensive information, that you will 
attend at such day at the Saline as you can conveniently and as soon as prac- 
ticable, to receive proposals for leasing the works for three years, from and 
after such day as you may jjropose to make the lease — giving the present occu- 
pants notice that they may continue to work the Saline until the day so 
fixed upon, on the same conditions that they now have them — for it will be 
'impossible to have the preparatory arrangements made before the 1st March, 
when their period expires. The Government expects that the present occu- 
pants, or any others who desire to take the works, may afford to give at least 
thirty thousand bushels of salt per annum — for you are authorized, in the 
lease to be given, to allow the persons who may take the Saline, to sell all the 
salt they may make, at one dollar and twenty-five cents per bushel, instead, 
as heretofore, at seventy-five cent*. This will enable the people of that country 
to obtain salt cheaper than anywhere else in the Union, and will justify the 
Government in cxi)ecting, and the occupants of the Saline in giving, in 
future, thirty thousand bushels rent or an equivalent in money, at their option. 
These instructions, with those heretofore given, will regulate you in making 
a future lease, still subject to the approbation of the President of the United 
States, who will doubtless approve of it, if made agreeably to your instruc- 
tions. 

With respect to the compensation you ask, for the expense, etc., of attend- 
ing to this business, this subject is under consideration and the result you shall 
be duly informed of. I think, with you, that you ought to be paid. 
With great respect, 

I have the honor to be, sir, 

Your obedient servant, 

EDWARD TIFFIN. 
To Gov. N. EuwABDS, Kaskaskia, Illinois Territory. 



Treasury Department, ) 
General Land Office, April 20, 1814. \ 
Sir : 

I- The President of the United States has approved the lease lately entered 
into by John Bates & Co. for the United States Saline near the Wabash, and 
I am instructed to request you t© notify the lessees accordingly. 

I am well pleased with the great attention you have paid to this business, 
and am of opinion that you ought to be compensated therefor, which opinion 
I have urged upon the Secretary of the Treasury. He is so entirely taken 
up with the important, pressing duties lately devolved upon him, that he 
cannot yet awhile devote time to the consideration of compensation, but soon 



OFFICIAL LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 539 

will have more leisure. In tlie meantime, I think you might make out and 
forward an account — for no public moneys can be paid unless founded upon 
an account for services, etc. This account will then be attended to by me in 
your behalf, and of which I will apprize you. Your suggestion of leaving it 
to the discretion of the President is inadmissible, for it is too indelicate to 
trouble liim with its consideration. 

With great respect, I am, 

Your obedient servant, 

EDWARD TIFFIN. 
To Gov. N. Edwards, Illinois Territory. 



Washington, Jane 18, 1814. 
Sir : 

I have received yours and Mr, White's, relative to your remuneration for • 
expenses while attending the United States interests at the Saline, both of 
which I have laid before the honorable the Secretary of the Treasury, and 
given my opinion that the charge ought to be allowed. He appeared to ac- 
quiesce, and I will inform you when I am apprised of the result. 
With great respect, I am. 

Your obedient servant, 

EDWARD TIFFIN. 
To Gov. N. Edwards, Sidney Grove, Illinois Territory. 



Department op War, Nov. 23, 1814. 
Sir : 

I have had the honor to peruse your letter of the 18th October last, to the 
Hon. Mr. Stephenson, on the subject of supplies for the Kaskaskia Indians. 
I have to request your Excellency will supply these Indians with money and 
clothing to the amount of their annuity, if in your power to procure them in 
the Illinois Territory — for the payment of which your bills on this depart- 
ment will be duly honored. 

I have the honor to be, 

Respectfully, sir, 

Your obedient servant, 

JAMES MONROE. 
To Gov. NiNiAN Edwards, Illinois Territory. 



Treasury Department, \ 
General Ljvnd Office, Dec. 13, 1814. \ 
Sir : 

Your favor of November 7th has been received. If the salt lick, which 
you state to have been discovered by Conrad Will and his associates, lies in 
the district of Shawnectown or Kaskaskia, you will be pleased to refer him 



540 OFFICIAL LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 

to the register of the land office for the district in which the lick lies, to ob- 
tain a lease ; if it is not in either district, you will be pleased to execute a 
lease, not exceeding three years, on such terms as you think just, subject to 
the approbation of the President of the United States. In my opinion the 
rent ought not to be less than the interest of the purchase money of the tract 
leased, with a clause to prevent waste of timber on the adjacent tracts. 

I am, very respectfully, sir. 

Your obedient servant, 

J. MEIGS. 
To Gov. NiNiAN Edward.?, Kaskaskia, Illinois Territory. 



Teeasuey Department, July 31, 1815. 
Sir : 

I have had the honor to receive your letter of the 15th ulto. It is cause of 
real regret to me that, in the recent correspondence between this Department 
and the agent at the Saline, the circumstance of your having been formally 
invested with the direction and superintendence of the Saline was not recol- 
lected. I beg you to be assured, however, that it was never contemplated to 
Avithdraw the confidence heretofore so justly placed in you, and that you will 
be pleased to consider yourself as possessing the entire direction of the 
Wabash Saline, any instructions to Mr. White from this office to the contrary 
notwithstanding. 

With respect to the disposal of the salt already received and to be received 
from the lessees, for rent, I will only observe, that the mode, time and place 
of making the sales, are wholly committed to your discretion. 

I have the honor to be. 

Very resiDectfuUy, sir. 

Your obedient servant, 

A. J. DALLAS. 

To Gov. NiNiAN Edwards, Kaskaskia, Illinois Territory. 



Department of War, Feb. 28, 1817. 
Sir : 

As that jiart of the Illinois Territory west of the Illinois River will pro- 

Ijably be settled with great rapidity, so soon as the soldiers' lands are brought 

into market, it will become desirable, in order to connect the settlements in 

the Territory, to procure a cession of the lands lying between those ceded by 

the Kaskaskia Indians, on the 13th of August, 1803, and the Illinois River, 

so as to include all the lands lying between the western boundary of that 

cession and the above mentioned river. I am, therefore, instructed by the 

President, to request that you would take measures to ascertain whether the 

Indians claiming that land^ would be disposed to relinquish it. It is also 

desirable to know whether there are any conflicting Indian claims to the 

whole or any part of the above described tract of land. 



OFFICIAL LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 541 

So soon as you can ascertain the temper of the Indians on this subject, you 
will advise this Dejiartment ; and should they be disposed to make a cession, 
you will be authorized to hold a treaty with them for that purpose. 
I have the honor to be, 
With great respect. 

Your obedient servant, 

GEO. GRAHAM 
Acting Secretary of War. 
To Gov. NiNiAN Edwards, Illinois Territory. 



Treasury DErARTMENT, March 1, 1817. 
Sir : 

You will, without delay, transmit to the Governor of the Illinois Territory 
an authority to lease, for the term of three years, the United States Saline, 
now occupied by John Bates. It is deemed expedient to leave it to the dis- 
cretion of His Excellency to lease the whole premises to one individual or 
company, or to grant separate leases for distinct portions of that property. 
In this, as in every other case, the public interest will be promoted by com- 
petition, if there exists no particular reason against it. Of this Gov. Ed- 
wards will judge. In fixing the price of the salt, the practicability of selling 
it ought to have great influence. 

As it is presumed, from the representations of Mr. Bates, the present lessee 
has but little if any salt on hand, a stipulation for the sale of that which re- 
mains unsold, in the hands of the Government, may be inserted in the new 
contract. 

In valuing the improvements made by Mr. Bates, during the existence ot 
the lease, it may be useful to value the improvements which he received upon 
entering the premises, distinguishing them from those which he made. I un- 
derstand that it is customary on making a new line of pipes, to use the old 
pipes which are represented to be of cypress or gum, which are extremely 
durable. It will be desirable, also, to obtain from Gov. Edwards the prac- 
tice, under that provision of the leases heretofore made, which relates to the 
remuneration of the lessee for his improvements. Has it been customary to 
repay him the amount which he paid, on entering, to the preceding lessee ? 
The lease makes no provision for such repayment ; but it is contended here, 
by some of the lessees, that such was the understanding of the parties, and 
the practice under the preceding leases. 

I have the honor to be, etc., 

WILLIAM. H. CRAWFORD. 

To JosTAii Meigs, Esq., Commissioner of the General Land Office. 



542 OFFICIAL LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 

Treasury Department, March 19, 1817. 

Sir : 

The lessees of the Saline, on the waters of the Ohio, who preceded Mr. 
Bates, in the order of time, allege that they have not received that compen- 
sation for the improvements which they made upon the premises, during the 
existence of their lease, to which they were entitled under it ; and that they 
have received nothing for the improvements which were upon the premises 
antecedent to their occupancy of them, which were either made by them or 
their value advanced to those by whom they were made. They allege that 
your instructions excluded from the valuation which was set on foot, at the 
expiration of their lease, many improvements which are fairly comprehended 
by the letter and spirit of the lease ; in consequence of which, one of the 
appraisers, as the agent or friend of the former lessees, declined the execution 
of the duty assigned him, and compromised the matter with Mr. Bates, by 
agreeing to accept a gross sum, without regard to the value of the improve- 
ments. It may be proper to observe, that the lease makes no provision for 
the repayment of any sum, which may be advanced by a lessee upon taking 
possession of the premises, for the improvements which have been made by 
those who have preceded him. This omission must have been the result of 
design or of accident. It may have been the intention of the Government to 
retain as permanent improvements, at the expiration of each successive lease, 
everything which had been put upon the premises during the existence of the 
antecedent and prior leases — considering the use of the property by the sub- 
seqiient lessee, during the continuance of his lease, as a fair equivalent for the 
sum paid upon taking possession of the premises ; or it may have been the 
result of a conclusion that such improvements would cease to be useful at the 
expiration of the second lease after they were made, or from the difficulty of 
distinguishing between the improvements made in successive leases, or from 
the constant changes in the value of those improvements. I understand that, 
in addition to the ordinary causes of change in the value of those improve- 
ments, the lessees are in the habit of breaking up one line of pijjes and making 
another, using, however, the original pipes for the new line. In cases of this 
kind, it is manifest, that if the new line is considered an improvement for 
which the actual lessee is entitled to compensation, the Government will be 
subject to great injustice if the lessee is also entitled to receive back the 
amount paid by him for the line of pipes so changed during his lease. Not- 
withstanding the view here presented, it may have been the understanding 
of the parties that they were to receive, upon the expiration of their leases, 
the value of the improvements which they found upon the premises, and 
which were left by them in the same state of preservation and usefulness as 
they were received. It is true that the contracts in question have not been 
long enough in existence to establish anything like a special custom which, 
in a court of law or even of equity, would be permitted to control the rules 
of construction in relation to such contracts ; but in a case of this kind the 
Government is willing that the legal construction of those leases should yield 
to the fair and explicit understanding of the lessees and the officer of the 



OFFICIAL LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 543 

Government charged witli tlie execution of that duty, at the time the leases 
were made. Under this view of the subject, the lessees who preceded Mr. 
Bates are referred to you for a decision upon their claim for additional allow- 
ance. How far the person who acted as their agent, and entered into an 
agreement with Mr. Bates, by which a gross sum was paid for the improve- 
ments, ought to bind them, and how far their subsequent conduct has made 
his act their own, notwithstanding there may have been a defect of authority 
originally, is also referred to your decision. The evidence upon that point in 
the possession of this Dej)artment is very slight indeed. It is presumed that 
all the circumstances are known to you, and that if they are not, they can be 
easily obtained from Mr. Bates. It has, however, been intimated that some 
difficulty occurred in obtaining from Mr. Bates the amount agreed by him to 
be paid. If this intimation is well founded, the clearest evidence of their 
subsequent sanction of the arrangement can be obtained. If this comiDromise 
has placed the United States in a worse situation than if it had not been 
made, the censure ought to fall ux^onthe lessees. The whole subject, however, 
is referred to your Excellency, with a request that you will do what is right 
and projjer ; and that if you feel any difficulty in deciding upon all or either 
of the points involved in it, you will favor me with your views upon it. 
I have the honor to be, 

Your Excellency's most obedient and h.umble servant, 

WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD, 
To ]S'i:s"iAN Edwards, Governor of Illinois Territory, Kaskaskia. 



Department of Wak, March 26, 1817. 
Sir: 

All the Indian Agents within the Illinois Territory, except the one at Green 
Bay, having been placed under your superintendence, as Governor of that 
Territory, you will take the necessary measures for causing the agents to make 
their reports and render their accounts, through you, to this Department. All 
bills (except for their own pay) drawn by them on this Department, must re- 
ceive your sanction before they can be paid ; and as all accounts iu relation 
to Indian affairs are, in pursuance of a late law, to be settled at the Treasury, 
by the Fifth Auditor, it becomes necessary that the agents should, at the ex- 
piration of each quarter, draw for the expenses incurred during the quarter ; 
the amount to be included, as far as practicable, in the same bill, accomijanied 
by a letter of advice and a particular account of the expenditures, which ex- 
penditures should receive your approbation. 

The state of the api^ropriation for the Indian Department requires the 
most strict and rigorous economy in the expenditures ; those for rations and 
presents have very much exceeded the amount which the appropriations of 
the present year will admit, and will therefore require very considerable re- 
ductions. The regulations prescribed by this Department, on the 7th of May, 
1816, in relation to the issues of rations, should be strictly adhered to ; and 
you should cause a report of the amount of the issues of rations to Indians, 



544 OFFICIAL LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 

at eacli post within the Territory, to be made to you ; the whole amount of 
the expenditure for the Indian Department, within the Illinois Territory, in- 
cluding rations, presents, contingencies, salaries of agents, etc., must he 
limited to $25,000 per annum ; and you Avill apportion this sum among the 
several agencies, including that for civilization, in such manner as you think 
proper. 

Mr. McKcuney will be instructed to forward to you six thousand dollars' 
worth of goods, to be assorted into three parcels of two thousand dollars 
each, as presents. He will also forward the amount of annuities i^ayable to 
the Indians in the Illinois Territory. Those for the Sacs and Foxes will, for 
the present year, be sent to St. Louis, as it is uncertain in which of the Ter- 
ritories the greater part of these tribes reside. Gov. Clark and yourself will 
agree on the point where they are in future to be delivered, and advise this 
Department thereof. 

The Agent for Civilization cannot be furnished, and will not require, for 
the j)resent year, any other mechanics than a blacksmith and a wheelwright. 
The sum allowed to his agency must necessarily be limited by the amount 
placed at your disposal. The sum estimated by him for the construction of 
houses is totally inadmissible at present. Accommodations must be procured 
by the aid of the troops stationed at Peoria, and with such funds as you may 
be able to appropriate to that object out of those placed at your disposal. 

The orders of this Department, dated October 31, 1816, requiring the agents 
to reside within their respective agencies, must be strictly enforced. It is ob- 
served that Mr. Forsyth, who was ordered to report to you, is still at St. Louis. 
If you have no occasion for his services within your Territory, you will advise 
Gov. Clark thereof, who will be instructed to employ him, if his services are 
required in the Missouri Territory ; if not, to discharge him. 
I have the honor to be, 

With great respect, sir. 

Your obedient servant, 

GEORGE GRAHAM, 

Acting Secretary of War. 

To Gov. NiNiAN Edwards, Kaskaskia, Illinois Territory. 



Department of War, Nov. 1, 1817. 
Gentlemen : 

I have the honor to inclose you a commission for the purpose of treating 
with the Illinois, the Kickaj»oos, the Pottawottamies and other tribes of In- 
dians within the Illinois Territory. The object of this negotiation is to ob- 
tain a cession from the tribes who may have a claim to it, of all that tract of 
land which lies between the most northeastern point of boundary of the lands 
ceded by ^the Kaskaskias, in August, 1803, the Sangamo and the Illinois 
Rivers ; and which tract of land completely divided the settled parts of the 
Illinois Territory from that part which lies between the Illinois and Missis- 
sippi Rivers, and which has been lately surveyed for the purpose of satisfying 



OFFICIAL LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 545 

the Military land bounties, a circumstance which makes the acquisition of this 
tract of country peculiarly desirable. 

If either of the tribes who have a claim to the land is desirous of exchang- 
ing their claim for lands on the west of the Mississippi, you are authorized 
to make the exchange ; and your extensive local knowledge of the country 
will enable you to designate that part of it where it would be most desirable 
to locate the lands to be given as an equivalent. To other tribes, who may not 
wish to remove, you will allow such an annuity, for a iixed period, as you may 
deem an adequate compensation for the relinquishment of their resj^ective 
claims. To enable you to give the usual presents on such occasions, you are 
authorized to draw on this Department for $6,000. 

The contractor will furnish, on the requisition of either of you, the rations 
that may be necessary for the supply of the Indians while attending the 
treaty. Your compensation will be at the rate of eight dollars a day for the 
time actually engaged iu treating with the Indians ; and that of the secretary, 
whom you are authorized to appoint, will be at the rate of five dollars a day. 
I have the honor to be, 

With great respect, 

Your obedient servant, 

GEORGE GRAHAM, 

Acting Secretary of War. 
To Go\n. Wm. Clauk and Ninian Edwakds. 



Department of War, Nov. 1, 1817. 
Sir: 

Your letter of the 7th ult., recommending th§ appointment of B. Stephen- 
son, Esq., as a Major-General of the militia of the Illinois Territory, has been 
received, and will be duly attended to, when the Senate is in session. You 
will receive, by this mail, a commission to treat with the Indians claiming the 
lands lying between those ceded by the Kaskaskias, in 1803, and the Illinois 
River. 

As it is not only desirable but indispensably necessary that the boundary 
lines of all the lands ceded by the Indians should be established and well 
marked, the President has appointed Richard Graham, Indian agent, and 
Phillips to act as Commissioners, for the purpose of running and mark- 
ing, iu conjunction with two chiefs to be appointed by the Indians, such 
boundary lines of the lands ceded by the Indians within the Illinois Territory 
as you may deem necessary. The lines will be run at the expense of the Uni- 
ted States, and the two chiefs who may be designated to attend the commis- 
sioners will receive a compensation not less than that of the commissioners. 

I would recommend that a contract be made with the principal surveyor, 
Mr. Rector, for running and marking the lines at a given sum per mile— the 
surveyors furnishing everything necessary for that purpose. As a specific ap- 
propriation will be asked for this object, I will thank you to advise this De- 
—69 



546 OFFICIAL LETTERS TO NINIAN EDAVARDS. 

partment, at as early a period as convenient, what would be the probable ex- 
pense of running and marking the lines, independent of the expense and com- 
pensation to the commissioners. 

It is very desirable to have the boundary of that tract of land ceded by the 
treaty of August, 1816, and lying between the Illinois River and Lake Michi- 
gan, established, and a particular report made of the quality. If that tract 
of land was surveyed and settled, it would very much facilitate the migrations 
to the Illinois Territory from New England and the State of New York, by 
means of the lake navigation. 

I have the honor to be. 

With great resj^ect. 

Your obedient servant, 

GEORGE GRAHAM, 

Acting Scc'y Wa7'. 
To Gov. N. Edwakds, Kaskuskia, Illinois. 



Office of Indian Trade, i 
Georgetown, January 17, 18lS. ( 
Sir : 

1 am honored with your communication, bearing date 10th ult., and exceed- 
ingly regret that interruptions should have retarded the more speedy arrival 
of the Indian annuities connected with your agency. I know how unfriendly 
such disappointments must be in their operation on the Indian mind ; but 
the remedy does not lie in this Department. Orders are issued for those sup- 
plies and for the presents by the War Department, and as soon as this office 
receives them, or with as little delay thereafter as is possible, the orders are 
executed and the merchandize transported. It will, no doubt, comport with 
the facility of operation to have the St. Louis agency organized ; although 
Mr. Kennerly, who acts as agent there, is a very attentive man, yet it is prob- 
able it might be more actively exercised. There is always difficulty in get- 
ting off the presents or the annuities together, or all at the same time ; and 
that difficulty is not lessened much as they progress — the means of transpor- 
tation being scarce, sometimes retards the progress of the goods. But no de- 
lay takes place after the orders are given, more than the time required for 
packing, unless, as it sometimes happens, wagons cannot be had. 

I will use any additional exertions that I may be able to call up, to prevent 
a recurrence of similar delays in future ; but should a depot be organized at 
St. Louis, the goods could arrive there no sooner — because I cannot anticipate 
the orders — and beyond that point, again, their movement would depend up- 
on activity in the agent. 

I will not forget to name to the Secretary of War your intimation for addi- 
tional presents. 

I am, with great respect, sir, 

Your obedient servant, 

THOMAS L. McKENNEY. 
To Hon. Ninian Ed"wards. 



OFHCIAL LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 547 

Opfick of Indian Trade, ) 
Georgetown, D. C, May 8, 1818. \ 
Sir : 

I have the honor herewith to inclose you several invoices of merchandize 
provided and transj)orted to you, via Pittsburgh, pursuant to instructions re- 
ceived from the honorable the Secretary of War, bearing date March 5th, 1818- 

First — Invoice made up of packages from No. 1 to No. 4, inclusive, amount- 
ing to |3,000, to be distributed by you, in presents, to the Indians at Kaskas. 
kia. 

/Second — Invoice made up of packages from No. 1 to No. 12, inclusive, 
amounting, also, to $3,000, to be distributed by you, in presents, to the Indians 
at Prairie du Chien. 

Tliird — Invoice made up of iDackages from No. 1 to No. 13, amounting, 
also, to $2,000, to be distributed by you, in presents, to the Indians at Peoria. 

Fourtli—lnyoicQ made up of packages from No. 1 to No. 5, inclusive, amount- 
ing to $800, to be paid over to the Piankeshaws — it being in full their annu- 
ity due for the year 1818. 

Fifth — Invoice made up of packages from No. 1 to No 6, inclusive, amount- 
ing to $1,000, to be paid over by you to the Ottaways, Chippeways, and Pot- 
tawottamies of St. Louis and south-western parts of Lake Michigan — it being 
in full for their annuity due them for the year 1818. 

These goods are all progressing, and many of them, if not the whole, are by 
this time beyond Pittsburgh. The powder and tobacco will join them at 
Louisville, where I have provided them. 

I sincerely hope these goods and their varieties will prove acceptable to the 
wants and the tastes of the Indians for whom they are intended. It will af- 
ford me pleasure to have this hope realized, by a letter from you, after they 
shall have undergone examination. 

Be so good as to forward to me, as soon after the arrival of the merchandize 
as possible, receipted copies of the invoices, with a view to a speedy adjust- 
ment of my accounts on the books of the Treasury. 

Only $500 were directed, by the War Department, to-be provided for the 
Kaskaskias' annuity this year ; for $400 of which you have drawn, which 
leaves $100 due — for which $100 you are authorized to draw on me, as Super- 
intendent of Indian Trade. 

I have the honor to be. 

With great respect, sir, 

Your obedient servant, 

THOMAS L. McKENNEY. 

To Hon. Ninian Edwards, Kaskaskia, Illinois. 



Department op War, 3[ay IC, 1818. 
Sir : 

It has been represented to this Department that the establishment of a black- 
smith's shop, at Prairie du Chien, would be beneficial to the Indian Department, 



548 OFFICIAL LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 

If your Excellency should think it proper, you are authorized to employ a 
suitable smith, at reasonable terms, for one year. The experiment that will 
be. made in that time will enable this Department to decide whether or not 
it be proper to continue the shop. 

I have the honor to be, 

Your Excellency's most obedient servant, 

J. C. CALHOUN. 
To Hon. Ninian Edwards, Kaskaskia, Illinois. 



Department of War, Ma^J 25, 181S. 
Sir : 

I inclose you a copy of a resolution of the House of Representatiyes, passed 
at their late session, by which you will perceive that it is contemplated to 
abolish the present system of Indian trade, and to leave it, under suitable reg- 
ulations, open to individuals. What those regulations ought to be can be 
judged of, fully and correctly, by those only who have their knowledge from 
experience with the Indian character and affairs. I have, therefore, to request 
your Excellency to afford me your ideas on the subject of the resolution, as 
early as practicable, in order that I may avail myself of them, in reporting to 
the House, at their next session. It would afford me pleasure to have your 
ideas, also, on the relative merit of the present system as it is, or with the im- 
provements of which it is susceptible, and the one proposed to be su))stituted. 

I have the honor to be 

Your obedient servant, 

J. C. CALHOUN. 
To Gov. Edwards, Kaskaskia, Illinois. 



Treasury Department, March 12, 1829. 
Sir : 

Your letter of the 9th ult., addressed to the Commissioner of the General 
Land Office, advising of your having drawn bills on account of the three per 
cent, fund, due to the State of Illinois, and requesting payment to be made at 
tlie Treasury, has been referred to me. 

The act of Congress, of the 12th of December, 1830, entitled "An act for the 
payment to the State of Illinois, three per cent, of the net proceeds arising 
from the sales of public lands within the same," directs that "An annual 
account of the application of the money be transmitted to the Secretary of 
the Treasury, and, in default of such return being made, the Secretary of the 
Treasury is required to withhold the payment of any sums that may be then 
due or which may thereafter become due, until a return shall be made as here- 
in reqixired." 

This provision of the act not having been complied with, on the part of the 
State of Illinois, and the act seeming to leave no discretion, I have been con- 
strained to decline the payment of one of the bills mentioned in your letter — 



OFFICIAL LETTERS TO NINIAN EDWARDS. 549 

which has this day been presented for payment ; but the holder has, at the 
same time, been informed that the bill is for part of a sum now due to the 
State of Illinois, and that immediately upon the receipt of the return required 
by law, jjayment would be made. 

I have the honor to be. 

With great respect, sir, 

Your obedient servant, 

S. D. INGHAM. 
To Gov. N, Edwards, Belleville, Illinois. 



Treasury Department, May 13, 1829. 
Sir : 

Your Excellency's letter, of the 3d ult., was duly received ; and, subsequent- 
ly, that of your Excellency and the other Commissioners, dated on the 1st ult., 
inclosing an account of the disposition of the sums which have been paid to 
them for the encouragement of learning, within the State of Illinois, under 
the act of the 12th of December, 1820. 

It would have afforded great satisfaction to the Department to have found, 
in that account and in the explanations presented in your Excellency's com- 
munications, a justification for the payment of the drafts of the Commission- 
ers for the amount which has subsequently accrued. But the law must be 
the rule of action ; and as the Department cannot consider the investment 
which the account shows to have been made of the moneys hitherto paid in 
purchasing the State debt as an application of those moneys, according to 
law, it deems itself prohibited by law from making any further payment un- 
til an account is presented, showing the application of the sums already paid 
to the purposes for which alone the law declares they shall be applied. 

It is a cause of sincere regret to the Department that, with the strongest 
desire to regard as correct such a disposition of the funds in question as the 
authorities of the State of Illinois might have deemed proper, it has not found 
grounds to concur in the views which they have taken of the subject. 

Anxious, as an occasion of so much delicacy and interest, that the State 

should not suffer by any error of judgment, on my part, I have submitted the 

whole subject to the notice of the President, who has been pleased to apjirove 

of the course which has been adopted. 

I have the honor to be, 

Yery respectfully, 

Your obedient servant, 

ASBURY DICKENS. 

Acting Sec'ij Trecmiry. 
To Gov. N. Edwards. 



ARPENDIX.— NOTES. 



Note to Pages 7 and 8. — Tlie form of government established by tlie 
resolutions and ordinances of 1784 was in accordance with the jirinciples of 
the patriots of our Revolution, as will be seen from the following extracts : 

Resolutions offered by Mr. Jefferson at a meeting of the freeholders of Albemarle on the 36th 

July, 1774. 

^'Besolved, That the inhabitants of the several States of British America are 
subject to the laws which they adopted at their first settlement, and to such 
others as have been since made by their respective Legislatures, duly consti- 
tuted and appointed with their own consent ; that no other Legislature 
whatever can rightfully exercise authority over them." 

" But that we do not point out to His Majesty the injustice of these acts, 
with intent to rest on that principle the cause of their nullity, but to show 
that experience confirms the propriety -of those political principles which 
exempt us from the jurisdiction of the British Parliament. Tlie true ground 
on which tee declare these acts void is that the British Parliament has no right to 
exercise authority overuse — [ABummary Vieio of tlie Bights of British America^ 
hj Jefferson. 

"Can any one reason be assigned why 160,000 electors in Great Britain 
should give law to 4,000,000 in America ; every individual of whom is equal 
to every individual of them, in virtue, in understanding and in bodily 
stren"-th ? Were this to be admitted, instead of being a free people, we should 
suddenly be found the slaves not of one, but of one hundred and sixty thou- 
sand tyrants." — EandalVs Life of Jeff'erson, pages 95 and ante. 

It was declared by the first Congress, in 1774, "that the foundation of 
English liberty, and of all free government, was the right of the people to 
■narticipate in the legislative power ; and they were entitled to a free and exclu- 
sive mwer of legislation in all matters of internal policy in their provincial 
Leo-islatures, where the right of legislation can alone be preserved, and that 
bv emioration they have not forfeited, surrendered or lost any of those 

rights." 

The Congress of the Colonies, in their plan for an "accommodation with 
Great Britain, in 1775, " insisted on the repeal of the obnoxious acts, the 
undisturbed exercise, by the respective colonies, of the 2)oioers of internal legis- 
lation and the free enjoyment of the rights of conscience ; but conceded to 
Great Britain the power to regulate the trade of the whole empire." In the 



APPENDIX. — NOTES. II 



euumeration of tlieir injuries, they said, "By one statute it is declared that 
Parliament can of right make laws to bind us in all cases whatsoever. What 
is to defend us against so unlimited a power ? Not a single man of those 
who assume it is chosen hy us." 

" Rather than submit to the right of legislating for us assumed by the Brit- 
ish Parliament," wrote Mr. Jefferson, from Monticello, in 1774, "I would lend 
my hand to sink the whole island in the ocean." 

Recognizing the right of each Colony toregu^^ its internal iJolicy, Benja- 
min Franklin submitted to the Congress of ^^M^^ outline for the confede- 
racy of the Colonies, which provided "tl^ABn Colony was to retain and 
amend its own laws and constitution, ac^Bing to its separate discretion, 
while the powers of the General Government were to include all questions of 
war, peace and alliance, commerce, currency and the establishment of posts, 
the army, navy and Indian affairs, and the management of lands not yet 
ceded by the natives." 

Virginia, in her Bill of Rights, in 1776, declared "that elections of mem- 
bers or representatives of the people ought to be free, and no one ought to 
be taxed or deprived of their property for public uses without their own 
consent or that of their rei^resentatives, nor tound iy any lata to ichicJi. they 
have not assented,'''' And in the instruction of their delegates in Congress by 
the Colonies, nearly all of them insisted "that the power of forming govern- 
ment for, and the regulation of the internal concerns of each Colony be left 
to their respective Colonial Legislatures." 

Note to Page 147. — Among the letters referred to on page 147, for the 
l^urpose of showing the high estimation in which Gov. Edwards was held 
after his controversy with Mr. Crawford, I omitted to state that Gen. Jackson 
thus assured him on May 6th, 1829 : "I now understand the state of parties 
well in Illinois, and am resolved to sustain your friends, and can with truth say, 
if your friends have not heretofore been noticed, it is because you have not writ- 
ten and notified me of your wishes." Very soon after this, Dr. B. F. Edwards, 
his brother, received the appointment of Receiver of the Land OiEce ; the Rev. 
Samuel H. Thompson, who was the candidate for the office of Lieutenant-Gov- 
ernor on the same ticket with him in his canvass for Governor, that of Register 
of the Land Office, and the Hon. David J. Baker, who received the appoint- 
ment from him of United States' Senator to fill the vacancy caused by the 
death of Senator McLean, was appointed United States' District Attorney, of 
whom Senator Kane, in a letter to Gov. Edwards, says, " Your appointee, Mr. 
Baker, has behaved with much prudence and like a man of good sense. I 
have become attached to him and will take some fit occasion to give him 
some substantial proof of my good opinion." Gen. Duff. Green also, in a 
letter to Gov.' Edwards, dated September 6, 1826, says : " You will find Gen. 
Jackson your friend. I have seen and conversed with him, and I know that 
he thinks better of Mr. Cook than of any of the party who voted against 
him." The Hon, Nathaniel Pope, Judge, and Wm. II. Brown, Clerk of the 
United States' Court, Col. Thomas Mather, President of the State Bank, and 
the following persons who were ai^pointed or elected to office during his ad- 



if ■-' 

III APPENDIX. — NOTES. 

ruinistration : Alexander P. Field, Secretary of State ; George Forqucr, Attor-' 
ney-General ; E. C. Berry, Auditor ; Hon. R. M. Young, Judge of the only V* 
Circuit Court — were his warmest personal and jjolitical friends, as was also 
Judge Breese, who, though at that time very young but very distinguished for 
his talents and learning, had held the offices of Postmaster, Secretary of State, 
State's Attorney, and District.Attorney of the United States— all of which he 
filled with honor. In the continuation of my History, I Avill have it in my 
power to show that in theg^ces he has since held, no one could have dis- 
charged the duties impos^^^yiim with greater ability and more usefulness 
than he has done ; and tha^Bteenator of the United States and as a Judge, 
both of the Circuit and SuprolP Courts, he was not surpassed by any one 
who had filled either of those offices. The State owes him a debt of grati- 
tude for many very important measures which he originated and which have 
resulted so beneficially in advancing it to its present prosperous condition. It 
is net true, as was stated in the January number of " The Western Monthly," 
that he was removed from the office of State's Attorney by Gov. Edwards. He 
was not reappointed because he had received the appointment of United 
States' District Attorney. I also know that in the year 1829, when it was 
supposed that there would be a vacancy in the Supreme Court of the State, 
Gov. Edwards intended to fill it by appointing him. 

With the exception of the Black Hawk War, my present work closes with 
the administration of Gov. Edwards. I expect to resume it with the com- 
mencement of the administration of his successor. Gov. Reynolds, when I will 
speak of other prominent men (and among them Col. John Dement, who was^ 
in 1830, elected Treasurer of the State) somewhat on the plan of the memoir 
I have ffiven of the Hon. Daniel P. Cook. 



POPULATION OF ILLINOIS. 

In 1810, 13,282 

In 1870, 3,529,410 



ERRATA. 



Pa^e 4, for, above was adopted, read, above resolutiou8 were adopted ; page 101, for, Illinois 
question! read, Missouri question; page 103, for, which would have, read, and would have ; page 
120, for, have, read, has; page IIT, for, scandles, read, scandals; page 148, for, expert, read, 
report ;'page 145, for, Lowne, read, Lourie; page 165, for, bills, read, wills; page 182, for, failure, 
read, future ; page 184, for. Sheet, read. Street ; page 199, for, o'er, read, ever ; page 207, for, exci- 
ted, read, exerted; page 213, for, forget, read, forgot; page 223, for, Yanctuni-form, read, Yanc- 
ton' uniform; page 226, for, pursuasion, read, persuasion; page 217,^ for Judges Pope, read, Judge 
Pope; paga291, for, Biswell, read, Bissell; page 425, ior, batchelder, read, bachelor; page 429, 
for seven, read, severe; page 451, for, do it, read, make it; page 236, for, fonrta, read, fourth. 



' C . fr 



y 



